DAP Strategy – From 6-Month Notice To Quitting Anwar Govt

DAP Strategy – From 6-Month Notice To Quitting Anwar Govt


December 12th, 2025 by financetwitter



Both PKR and DAP are in panic mode after their crushing defeats in the recent Sabah state election. The only difference is PKR doesn’t know what to do next, while DAP has started making strategic and tactical moves to salvage the damage. Parti Keadilan Rakyat (People’s Justice Party) or PKR appears calm after the shocking Sabah rejection because they are still busy licking its own wounds.



There are four key reasons why PKR remains silent. First – they keep quiet to let their president Anwar Ibrahim take the responsibility. Second – they are still in denial, while arrogantly believing and hoping, even pretending, that the Sabah tsunami would not reach Peninsular Malaysia. Third – they think Chinese have no other choice but to keep voting Pakatan Harapan. Fourth – they are directionless after losing its chief strategist Rafizi Ramli.



On the contrary, the Democratic Action Party or DAP has finally found its voice because they realize the Sabah tsunami is real and could sweep Malaya. Unlike narcissist Anwar, who has to put up a brave face to save face, DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook has given Anwar six months to deliver meaningful reforms or else DAP will reassess its role in the government.



Whether it is just a DAP’s “sandiwara” or political theatrical performance to hoodwink the Chinese voters, of whom 95% support allowed the party to capture 40 parliamentary seats in the Nov 2022 general election, remains to be seen. Unlike in the 1980s or 1990s, today’s Chinese, especially the Gen-Z, are too smart to be scammed, so trick the community at your own peril.



From Gobind Singh slamming Melaka police for denying a woman and her daughter entry to the police station to make a police report about a car accident over “short skirt” to Nga Kor Ming pushing for UEC (Unified Examination Certificate) recognition, DAP is scrambling to win over Chinese hearts again in a high-stake poker game. It’s a gambling DAP must win, or risk being ridiculed and rejected by the Chinese community.



The popular mantra – “if the Chinese do not vote for Pakatan Harapan, who else could they vote for” – has become stale and increasingly ineffective, even annoying. If there isn’t a good choice, the Chinese would rather sleep at home than suffer under the hot Sun to vote for Pakatan, only to be bullied, threatened, and terrorized without any leaders defending them.




It’s not rocket science why PKR stays silent, while the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) unleashed its gangster Akmal Saleh to attack DAP. It shows PKR top leadership is not entirely against the UEC recognition in order to appease the angry ethnic Chinese. At the same time, both DAP and UMNO could become their own community’s champions by quarrelling about it.



However, even if DAP wins, which it can’t, a UEC recognition would come with many strings attached. For example, students at Chinese independent schools who sit for the UEC may be required to master Malay language first – even though they had scored distinction – under a so-called new “language policy”, deliberately creating new road blocks to reject the Chinese and to pacify Malay racists and extremists from UMNO.



The scope of recognition could also see Chinese UEC graduates forced to pay extremely high fees like international students to enter Malaysian public universities. Under the pretext of the quota system, students with UEC qualification could still face limited seats, defeating the purpose of recognizing the UEC in the first place. In fact, there are thousands of dirty tricks that the government could use to bully and discriminate the minority Chinese.




Anwar, a known anti-Chinese who is still the same radical Islamist using Islam as a platform to achieve his political ambition, is not expected to recognize UEC easily despite pressure from DAP. Prior to its state election in November, Sabah state government under Chief Minister Hajiji announced the recognition of UEC in October, leading to Hajiji’s GRS alliance winning the election.



Students in Sabah who sit for the UEC examination and score a credit in Malay language in SPM are eligible not only to apply for Sabah state scholarships to study in education institutions under the Sabah state government, but also qualify to join the civil service in the Borneo state. In Sarawak, the offer is even better – UEC graduates can study for FREE in state-owned universities.



As DAP rushes against six months to package a value meal set of reforms for Anwar’s green light, the Chinese-dominated party is also preparing for the worst – in case racist Anwar chicken out. UMNO could milk the sensitive issue to win over Malay voters by provoking and inciting a racial bloody riot, which could see an interference of Malay Rulers in favour of rejecting UEC recognition.




Yes, PKR and UMNO could be working hand-in-glove to sabotage DAP’s UEC recognition, giving PM Anwar an excuse to reject it under the pretext of “Malay sensitivity”, while at the same time allowing Malay nationalist party UMNO to emerge victorious among ethnic Malay. Under pressure, DAP under the weak leadership of Loke may abandon its own pet projects.



However, the Chinese are too clever to be scammed with such an obsolete drama script.If the perception among the community remains negative, DAP has to execute “Plan-B”, which involvesquitting the Unity Government en bloc but will continue to support the prime minister. That explains why Loke specifically said during an interview that DAP will not withdraw support till the next 16th General Election.



There are reasons why DAP has to give Anwar a six-month notice rather than quitting immediately like UPKO, even though it’s impossible the stubborn and arrogant Premier could deliver meaningful reforms in the next 6 months after failing to do so in the past 36 months. The first reason is to buy some time for Anwar as DAP still prefers PKR as partner as it is relatively less radical.




The second reason is to give time for DAP – once perceived as a fearless and outspoken party against corruption, racism, extremism and injustice during the era of Lim Kit Siang and Karpal Singh – to build back its previous momentum as the aggressive fighter who would not think twice about defending and voicing out on behalf of the oppressed minorities.



The third reason is to avoid being branded a traitor responsible for triggering political havoc. Anwar’s government will collapse with withdrawal from DAP’s huge 40 seats, the second-biggest party in the Parliament after Islamist party PAS. The 6-month allows DAP to shift all the blame to PKR if Anwar is still pussyfooting on the reforms thereafter, with hopes the tactical move would also impress Chinese vote bank.



As an insurance to ensure political stability and to prevent opportunistic Islamist party PAS from replacing DAP in the Unity Government, DAP would still support Anwar as the 10th Prime Minister even if all DAP ministers resign en bloc in protest against Anwar’s refusal to reform. Still, DAP would be mocked and ridiculed for trying to hoodwink the Chinese voters.




Exactly why DAP quits the Madani government but still supports Anwar if the PM will not lose power anyway because PAS could easily take over DAP’s role? This is the reason why Anwar would arrogantly ignore reforms, especially DAP’s demand for UEC recognition. The burning question is whether Anwar Ibrahim dares to invite PAS to join the unity government.



Technically, PKR has to get UMNO’s approval before inviting opposition Perikatan Nasional to join the ruling federal government. However, there’s a catch – should they invite PAS only or both PAS and Bersatu? While PKR has no issue working with both opposition parties, UMNO hates Bersatu. UMNO could reluctantly work with PAS through the previously formed Muafakat Nasional alliance.



Then, there’s the question of whether PAS will join the unity government without Bersatu, a move which can be seen as betraying its ally for the sake of power, even though PAS president Hadi Awang and Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin do not see eye-to-eye due to silent competition for prime ministerial candidate. Even if power-hungry PAS is eager to join to “save the Malays”, it will not be a walk in the park.




The national cooperation between UMNO and PAS, glorified as “Muafakat Nasional” under the pretext of Malay-unity after UMNO-led Barisan Nasional coalition lost power in the May 2018 General Election, became paralysed after UMNO accused the Islamist party of betrayal for inviting Bersatu into Muafakat without consultation with UMNO. So, can UMNO trust PAS this round?



Assuming another Malay-Muslim government – comprising PKR, UMNO, PAS and Bersatu – is formed. What’s next? Can they continue to work like one big happy family in the next 16th General Election, which is about 2 years away? If the previously UMNO-PAS-Bersatu backdoor regime, which collapsed after only 17 months under Muhyiddin, is any indicator, a new Malay-centric government is bound to fail again.



Therefore, Anwar will be digging a bigger grave hole for PKR if he invites PAS into Madani as the Chinese will abandon the traitor. Because PKR, UMNO, PAS and Bersatu are competing for the same Malay votes, PKR would be the biggest loser as it is the only party that is not a purely Malay-based party. In fact, both PKR and Bersatu are splinters of UMNO, and they both command the lion’s share of 80% of Malay support.




With less than 20% Malay support, PKR leaders have only dared to contest in mixed constituencies, refusing to leave safe urban constituencies and contest in Malay-majority, rural seats in the past elections. Without the Chinese votes, Anwar’s People’s Justice Party is toast. Did Mr. Anwar really think Perikatan Nasional, having captured 74 seats in 2022, is generous enough to give away 30 seats for PKR?



Like it or not, DAP has to save itself first before it can try to save PKR. Even then, it depends on whether Anwar – still drunk with power, arrogance, racism and Islamisation – wanted to be saved. To save itself, DAP has to distance itself from the toxic prime minister and his anti-Chinese policies. Make no mistake – DAP is now under existential threat after a total annihilation in the recent Sabah election.



DAP will most likely go back to the opposition camp if it could win only half of its current 40 parliamentary seats in the next national election, while PKR could be wiped out without the Chinese support, or at most managed to defend a handful of seats. DAP’s bargaining power depends on how many seats it could bring to the negotiation table, not Anthony Loke’s sentimental friendship with Anwar Ibrahim.