Sunday, May 31, 2026

M’sian Policewoman Reunites With Teacher Who Secretly Paid Her STPM Fees 20 Years Ago



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M’sian Policewoman Reunites With Teacher Who Secretly Paid Her STPM Fees 20 Years Ago


31 May 2026 • 1:23 PM MYT




A Malaysian policewoman has warmed hearts online after sharing how she finally reunited with the teacher who once helped her during one of the toughest periods of her life.


The woman, identified as Ain Ahmad, recently took to TikTok during Teacher’s Day to pay tribute to her former teacher, Koay Aun Chuan, a retired teacher from SMK Kuala Ketil.

Although they came from different racial backgrounds, Ain said Koay never hesitated to help her when she was a struggling student more than 20 years ago.


Screengrab via TikTok


Although we are of different races, Teacher Koay always helped me when my family was poor back then. Thank you, Teacher Koay Aun Chuan from SMK Kuala Ketil,” she wrote.


Could not afford STPM exam fees

According to Ain, the incident happened when she was in Form Six around 2003.

At the time, she came from a poor family and was worried as she could not afford to pay her STPM examination fees.


Screengrab via TikTok


She recalled that there was only one week left before the payment deadline when Koay, who taught Geography, approached her and asked when she would be able to settle the fees.


He also reminded her that she would not be allowed to sit for the exam if the payment was not made.


I told him it wasn’t that I did not want to pay. I just did not have the money yet,” she said.

Ain said she was so desperate at the time that she even thought about pawning her belongings to raise the money.

Thankfully, Koay stepped in to help her secure assistance, allowing her to pay the fees and sit for the exam.


Teacher quietly placed money on her desk

Ain shared that Koay’s kindness did not stop there.

Whenever she needed to buy reference books, photocopy exam papers, or pay for other study related expenses, Koay would quietly place money on her desk without letting her classmates notice.


Screengrab via TikTok


Even if it was just 20 sen for photocopying, he would return the money to me,” she recalled.

She added that Koay often reminded his students to study hard, saying that education was the only way to change one’s fate.

That advice stayed with her even after she left school.


Reunited after 20 years

Now a police officer, Ain said she had been hoping for years to find the teacher who had changed her life.

After a long search, she finally managed to reconnect with Koay recently.

At first, she sent him a fruit basket through a courier to express her gratitude.


Screengrab via TikTok


Later, during a holiday, she finally had the chance to visit him in person, fulfilling a wish she had kept for many years.

Ain also shared that Koay told her he had been involved in a road accident several years ago, but is currently in good health.

He also said that many of his former students had visited him over the years.

The touching reunion has since moved many social media users, with many praising Koay for his quiet kindness and Ain for never forgetting the teacher who helped her when she needed it most.


OPINION | Why PAS’ Shot Across Bersatu’s Bow Changes the Malay Heartland Forever



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OPINION | Why PAS’ Shot Across Bersatu’s Bow Changes the Malay Heartland Forever


31 May 2026 • 12:00 PM MYT



Malaymail


In late May 2026, a quiet sense of exhaustion hung over the rural constituencies of the Malaysian Peninsula. For months, local market traders, young ride-hailing drivers, and working-class families had been wrestling with a stubborn domestic reality: the soaring cost of daily living, erratic governance signals, and an unyielding economic squeeze. Yet, as ordinary citizens scanned the horizon for long-term socio-economic relief, they were greeted instead by the thunderous rumbling of an impending tectonic shift within the upper echelons of the federal opposition. The fragile green-and-blue fabric of Perikatan Nasional (PN) a coalition that only a few years prior swept through the northern and eastern belts like an unstoppable political tsunami was caught in an unprecedented public fracture. The long-simmering friction between its two heavyweights had finally blown its lid.



The tremor originated directly from Marang, Terengganu, where PAS President Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang delivered a cold, calculated warning that shook the foundations of contemporary Malaysian politics. Speaking to reporters at his residence in Rusila, Hadi announced that PAS is actively re-examining and evaluating every single aspect of its relationship with Bersatu. It was not an off-the-cuff complaint; it was a structural indictment. Citing a string of broken promises, grassroots imbalance, and internal betrayals, Hadi dropped a phrase that immediately trended across Malaysian social media networks: patience has its limits.



For the Malaysian reader accustomed to the coded, polite semantics of traditional Malay diplomacy, this aggressive posture signalled an institutional breaking point. PAS, the oldest and largest Islamist party in the nation, is no longer willing to play second fiddle to a heavily fractured, urban-centric Malay nationalist ally. The implications of this rift stretch far beyond mere parliamentary seat negotiations. It strikes at the heart of Malaysia's deep cultural and socio-political evolution, setting up a brutal narrative regarding who truly commands the soul of the conservative Malay electorate.



The Breaking Point: How the Marriage of Convenience Soured


To understand why this political marriage is teetering on a high-profile divorce, one must trace the transactional nature of the Perikatan Nasional project. Formed in the chaotic wake of the 2020 "Sheraton Move," PN was initially a defensive wall built to capture the massive, conservative Malay-Muslim vote. PAS provided the institutional stamina, an army of fiercely loyal grassroots volunteers, and absolute ideological discipline. Bersatu, led by former Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, offered a more corporate, technocratic "Grand Old Party" aesthetic designed to appeal to middle-class, urban, and suburban Malays who found PAS’s unyielding Islamist rhetoric too alienating.



However, institutional friction quickly eroded this top-tier alignment. In his press conference, Hadi openly aired long-standing grievances regarding electoral machinery, revealing that during past state elections and by-elections, Bersatu consistently demanded a lion's share of winnable seats despite possessing virtually no logistical presence on the ground. The reality on the campaign trail was stark: Bersatu would field the candidates, but it was the tireless, self-funded PAS machinery that knocked on doors, hung up flags, and mobilized voters. This structural parasitism bred deep resentment among the PAS rank-and-file, who increasingly felt they were being used as foot soldiers to prop up a weak ally.



The flashpoints that pushed this relationship over the edge were deeply institutional. A major catalyst was the late 2025 Perlis political crisis, which saw an internal coup where a Bersatu assemblyman orchestrated the ousting of the incumbent PAS Menteri Besar to install his own nominee. This was coupled with similar territorial friction in Kedah and Kelantan regarding the appointment of executive councillors and state assembly speakers. In Hadi’s view, Bersatu had overstepped its bounds, acting like a dominant political boss while lacking the organic grassroots power to justify such arrogance. Furthermore, Hadi criticized Bersatu for actively blocking broader Malay-Muslim unification efforts by rejecting the entry of other conservative factions and non-extremist minority groups into the PN fold.



The Anatomy of an Implosion: Bersatu’s Deepening Identity Crisis


While PAS assesses its options from a position of relative strength, Bersatu finds itself staring down an existential barrel. The party has been undergoing a slow-motion implosion for over a year, culminating in a catastrophic internal split. In February 2026, the party sacked its powerful former Deputy President, Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainuddin, along with several high-profile elected representatives who breached party discipline.


This dramatic purge did not consolidate Muhyiddin’s power; instead, it fractured the party's remaining foundations. Hamzah and his band of castaways immediately launched a rival political movement named "Reset," which has been actively courting conservative voters. The rise of this movement has fundamentally altered the political landscape, offering PAS an alternative, highly motivated partner that lacks Bersatu's corporate baggage.



Compounding this misery was the messy leadership transition within Perikatan Nasional itself. In early 2026, Muhyiddin Yassin unexpectedly resigned as PN Chairman, leading to the appointment of PAS’s rising star, Terengganu Menteri Besar Dr. Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, to the top post. Yet, despite holding the chairmanship, PN experienced intense internal paralysis over who would assume the crucial role of Opposition Leader in Parliament, leaving Hamzah in the seat for weeks despite his lack of party locus standi. When PN finally decreed in March 2026 that the Opposition Leader must come from PAS, Bersatu's national prestige suffered a devastating blow. The message was clear: PAS was taking over the steering wheel of the entire conservative apparatus.



Sociological Shift: The Rise of the Post-Nationalist Malay Voter


From a cultural and sociological perspective, this rift exposes an ongoing evolution within the Malay electorate. For decades, Malay politics was anchored by traditional nationalist institutions like UMNO, which preached a philosophy of racial guardianship intertwined with state patronage. When Bersatu broke away from UMNO, it attempted to replicate that exact model of elite-driven, bureaucratic nationalism.


However, contemporary political analysis indicates that younger and working-class Malay voters are shifting away from these traditional, top-down structures. The modern conservative voter is increasingly motivated by a combination of digital-age religious identity and acute economic anxiety. PAS has successfully tapped into this demographic shift through an omnipresent social media strategy and a hyper-localized welfare network that operates entirely independent of federal state patronage.



To the average rural or semi-urban voter, Bersatu looks like a collection of elite, disgruntled Kuala Lumpur politicians fighting over boardrooms and ministerial titles. Conversely, PAS represents a cohesive, culturally integrated community ecosystem. By signaling a potential split from Bersatu, Hadi Awang is showing that PAS no longer needs a Westernized or corporate middleman to sanitize its image for the national stage. The party is fully confident that its brand of populist Islamism can capture the imagination of the public entirely on its own merits.



The Geopolitical and Strategic Calculus: Can PAS Truly Go Solo?


As the political dust settles, the big question dominating conversation across Malaysia is whether PAS can actually afford to cut Bersatu loose ahead of the 16th General Election (GE16). The institutional arithmetic offers a nuanced picture. Political analysts point out that when PAS contested entirely on its own in the 2018 General Election, it captured a modest 18 parliamentary seats. Yet, when it combined forces with Bersatu under the unified PN banner in 2022, that number exploded to an unprecedented 43 seats.



This statistical reality reveals a vital strategic dilemma. While PAS can easily sweep the monocultural Malay heartlands of Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, and Perlis without an ally, it faces an uphill battle in the mixed-demographic, urbanized constituencies of the west coast. In states like Selangor, Johor, and Perak, winning requires capturing a slice of the moderate, middle-class, and non-Malay vote areas where PAS’s hardline ideological stance historically struggles to gain traction.


However, the current leadership within PAS appears convinced that the political landscape has shifted fundamentally since 2022. Following Hadi's warning, PAS Youth Chief Afnan Hamimi Taib Azamudden issued a rallying cry, calling on the party's young machinery to prepare themselves mentally and logistically for whatever executive decision the leadership makes regarding the alliance. The party has mobilized its powerful Syura Council and central research division to map out an independent electoral blueprint. If PAS decides to drop Bersatu, it may choose to form a tactical alliance with the newly emerged "Reset" movement or selectively revive elements of its old Muafakat Nasional pact with UMNO dissidents, effectively leaving Bersatu isolated and electorally destitute.



What do you think? I’d love to hear your opinion in the comments section.


What does this mean for the future of our nation's democracy? We are witnessing the slow death of the traditional coalition model that defined the post-independence era, replaced by an volatile landscape where alliances are transient, highly transactional, and discarded the moment the grassroots machinery feels exploited. If PAS decides to officially walk away, it will mark the beginning of a polarized era in Malaysian governance one where a highly disciplined, ideologically pure bloc goes head-to-head against a diverse, urban coalition, with no nationalist buffers left in between.



The political chessboard is being rewritten in real-time, and the consequences will reverberate through our neighborhoods for a generation to come. It forces us to ask deep questions about what we value most in our leaders: 

Is it corporate technocracy, or is it grassroots reliability? Can a party truly govern a multicultural nation by dominating only one specific heartland, or are we bound to a cycle of unstable coalitions that break apart at the first sign of electoral friction? The ultimate decision won't just be made in the high-walled bungalows of Marang or the modern office complexes of Shah Alam; it will be decided by the quiet calculations of regular citizens at the ballot box.


Will Permatang Pauh emerge as a potential battleground for Anwar’s electoral future?



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Will Permatang Pauh emerge as a potential battleground for Anwar’s electoral future?


31 May 2026 • 11:03 AM MYT



The Vibes
Featuring breaking news & latest stories from every side







AS political parties quietly begin positioning themselves for the next general election, few constituencies are attracting as much attention as Permatang Pauh, where speculation is mounting that Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim could seek to reclaim the seat long regarded as the heartland of his political movement.

The growing conjecture follows a series of high-profile appearances by Anwar in the constituency over the past 18 months, prompting renewed debate over whether the Prime Minister is preparing for a return to the parliamentary seat that shaped both his political rise and his family's enduring influence in Malaysian politics.

The speculation intensified further after Anwar attended Aidiladha celebrations in Permatang Pauh last week, where he donated 260 cattle for sacrificial rites, a gesture widely noted by local political observers amid increasing election talk.

For more than 40 years, Permatang Pauh was synonymous with the Anwar political dynasty. Since 1982, the seat has been represented by Anwar, his wife Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail and their daughter, Nurul Izzah Anwar, making it one of the most recognisable political strongholds in the country.



That dominance came to an abrupt end during the 2022 general election when PAS candidate Muhammad Fawwaz Mohamad Jan defeated Nurul Izzah in one of the election’s biggest upsets, handing the Islamist party a landmark victory in a constituency once considered impregnable.

The loss transformed Permatang Pauh into a symbol of the broader political shift that saw PAS and its allies make significant inroads into traditional Pakatan Harapan territory, particularly among Malay voters.

While PKR insiders insist no formal decision has been made regarding future candidacies, discussions surrounding a possible Anwar comeback have become increasingly difficult to ignore.

The Prime Minister currently represents Tambun in Perak and has publicly given no indication that he intends to vacate the seat. Nevertheless, party sources acknowledge that electoral strategies can change rapidly as political circumstances evolve.

Some within PKR believe a return to Permatang Pauh could carry significant symbolic value, particularly if the next election becomes a referendum on Anwar’s reform agenda and the future of the Unity Government.



The debate has also been fuelled by Nurul Izzah’s recent election as PKR deputy president, a role that places greater emphasis on national leadership responsibilities rather than constituency-based politics.

PKR veteran Datuk Abdul Halim Hussein noted that decisions on electoral candidacies are often finalised only shortly before polling day and suggested several factors could influence the party's calculations.

According to Halim, Nurul Izzah’s growing national profile may alter PKR’s electoral deployment strategy, while Wan Azizah could opt to step back from active politics after decades spent supporting Anwar through both government and opposition years, including periods when he was imprisoned.

Anwar himself has demonstrated flexibility in selecting constituencies throughout his political career. After returning to Parliament through Port Dickson in 2018, he later shifted his electoral base to Tambun in the 2022 general election.

Party insiders maintain that PKR’s primary objective remains ensuring Anwar secures a convincing mandate regardless of where he contests.



"We remain focused on helping Anwar win in whatever seat he chooses to defend. The odds are tough as in every election, especially since Anwar's clarion calls for reforms send shivers to his rivals, who are afraid of persecution if he wins," party insiders said.

Within PKR, there is also recognition that the next election could present a more challenging political landscape than previous contests.

Despite leading the federal government, Anwar continues to navigate competing interests within the Unity Government while facing criticism from both supporters and opponents regarding the pace of reforms promised under the Madani administration.

At the same time, PAS remains a formidable electoral force, having emerged from recent elections with enhanced influence and organisational strength, particularly in Malay-majority constituencies.

As part of broader efforts to strengthen its position in Penang, PKR is understood to be assessing several potential candidates and strategists capable of broadening the party’s appeal among middle-ground voters.

Among the names frequently mentioned are former Penanti assemblywoman Datuk Dr Norlela Ariffin and Finance Minister II Senator Datuk Seri Amir Hamzah Azizan.

Both figures are viewed as possessing strong technocratic credentials that could resonate with moderate and urban Malay voters, a demographic increasingly contested by both government and opposition coalitions.

Amir, in particular, has attracted attention as one of the government's leading economic policymakers. As a Penang-born minister with extensive corporate experience, some within PKR view him as a potential future electoral asset should he choose to enter frontline politics once his Senate term concludes.

Former Balik Pulau Member of Parliament Yusmadi Yusoff has also been mentioned in political circles, reflecting the party's efforts to deepen its bench of experienced figures ahead of the next electoral contest.

The wider significance of the Permatang Pauh question extends beyond a single constituency.

Political analysts increasingly view Penang as one of the most strategically important states heading into the next election, with shifting voter demographics, changing political loyalties and the emergence of new political actors creating a far more competitive environment than in previous decades.

The anticipated arrival of Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli’s new political platform, Bersama, could further complicate electoral calculations, potentially reshaping opposition and reformist voter dynamics across the state.

Against this backdrop, Permatang Pauh has become more than a parliamentary seat. It now represents a test of whether PKR can reclaim ground lost during the political realignment of 2022 and whether Anwar remains willing to return to the constituency most closely associated with his political legacy.

As speculation surrounding an early general election continues to grow, the question of who will carry PKR’s banner in Permatang Pauh is likely to remain one of the most closely watched developments in Malaysian politics. - May 31, 2026

Confirmed Ebola cases nearly double in days as WHO chief visits DR Congo



Confirmed Ebola cases nearly double in days as WHO chief visits DR Congo

WHO’s Tedros calls for a community-led fight as a rare Ebola strain spreads rapidly through conflict-hit eastern DRC.

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Director-General of the World Health Organisation (WHO) Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus arrives at the Bunia National Airport, to coordinate the response to the Ebola outbreak, as agencies intensify efforts to contain a new Ebola outbreak caused by the Bundibugyo virus strain, at the Bunia National Airport in Bunia, Ituri province, Democratic Republic of Congo, May 30, 2026. REUTERS/Gradel Muyisa Mumbere
WHO chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus arrives at Bunia airport, the epicentre of the Ebola outbreak, in eastern DRC on May 30, 2026 [Gradel Muyisa Mumbere/Reuters]

The head of the United Nations health agency is visiting the epicentre of a deadly Ebola outbreak in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), urging local communities to lead the fight against a disease whose confirmed cases have nearly doubled in two days.

Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the World Health Organization (WHO) director-general, arrived in Bunia, the capital of Ituri province, on Saturday.

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“The international community is involved under the leadership of the government of DRC, and at the same time, community ownership is important; that’s why we’re here to discuss with the community to see how the response is you know, running, and if there are challenges, to help,” Tedros told reporters.

“The communities understand the problems better, and they know the solution, as well.”

Congolese authorities say the number of confirmed cases in DRC reached 225 on Friday, nearly double the figure of 121 reported two days earlier.

The outbreak is caused by the Bundibugyo virus, a rare and severe form of Ebola for which there is no approved vaccine or treatment.

The WHO has declared the outbreak a global health emergency, its highest level of alarm, and the medical NGO Doctors Without Borders, known by its French initials MSF, calls it one of the fastest-spreading Ebola outbreaks ever recorded.

Authorities have also recorded 1,028 suspected cases and more than 220 suspected deaths in DRC, while the disease has crossed into neighbouring Uganda, which has recorded nine confirmed cases and one death.



MP SPEAKS | Multiracialism in danger of being lost in transition










MP SPEAKS | Multiracialism in danger of being lost in transition


William Leong
Published: May 30, 2026 5:00 PM
Updated: 7:00 PM




MP SPEAKS | Splinter parties: In professing the same ideology as the parent political party, splinter parties generally do more harm than good for the original movement.

Hung Parliament: The 15th general election resulted in a hung Parliament, with no single party or coalition winning enough seats to form the federal government.

Due to necessity, a minority government has to form a post-election coalition based on practical considerations instead of shared ideologies or common core values.

The unity government, by its composition, obviously cannot satisfy the supporters of each of its component parties.

This uneasy coalition needs to constantly find common ground to overcome the irreconcilable tension between coalition parties of divergent interests and priorities, or risk the coalition breaking.

Unfulfilled expectations: Without giving due consideration to the fact that the unity government consists of 19 parties of differing ideologies and dissimilar values, the formation of splinter parties spurred by differences in opinion, impatience in the apparent slow pace of reforms, and disappointment arising from high expectations now puts multiracialism in danger of being lost in transition.




Indisputable fact: It is indisputable that splinter political parties in the usual course of things not only disrupt the parent party but, in the process, damage the original movement.

Splinter parties, while offering voters more choices in respect of the specific grievances of the particular ideology, contribute to political fragmentation by diluting the movement’s supporters.

It also leads to a potentially less stable political environment and difficulty in forming strong governing coalitions.

Split votes: The splinter party competes with the parent party for the same pool of voters.

Studies have shown that, typically, in the first election after the split, the combined number of votes of the parent party and the splinter party is approximately the same as the total number of votes obtained by the parent party in the last election before the fission.




By competing for the same ideological demographic, parent and splinter parties split the votes.

Depleted resources: The split divides the movement’s resources for campaign funds, experienced organisers, and dedicated volunteers, thereby weakening both the campaigns by the parent and splinter party.

Voter fatigue: Bitter public disputes over whether the splinter party is following the “true path” or the parent party has deviated from the ideals of the original movement lead to voter confusion and breed reform fatigue.

In the end, disillusioned supporters withdraw entirely from the electoral process.

Mutual destruction: In the first-past-the-post election system, the split votes, depleted resources, and voter fatigue mean both the parent party and splinter party lose by handing victory to the rival political competitor.

Example of splinter parties and fragmentation: In terms of the ethno-religious conservative ideological movement, from the parent political party Umno, emerged splinter parties such as PAS, and later Bersatu.




Further fragmentation came in the form of Parti Bangsa Malaysia and parties in the Gerakan Tanah Air coalition, consisting of Pejuang, Putra, Berjasa, and Iman.

With the splintering and fragmentation, Umno/BN failed to win enough seats in GE15 to form the federal government on its own.

The Perikatan Nasional coalition of PAS and Bersatu was not able to form the federal government on its own either.

Multiracial parties squeezing through: In GE15, the Pakatan Harapan coalition of multiracial parties won 82 seats and obtained 38 percent of the popular vote, while PN won 74 seats and obtained 30.12 percent and BN won 30 seats with 23.4 percent.

The divided voter base of the two Malay-Muslim coalitions allowed Harapan to squeeze through.




However, it is to be noted that PAS won 44 seats to emerge as the single largest political party in Parliament with the onset of a “Green Wave”, sweeping through Terengganu, Kelantan, Perlis and Kedah, with major inroads in Penang, Perak, and Selangor.

PAS is no longer the party of only rural Malays but is now also the party of choice for middle-class urban Malays, including many civil servants.

The dilution of the multiracial voter base in the face of the Green Wave will have a serious effect in an anticipated, tightly fought GE16.

The political reality: Multiracialism in Malaysia reflects an ongoing struggle to balance an ethnically diverse demographic reality with a state-sponsored, race-based political framework.

With the different ethnic groups - comprising Malays, Chinese, Indians, indigenous groups, and natives of Sabah and Sarawak - it faces tension between progressives, civic-national ideas, and conservative identity.




The transition towards a post-racial Malaysia has to overcome the obstacles raised by political gatekeepers and entrenched institutional structures.

Progress hinges on navigating the divide between formal ethno-religious divisions and everyday multiculturalism practised by Malaysians on the ground.

In the haste for quick results, one must be careful not to throw the baby out with the bathwater.

WILLIAM LEONG is Selayang MP.

PN rift: Azmin calls Bersatu critics 'deaf', PAS MP moots electoral breakup










PN rift: Azmin calls Bersatu critics 'deaf', PAS MP moots electoral breakup


Published: May 31, 2026 3:05 PM
Updated: 5:05 PM



Tensions in Perikatan Nasional are escalating with a PAS lawmaker suggesting that the party and Bersatu part ways in the next election. 😂👍👍👍

This comes after Bersatu secretary-general Azmin Ali took a dig at PAS' claims that Bersatu did not have strong grassroots support.

Speaking at the launch of Bersatu's Malacca machinery in Klebang last night, Azmin (above, second from left) said there was a large crowd in attendance.

He said there were also big crowds at two previous events in Masjid Tanah and Pantai Kundur.

Based on photos shared by Azmin, it’s estimated that around 200 people attended the event at Klebang last night, which also featured Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin.


Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin (centre) at a Bersatu event in Malacca last night


"I feel hurt when people say we don't have machinery. Open your ears, open your ears. Don't be deaf.

"Who are all these people? They are not orang bunian (fae folk), these are (the Bersatu) machinery," the Bersatu secretary-general exclaimed.

The remark was a retort at jabs from various PAS leaders, including party president Abdul Hadi Awang, who said Bersatu's appetite for seats did not match its small machinery that required heavy support from PAS.

Azmin's remarks triggered PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari, who said if a factual assessment of Bersatu's machinery was deemed "deaf", then there is no hope for harmonious cooperation between the two parties.


PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari


"Therefore, I personally suggest that the best way forward is for us to move separately. 😂👍👍👍

"We can remain friends, just not on an election stage. You (Bersatu) should find a political partner who can hear, see, and smell better," the Pasir Mas MP quipped.

There is strong speculation that PAS' push against Bersatu is aimed at securing a partnership with axed party rebels aligned with former Bersatu deputy president Hamzah Zainudin, who is still partyless.


Subang Jaya rep cites multi-faith support as community strength










Subang Jaya rep cites multi-faith support as community strength


Alyaa Alhadjri
Published: May 31, 2026 2:46 PM
Updated: 4:46 PM



In an older industrial precinct in Subang Jaya, opposite the bustling SS14 commercial area, three non-Muslim houses of worship form the spiritual foundation for Sikh, Hindu, and Buddhist devotees in the Klang Valley.

On Wesak Day today, the Subang Jaya Buddhist Association hosted a celebration supported by its neighbours, the Sri Vatharaja Perumal Temple and Gurdwara Sahib Subang - all three located on Persiaran Kewajipan, SS13.

Subang Jaya assemblyperson Michelle Ng, in her speech, highlighted the progress of a newly constructed 90-car open parking lot behind the three buildings, funded through private donations and aimed at resolving a long-standing problem for multi-faith devotees.

“These three houses of worship are important religious institutions and community focal points.

“During major religious celebrations and important community events such as Puratasi celebrations, Vaisakhi, Wesak Day, and wedding ceremonies, these houses of worship often receive thousands of worshippers and visitors at the same time.

“At times, the dates of these celebrations coincide, resulting in an extraordinary overflow of vehicles that causes traffic congestion and inconvenience, not only to devotees but also to other road users,” she said.

The two-term DAP lawmaker recalled how her predecessor, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department (Federal Territories) Hannah Yeoh, initiated the efforts to address the parking problem. Yeoh left the Subang Jaya state seat and became Segambut MP in 2018.

After several ineffective short-term measures, Ng said her office decided to pursue a strategic collaboration with the public sector, which led to an RM4 million Corporate Social Responsibility project by Sunway Group.


The newly constructed open parking lot


Crediting the community’s support, Ng said, “I myself am a Christian, and we also have representatives (here today) from the Sikh, Hindus, and Muslims together in solidarity.

“I believe this is what makes Subang Jaya special. I want to commend the leadership of all these places of worship for championing this together with us.”

Also present today were representatives from several nearby mosques, who were invited to participate in other non-religious activities, including a free health check-up.


Subang Jaya assemblyperson Michelle Ng with Subang Jaya Buddhist Association president Chim Siew Choon (holding an umbrella) and other religious leaders


State govt guidelines

At a press conference later, Ng reiterated that the Selangor government’s 2025 guidelines on the approval of non-Muslim places of worship in commercial areas will apply only to future developments and will not affect existing commercial zones.

“The state government will also still allow non-Muslim places of worship in commercial areas, subject to local council approval.

“As far as local council approval is concerned, they (state government) are looking at simplifying the process to assist non-Muslim houses of worship to comply with the requirements and make it better,” she said.


Michelle Ng speaking in a press conference


“That will require us to coordinate with the different faith groups, but even before a statement was issued, the groups were already engaged and ready to be involved in the process to refine the current approval process by local councils.

“Long story short, the status quo remains. New developments can still operate in commercial lots subject to council approvals, with the new requirements being worked out,” said Ng.

Last week, Petaling Jaya MP Lee Chean Chung voiced concern over two provisions in the guidelines approved at the state exco meeting on Nov 12, 2025, saying they could have far-reaching implications for religious practices across Selangor.

He noted that Paragraph 6 under “KM: 4-3 Places of Worship Other than Islam” states that “Placement within areas designated as commercial zones is not permitted”.

Yesterday, the Selangor government special committee on Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Sikh and Tao Religious Affairs said the guidelines are meant to facilitate the planning of new development areas, so that places of worship are located close to residential areas.


PAS leader suggests PN allies go separate ways at polls 👍👍👍😂





PAS leader suggests PN allies go separate ways at polls 👍👍👍😂


PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari says his party and Bersatu can still remain friends, but not during elections


PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari took Bersatu to task for not acknowledging that its grassroots machinery is weak.


PETALING JAYA: PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari has suggested that his party and Bersatu contest future elections separately following a dispute over the strength of party machinery within Perikatan Nasional.

Fadli said there was little hope for harmonious cooperation if remarks that Bersatu lacked an effective grassroots machinery were easily dismissed.

He was referring to a viral video of a ceramah by Azmin Ali in Melaka last night, in which the Bersatu secretary-general pushed back against claims that his party lacked grassroots machinery and urged critics to “open their eyes and ears”.


Fadhli also raised concerns about Bersatu’s actions in Perlis and Negeri Sembilan, saying they cast doubt on the party’s ability to exercise sound judgment independently in forming a federal government after the 16th general election (GE16).

“Personally, I believe the best way forward is for us to go our separate ways. We can remain friends, just not during elections.


“You can look for political allies with sharper hearing, clearer vision, and a stronger sense of smell. All the best,” he said in a Facebook post.

On May 22, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang claimed that Bersatu demanded many seats in previous state elections and by-elections, despite having insufficient machinery on the ground.

According to Hadi, PAS had often been forced to deploy its own machinery to support coalition efforts on the ground.

He also criticised Bersatu’s role in Perlis, which saw the menteri besar’s post shift from PAS to Bersatu.


Commenting on the political crisis in Negeri Sembilan, Hadi questioned why Bersatu’s assemblymen backed down after initially agreeing to align with Umno to form a new state government.

Fadhli said there was nothing wrong with a party lacking a strong grassroots machinery, especially if it was still relatively new.

However, he said, the real problem arose when such weaknesses were not acknowledged, leading to political decisions being made based on an inflated sense of strength that did not reflect reality.


Hajiji praises Anwar for ‘walking the talk’ on 40% entitlement




Hajiji praises Anwar for ‘walking the talk’ on 40% entitlement


The chief minister says Sabah hopes the funds will be disbursed without delay for the benefit of the people


Sabah chief minister Hajiji Noor welcomed Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s assurance the federal government will honour the 1963 Malaysia Agreement. (Facebook pic)


PETALING JAYA: Sabah chief minister Hajiji Noor has welcomed the RM1.5 billion interim payment for the state announced by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim yesterday.

Hajiji said Sabah hopes the funds will be disbursed without delay for the benefit of the people.

He also welcomed Anwar’s assurance, during the opening of the state-level Kaamatan Festival celebrations, that Putrajaya will honour the 1963 Malaysia Agreement.


“It proves that the federal government under Anwar is a responsible government that walks the talk.

“The state government will work closely with the federal government to ensure all the provisions under MA63, especially the 40% special grant, will be fulfilled,” he said in a statement.


Anwar said yesterday the interim allocation to Sabah will be increased to RM1.5 billion from RM600 million pending the finalisation of the state’s constitutional claim to a 40% revenue entitlement.

He also said his administration remains committed to fulfilling the claim under MA63 and is working out the details of its implementation.

In April, the Court of Appeal allowed the federal government’s application for a stay of execution on a High Court order regarding Sabah’s entitlement to a 40% share of net federal revenue derived from the state, pending the disposal of an appeal.

On Thursday, Gabungan Rakyat Sabah secretary-general Armizan Mohd Ali said Anwar’s acknowledgement of Sabah’s constitutional right to the 40% revenue entitlement has strengthened the state government’s push to accelerate development initiatives.

MIC accepts PN’s withdrawal of membership offer with ‘no ill feelings’





MIC accepts PN’s withdrawal of membership offer with ‘no ill feelings’


Party president SA Vigneswaran says when the offer was first made, PN’s leadership was led by Bersatu, and MIC was prepared to join the coalition then


MIC president SA Vigneswaran said the party remains committed to BN despite not being given a role in the unity government. (Bernama pic)


PETALING JAYA: MIC president SA Vigneswaran says the party respects Perikatan Nasional’s decision to close the door on its potential membership in the coalition.

Vigneswaran said MIC harbours no ill feelings towards any PN component party, including PAS, despite the decision, Sinar Harian reported.

“When the offer was first extended, PN’s leadership was led by Bersatu, and MIC was indeed prepared to join the coalition at that time. However, no final decision was made.


“The mandate given by MIC’s grassroots was based on the PN leadership structure that was then headed by Bersatu,” he was quoted as saying at the party’s Family Day celebration today.

The event, in conjunction with the party’s 80th anniversary, was held at Taman DR Seenivasagam in Ipoh, Perak. It was also attended by MIC vice-president T Murugiah and Perak MIC chief M Ramasamy.


Vigneswaran said MIC remains committed to Barisan Nasional despite not being given a role in the unity government. He said positions in the administration were not the party’s primary concern.

According to him, MIC can continue to function and serve the community even without holding any government posts.

“Seats are important, but they are not as important as safeguarding the rights of all communities. We are not sulking simply because we have no positions.

“If we return to the party’s founding principles, positions only benefit a handful of individuals. What matters more is ensuring that the rights of all communities are protected,” he said.


On May 17, PN secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan said the offer to admit MIC as a PN member was withdrawn “due to the lack of a confirmation, apart from the official statement by MIC that it had never officially applied to join PN”.

On March 25, MIC deputy president M Saravanan was reported to have said that the party will remain in BN “for now”, but would not confirm if the party had ruled out joining PN.

Saravanan said MIC was reassessing its position following developments within PN at the time, a reference to PAS vice-president Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar being appointed as the coalition’s new chairman, taking over from Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin.


Iran war: Lebanon slams Israel’s invasion; US-Tehran deal in limbo

 




Iran war live: Lebanon slams Israel’s invasion; US-Tehran deal in limbo