Zionist-linked Network School’s money in Forest City unwelcome; faith, sovereignty at stake, PMX told

Zionist-linked Network School’s money in Forest City unwelcome; faith, sovereignty at stake, PMX told

THE cyberspace was abuzz with such call to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim after Network School (NS) founder Balaji Srinivasan gave the Madani government an apparent ultimatum – (i) grant him a meeting, an assurance and the money keeps flowing or (ii) he shall re-allocate his capital elsewhere.

This follows a lengthy open letter by the former CTO (chief technology officer) of Coinbase (a cryptocurrency outfit) to PMX who is also the Finance Minister yesterday (July 17).


For that reason, the US citizen of Indian descent is suspending all new investments in Malaysia, including the US$122 mil (RM516 mil) NS development project in Forest City, Johor of which he claimed to have already invested “RM100M+ in our campus to make it start-up-friendly”.

“For perspective, that’s about 4% of the budget of Johor, the Malaysian state where Forest City is located,” he penned in his open letter.

Balaji

@balajis

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Should the global tech community continue investing in Malaysia? Given recent events, I raise this question respectfully for the consideration of Prime Minister Yang Amat Berhormat Dato’ Seri Anwar bin Ibrahim (@anwaribrahim), for the people of Malaysia, and for our friends in Show more

9:54 PM · Jul 16, 2026

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“We employ dozens of Malaysians directly and indirectly at every level from executive to staff … We’ve also re-vitalised the multi-billion-dollar Forest City project, causing millions of ringgit in real estate appreciation.”

However, netizens especially on the Threads platform reacted with furore to the perceived Balaji’s arrogance coupled with allegations that the technology community facilitates the gathering of Israeli entrepreneurs on a second passport (Editor’s Note: Malaysia does not have diplomatic relations with Israel.)

However, preliminary investigations found that all 266 foreign workers there had valid travel documents.


‘Influx of Zionists’

A browse on the comment section of the news report of Balaji’s statement by Malay language The Reporter on Threads found the overwhelming sentiment of the NS tech community not welcome at all in Malaysia.

“RM516 mil at the expense of the country’s sovereignty? Not worth it. Just save your 516 million, Balaji,” mocked a commenter.

“PMX you’re a Muslim, you believe in Allah’s blessings, not Balaji’s. So don’t give in. InsyaAllah, there will be other blessings from Allah.”

Tagging PMX and Johor Menteri Besar Datuk Onn Hafiz Ghazi, another commenter echoed concerns over an influx of “Israeli passport holders” into Malaysia.

“@anwaribrahim_my please don’t entertain them. Malaysia already bears RM100 mil in free healthcare costs for PATI (illegal immigrant). If only RM500 mil, you (Balaji) can just keep your money. It’s not worth selling the country for RM500 mil. @onnhafiz “

One Threader warned of “modern world colonisation” by alluding to how “Francis Light claimed he open Penang, how he force the Sultan of Kedah to sign a treaty with little money in the name of ‘trade’ business”.

“Balaji never promoted Malaysia, fulfilled the Malaysian employment to fit in the regulations and now requesting to meet the PM to discuss their term just because ‘we’ve invested US$100M+’,” she jibed.

“Truly, the attitude of a colonialist. You’re not special Balaji. Take your business elsewhere.”

Another took a pot shot at Balaji for the audacity of solely marketing Forest City as “a land near Singapore”.

Even former de facto law minister Datuk Zaid Ibrahim cautioned Putrajaya that “all over the world, Zionists’ money is looking for places to invest after their haven in the Middle East is exposed”.

“Argentina, for example, is setting aside 100,000 hectares for Zionists to invest and settle,” penned the newly minted PAS member on his Facebook page.

Where no countries will do their bidding for the rare earths, they come here. Where no countries want to take their data centres, we welcome them to come here and already they have a stake in our airports.

Datuk Zaid Ibrahim

on Thursday

This guy from the Network school in Forest City sounds very arrogant to me. He said he wanted guarantees and a meeting with the PM, or he would pull out all the billion-dollar investment

He must be as wealthy as Bill Gates. He did not mention the subject matter of the investigation at all, which was the presence of persons of Jewish nationalities

Malaysian top officials in Putrajaya must be commended for their vigilance. They want to make sure Zionists' money is not flowing ...

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Because we’re attracted to investors with billions, we’ve to be careful. One day, if we aren’t careful, we’ll become Zionist satellite states like Kuwait, UAE (United Arab Emirates) and Bahrain. Glossy and super-wealthy from the outside but a pauper puppet inside.

Elsewhere, Johor MB Onn Ghazi urged the Federal government to provide “an immediate, clear and final decision regarding the status of the individuals involved and the operation of Network School”.

“Any matter related to the entry of foreigners into the country is subject to the jurisdiction of the Home Ministry,” he pointed out in a recent media statement.

On its part, the state government through the Iskandar Puteri City Council (MBIP) has taken enforcement action based on the jurisdiction of the local authorities.

MBIP has carried out reviews of business license compliance, use of business premises and compliance with billboard requirements. – July 18, 2026

***

MotherLand-er has been very very arrogant

Unity government unlikely to return for second term as BN-PN cooperation gains momentum, says analyst

Unity government unlikely to return for second term as BN-PN cooperation gains momentum, says analyst


With the shifting political landscape, PH would effectively have to prepare for the possibility of contesting future elections without BN as an ally

Updated 6 minutes ago · Published on 18 Jul 2026 5:43PM

While Chinese voters generally remain supportive of PH, she said some may choose not to participate - July 18, 2026

by Alfian Z.M. Tahir



THE current unity government arrangement between Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Barisan Nasional (BN) could gradually become a thing of the past as political realignments point towards a closer cooperation between BN and Perikatan Nasional (PN), an analyst said.


International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM) political analyst Dr Syaza Shukri said BN’s decision to work more closely with PN in state elections suggests the coalition has conducted its own assessment and found greater political advantage in aligning with the opposition bloc.

“Why would BN choose PN unless they have done their analysis and discovered that working with PN might be more advantageous than working with PH?” she said.

Dr Syaza, however, stressed that the unity government remains intact for now, with BN and PH still partners at the federal level.

“But I don’t see it coming back for a second term,” she said, adding that this would depend largely on the performance of the BN-PN cooperation in upcoming state elections.

She said if BN and PN continue to perform strongly, particularly after their showing in Johor and potentially in Negeri Sembilan, the political formula could be repeated in other states such as Pahang and Perak.

“Then why not at the federal level?” she questioned.

Dr Syaza said it would become increasingly difficult for BN to return to an arrangement with PH after building an understanding with PN, especially if the cooperation proves successful at the state level.

“How can BN go from this understanding and then return to PH? It would be too much to stomach for both the leaders and supporters,” she said.

With the shifting political landscape, Dr Syaza said PH would effectively have to prepare for the possibility of contesting future elections without BN as an ally.

“So yes, PH is effectively on its own,” she said.

Meanwhile, Universiti Putra Malaysia (UPM) senior lecturer Dr Nur Ayuni Mohd Isa said the political equation in Negeri Sembilan has changed significantly, with PH now defending all 36 seats on its own while BN and PN enter the contest under a new alignment.

In the 2023 election, PH and BN together won 31 out of 36 state seats, with PH securing 17 seats and BN 14. This time, BN is contesting 25 seats while PN is fielding candidates in 11 seats, with limited overlap between the two blocs.

Dr Nur Ayuni said the recent Johor election offered an important warning sign for PH, after BN won 48 out of 56 seats with almost 60% of the popular vote.

She said BN’s victory was not only driven by UMNO’s traditional support base but was also aided by PAS supporters backing BN candidates in areas where the Islamist party did not contest, as well as growing tensions between PAS and Bersatu.

“The same pattern could emerge in Negeri Sembilan. BN does not necessarily need to win over PH’s core supporters. It only needs its own supporters to come out in large numbers while some PH voters decide not to vote,” she said.

Dr Nur Ayuni highlighted voter turnout as another crucial factor, noting that Malay-majority areas traditionally linked to BN recorded stronger participation compared with some urban areas that form PH’s strongholds.

While Chinese voters generally remain supportive of PH, she said some may choose not to participate, while Indian support could continue shifting towards BN, following trends seen in Johor.

Based on voter composition, the 2023 results, candidate strength and the impact of Johor’s outcome, Dr Nur Ayuni projected that BN-PN could potentially win between 23 and 26 seats, while PH could retain between 10 and 13 seats. She said several PH seats won with narrow margins in 2023, including Ampangan, Klawang, Pilah and Sikamat, could now face stronger challenges due to their significant Malay voter base.

However, PH is expected to remain dominant in several urban constituencies such as Bukit Kepayang, Mambau, Lobak, Seremban Jaya and Nilai, where the coalition previously secured comfortable victories.

On Bersatu’s position, Dr Nur Ayuni said the party faces an uphill battle after losing PAS as a traditional ally, adding that it may play a larger role as a spoiler by splitting Malay votes rather than emerging as a major force.

With BN and PN testing a new political formula on the state level, the Negeri Sembilan election could provide an early indication of whether the current unity government arrangement has a future — or whether Malaysia is moving towards another major political realignment. – July 18, 2026

Can the 'derhaka' card defeat BN?

Can the 'derhaka' card defeat BN?

Andrew Sia
Published: Jul 17, 2026 7:05 PM
Updated: 9:14 PM


COMMENT | Parti Bersama Malaysia skips the Negeri Sembilan state election, so Pakatan Harapan can no longer falsely blame the yellow T-shirts if they are defeated.

Anyway, that was a fake excuse as Malaysiakini reported the main reason for Harapan’s defeat in Johor was the PAS-BN racial alliance strategy, which is being repeated in Negeri Sembilan.

Apart from Bersama’s resource constraints, their “time out” could be because caretaker menteri besar Aminuddin Harun and Rafizi Ramli were allies in PKR.

Aminuddin seems like a decent and humble guy, unlike the PAS braggart and troll in Kedah. He has been quietly doing his work with neither fanfare nor scandal.

The only ruckus was the dispute this year over who should be the state’s ruler.


READ MORE: Royal rumble: N Sembilan chieftains 'sack' ruler in tit-for-tat


On this issue, DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke labelled the state’s Umno leaders as “traitors and rebels” against the state’s constitutional monarchy.


Ruler outspoken against corruption

Was Umno the hidden hand behind the attempt by the undangs (traditional state chieftains) to overthrow the state ruler, Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir?

A former Court of Appeal judge and a senior lawyer both noted there was no proper inquiry, as required by the state constitution. Nor were concrete reasons given by the undangs.

Tuanku Muhriz has carried himself with dignity. He is not known to demand big shares of state development projects, nor has he physically assaulted anybody.

Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir


Instead, he has been outspoken against corruption. He was the first ruler to revoke Najib Abdul Razak’s datukship way back in October 2018.

That was a clear royal statement against (then heavily suspected) corruption, way before Najib was convicted.

Early this year, Tuanku Muhriz said corruption is the “foremost enemy” of justice, trust and the nation’s future.

His Highness added that he was “shocked and disheartened” that some still rally behind individuals found guilty of serious corruption offences, as if such acts were “acceptable or forgivable”.

Najib Abdul Razak


Without mentioning names, the ruler was clearly referring to Umno, which still supports Najib. No wonder that party is angry with Tuanku!

The kleptocrat has been jailed, but some states have still not withdrawn his titles, which is, of course, their royal prerogative that cannot be questioned.

But I wonder if prison officers call Najib “Datuk Seri” while bowing down to kiss his hand in feudal servitude?


The D-card of ‘derhaka’

There is another word for being a “traitor and rebel” against royalty. It’s called “derhaka” or “treason”.

The D-word is quickly used against DAP leaders who merely point out the legal fact that royal powers are limited by the Federal Constitution, as Tony Pua did in May.

Of course it is. Otherwise, rulers would have absolute power like in Brunei, and there would be no need to hold elections.

Surely even the Malay supremacy “warriors” want polls so that they can grab juicy, powerful positions to enrich their cronies, right?

Similarly, when DAP’s Seri Kembangan assemblyperson Wong Siew Ki asked Selangor to consider (not demand) modern pig farming, Perikatan Nasional leaders went berserk in brandishing the D-card.

Yet when former Bersatu (now recycled into the Parti Wawasan Negara party) leader Rais Yatim backed an open rebellion against the Negeri Sembilan ruler, there were strangely no screams of “treason”.

Rais Yatim


Nor was there any such hysteria when PAS openly defied the Selangor sultan over the Bon Odori festival in 2022.

Similarly, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang simply ignored the Terengganu royal ban on using mosques and surau for political speeches.

But when non-Muslim leaders make the slightest squeak, the full sledgehammer whacks them into submission. The double standards over the D-word are painfully obvious.

That’s why I am glad that Loke has been bold enough to invoke royal “betrayal” in Negeri Sembilan.


Stab in the back

The royal drama was on top of what Loke called Umno’s “stab in the back” to topple the Harapan state government and Aminuddin, after both agreed to be allies even before the last state elections.

I see it as deeply ironic that Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has bent over backwards for 3.5 years to please Umno and weaken his own reformasi agenda, including allowing racists to roam freely as attack hounds.

And then, as Harapan became weaker while the reptile grew stronger, it turned around to bite Anwar.

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and his deputy Ahmad Zahid Hamidi


As the Malays say, “padan muka” (serves him right). Anwar “deserved it” for his short-sighted political vision, foolishly believing that Harapan and BN would live “happily ever after” into the next election.

However, was it just sheer "coincidence" that the double overthrow attempts - against both the state ruler and Harapan - came together?

Fourteen Umno assemblypersons withdrew support from Aminuddin in April, claiming the menteri besar had bungled the royal dispute.

But the close timing of the twin attacks is just too suspicious. And so many Malaysiakini readers believe that the palace dispute shows Umno’s “true colours”.

Sadly, PN was also involved in the brouhaha, in the name of so-called “Malay unity”.

But even if the marriage of convenience between PAS and Umno secures victory this time, I am convinced the two parties will eventually fight over the “ghanimah” or “spoils of war”.

After all, greed for power was what led to Bersatu backstabbing its partner PAS in Perlis, which led to the end of their six-year political marriage.


Bersama rests, regroups

Coming back to Bersama, it is clear that a major reason for the party to skip the state polls is due to their limited resources.

They refuse to be bought over by tycoons’ money. They rely on unpaid volunteers and fundraising dinners. Yes, losing all 15 election deposits in Johor hurts.

Harapan people can mock Bersama for that but they should not forget that seven PKR and Amanah candidates also lost their deposits in Johor.

PN did even worse, losing deposits in 19 of 33 Johor seats they contested.


READ MORE: Johor polls: MCA trumps DAP, Bersama loses deposits but deals damage, PN wiped out


Isn’t it more shameful for well-established parties to lose deposits? In contrast, Bersama was barely 40 days old when it entered the fray.

Many in Bersama are tired after the gruelling non-stop Johor election campaign – working on a shoestring budget with limited volunteers. They deserve a break.

Maybe it was a mistake to contest 15 seats in Johor soon after the party was set up.

There was too little time to prepare and for people to get to know the candidates and the kancil, or mousedeer logo. For example, some people asked, “Apa parti rusa ni” (what is this deer party?).

With more time, candidates can work the ground earlier, and perhaps, Bersama can do better in Malacca.

So let Team Bersama rest, refresh and regroup first. As Sun Tzu’s Art of War says, "He who knows when to fight and when not to fight will win.”

ANDREW SIA is a veteran journalist who likes teh tarik khau kurang manis. You are welcome to give him ideas to brew at tehtarik@gmail.com

PAS’ kamikaze actions geared to one nation antics

PAS’ kamikaze actions geared to one nation antics



Thursday, 16 Jul 2026 8:31 AM MYT

By Praba Ganesan


JULY 16 — It’s not common, PAS’ reaction to the Johor polls.

For a party — and its coalition — to be euphoric in catastrophic defeat. PAS is leading its Norwegian Row version in stadiums nationwide for right-wingers. Screaming ferocity unmatched by multicultural modern Vikings.


Thirty-three Perikatan Nasional candidates lost and only 12 avoided deposit forfeiture. PAS got 2.4 per cent state support, or under 49,000 votes.

Yet, party leadership is delirious, and just cannot wait for the Negeri Sembilan State Election to kick off on Saturday. In their minds, they possess the big mo. How, incredibly how?


PAS cares not for Johor, or Negeri Sembilan and even Melaka. It eyes national power by building up a feverish “us against us” race armageddon throttled into a Malays snowstorm, from which it emerges as the most senior leader by being the most unapologetic about race politics.


It bypasses all policy, development and social upliftment questions, by posing back only one question in repeat, “Do you want Malay leadership?”

Its systemic and comprehensive demolition of Bersatu while together inside PN is death by a thousand cuts. But nobody cares outside the two metres between Muhyiddin Yassin and Azmin Ali, PAS is on a higher mission.




The author argues that PAS is pursuing a long-term strategy centred on Malay-Muslim political consolidation, warning that identity-based politics risks deepening national divisions at the expense of governance and unity. — Picture by Sayuti Zainudin



PAS, and obviously the rest of PN dragged in, may lose all 120 seats in the three states but by securing Pakatan Harapan’s devastation and the election of Malay-first administrations it intensifies the pressure to insert all these in the Muafakat Nasional bag.

In the larger picture, a BN win is a PAS win if eventually all agree to sit inside the larger umbrella led by PAS. By the same token, every DAP – by extension Pakatan – defeat reduces threats to the grand union of Malay power.

This is why less than 60 hours before the Johor polls, PAS President Hadi Awang gathered all 11 PAS candidates in Muar and promised to hand over its wins to shore up Umno if it did not have enough.

In a roundabout way, it was to encourage its base to forego support for the PN candidate even from PAS in races which BN and Pakatan were going toe to toe. And sure enough, BN coasted to its best result since 2013.

PAS has found its formula.

The game inside the game

BN negotiates with PAS for Negeri seats, curiously, not with PN. The coalition chairman Samsuri Mokhtar forgets not he is PAS vice-president. In hindsight the 2016 Amanah split has reduced internal transgressions today to near zero inside the party.

It’s not straightforward for BN. PAS can guarantee them Negeri and after Melaka, but complications ensue.

Umno was born from the unity of Malay associations in 1946 to oppose a progressive charter for the peninsula, with Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM) with its leftist ideology providing the activist spine and membership numbers. PKMM left in a huff and inadvertently helped create Umno’s substance.

Movements can swallow up minor pieces, and Umno does not want to appear on the menu.

Umno President Zahid Hamidi knows PAS is an existential threat but after its Rumah Bangsa zeal throughout 2026, it cannot reject calls for unity. But it does not want to be outflanked by the Islamists.

Let’s use the spice levels used at Nando’s restaurants to see how Umno can be outwitted eventually.

Newcomer Bersama is between lemon & herb and mild, it upholds the status quo with Malay leadership. PKR and Amanah are decidedly mild.

But Umno monopolises the sweet spot between mild and hot, toying with extra hot on rare occasions, the gold standard of being race-first but conciliatory to other races.

Bersatu tries to mimic Umno but recently lost its mojo. PAS, Wawasan, Pejuang and Putra reside purely in the extra hot section.

A single mode is risky only if a counter proposition extinguishes the mindless barbs. But if not, it is a blue ocean for PAS and gang.

If one ventures to read about how a joint effort among democrats, Marxists, civil activists and Islamists to overthrow the Shah only ended with the Islamic Republic of Iran, or how Kuomintang was infiltrated by the Communist Party in the 1920s or how earlier the Bolsheviks upended the Mensheviks in their united initiative to democratise Russia, it’s all about shaping the narrative while the larger identity drive is underway.

Now you know why PAS is pleased as punch. It only wants to secure Muslim solidarity and raise the spectre of DAP as an existential threat to the Muslim way of life.


The underclass and minorities

The base voters are unaware they write a blank cheque to the solidarity leaders.

The leaders get cover, nothing they have done, or failed to do matters.

Therefore, after the election, including the general, they are not incentivised to do or keep promises, just to repeat identity rhetoric.

Those who reject their decisions are opposed to Malay unity.

The city flat residents and food deliverers continue to live in the same economic circumstance as before elections. They conflate their predicament as an outcome of not enough race power, when the real issue is class power.

And race relations flatlines if PAS gets its utopia.

The relationship with Borneo also becomes frictional and most certainly attritional in a Semenanjung more determined to keep race divides rather than draw in both east and west into the Malaysian project.

But more so, viscerally PAS wants a divided nation. It accepts citizenship but it prefers tiers in the country. Malaysians have to ask themselves if that is what they want.

Because PAS’ rhetoric emphasises that a large number of Malaysians are actually more from Nagapattinam or Panyu rather than Morib or Gopeng. And permanently so.

In the current climate of race overdrive and minority disenchantment with a regressive dysfunctional federal government, PAS’ goals are highly achievable.

Secure a warm glow of religiosity in the country and take over the pulpit as the most committed to the cause. The simplicity of the plan makes it even more outrageous.

I have no riposte.

A moral quandary descends upon the country, which only each voter can decide for his or herself.

It’s clearly not the country the majority of youths want but they are so hamstrung and disempowered that they cannot act. They only can watch the trainwreck occur and gasp too late in horror.

I was in a van last Friday evening in the backroads of Hulu Langat, my colleague’s husband driving. He asked me about politics while his wife and four young children sat at the back around stacks of durian.

A lot of frustration as he explained leaving PKR for PAS because the party does not lie. I did not understand how to answer him in a way to convince him that a bigger Malaysia is better than a shallow, narrow and divided nation. I don’t have the rhetoric to match the haters.

I do remember reading Nelson Mandela. He wrote people are not born to hate, they are taught to hate.

If one can learn to hate, then one can be taught to love. A bit of faith goes a long way.

For this man wanted to love his captors rather than punish them for the decades he spent inside prison cells. Love.

The eldest kid in the van turned 11 yesterday. Our birthdays are a day apart. I am desperate that the country I leave behind does not keep us oceans apart because of our names. Under these Malaysian skies.

 

‘Cycle of chaos’: Israel killing Gaza civil officials to derail its future

Despite a months-long ceasefire, analysts say Israel’s relentless attacks aim to prevent Palestinian recovery, sabotage the Trump plan and pave the way for permanent occupation.

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Mourners during the funeral of six Palestinian police officers who were killed in an Israeli attack on a police station, at al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, July 14, 2026 [Dawoud Abu Alkas/Reuters]

By Mohammad Mansour

Published On 15 Jul 202615 Jul 2026

An Israeli attack in northern Gaza’s Jabalia camp on Tuesday killed the director of a police station and several officers, adding to a mounting civilian death toll.

Despite a months-long “ceasefire”, Israel continues to launch deadly raids across the Palestinian territory, citing the presence of Hamas fighters and “imminent threats”.

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However, political and strategic analysts warn that these daily incursions are not isolated security operations, but rather part of what appears to be a calculated pattern to kill law enforcement officers, medical professionals, government officials and intellectuals. These killings, they warn, could systematically derail the United States-backed plan for a post-war Gaza, paralyse the so-called Board of Peace set up under the Trump administration plan, and effectively allow Israel to maintain indefinite control over a territory that is otherwise uninhabitable.

Normalising the killing

Since the “ceasefire” agreement took effect, Israel has conditioned the international community to accept daily breaches and killings in Gaza as the new normal, effectively acting as if the pact does not restrict its military freedom, analysts said. This ongoing violence has pushed the total death toll since October 7, 2023, to at least 73,233, with 173,707 injured.

According to the Government Media Office in Gaza, there have been 3,689 recorded Israeli violations during the 275-day “ceasefire”, resulting in 1,122 Palestinians killed and 3,599 injured. Furthermore, the humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate under the ceasefire, with Israel allowing only 35 percent of the expected aid trucks and 36 percent of permitted travellers to cross the borders.

The deliberate targeting of Gaza’s civic foundation extends far beyond military objectives, deeply affecting those tasked with maintaining order and providing essential services.

The United Nations Human Rights Office (OHCHR) reported that Israeli attacks are systematically targeting police officers, whose role is essential for civic order and any future reconstruction. Since January 2026, OHCHR has recorded at least 12 attacks on police, killing 35 personnel, including officers targeted while directing traffic or overseeing markets. In one instance, on May 23, an Israeli attack on a Gaza City checkpoint killed at least five officers.

Alongside law enforcement, Gaza’s educational and medical sectors have been decimated. Most hospitals have been bombed and destroyed, with numerous medical teams killed in the process. The education system has suffered a similar fate. According to the Palestinian Ministry of Education, at least 441 teachers and other personnel have been killed, alongside more than 11,000 schoolchildren.

The intellectual and bureaucratic leadership of the enclave has also been systematically eliminated. At least 117 academics have been killed, including prominent figures like Sufyan Tayeh, a mathematician and president of the Islamic University of Gaza, who was killed with his family in a Jabalia refugee camp bombing.

Ahmed al-Tanani, a writer and political analyst based in Gaza, noted that Israel’s pretexts for these strikes have shifted from “security events” to “killing on intention”, striking individuals citing baseless claims that they intend to attack Israeli forces.

The recent targeting of police officers and civil personnel reveals a broader objective. According to al-Tanani, the strikes are a direct response to Hamas demonstrating political flexibility, including its recent decision to dissolve its governmental administrative committee in the enclave.

“Israel is saying clearly that its problem in the Gaza Strip is not with Hamas; its problem is with the entire national structure in Gaza, with the society, and with any possibility of recovery,” al-Tanani told Al Jazeera. “Israeli missiles primarily aim to push the Strip into a continuous cycle of death, non-recovery, chaos and internal security tampering.”

Making Gaza ‘uninhabitable’

For Israel, the immediate goal of this escalation is to prevent the implementation of the Trump plan, while its long-term objective remains the indefinite occupation and expansion of settlements in Gaza, say analysts.

Mohannad Mustafa, an academic and expert in Israeli affairs, told Al Jazeera that Israel is employing three primary tools to achieve this. First, it is normalising daily attacks by conducting regular strikes under the guise of enforcing the “ceasefire”, a tactic mirroring its operations in Lebanon.

Second, Israel is expanding its occupation footprint, increasing military control from 50 percent to 70 percent of Gaza, accompanied by the systematic destruction of infrastructure and homes.

Finally, Israel is blocking political transition by preventing the entry of the Palestinian national committee, obstructing humanitarian aid, and halting reconstruction efforts to ensure Gaza remains strictly a “military and security issue” rather than a political one.

This strategy of devastation is openly endorsed at the highest levels of the Israeli government. Speaking to Israel’s Channel 14, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz recently stated that the destruction of Gaza is a deliberate policy to neutralise threats, adding that seeing the devastation brings him a feeling of comfort.

“What Katz said sparks no debate in Israel; this is the general mood inside Israel — that Israel must destroy the Strip, and this is what it is doing,” Mustafa said, noting that resettling Gaza remains a core objective for the government.

Paolo von Schirach, president of the US-based Global Policy Institute, echoed this grim assessment. Reacting to Katz’s comments, von Schirach told Al Jazeera that taking comfort in the destruction of Gaza goes beyond fighting Hamas. The idea, he said, was “to make this place uninhabitable, hoping the people will disappear and go somewhere else”.

Paralysis of Board of Peace

Israel’s strategy has severely undermined the Board of Peace, a body championed by US President Donald Trump to oversee Gaza’s post-war transition, governance and peacekeeping.

“The Board of Peace was supposed to gradually take the reins, control the Strip to establish a form of governance … and eventually bring in a peacekeeping force to maintain order, thereby removing the Israeli army and disarming Hamas,” von Schirach said. “None of that has happened, or is happening.”

Von Schirach pointed out that the board currently lacks the tools and security forces required to assert control, rendering the US-led diplomatic initiative increasingly embarrassing for the White House. While Washington may be distracted by the renewed crisis in the Strait of Hormuz, its failure to pressure Israel into compliance remains glaring.

However, Mustafa argued that this is not merely a lack of US leverage. He suggested that the US and Israel share the fundamental goal of disarming Hamas, differing only in their methods. “Israel is encouraged by the Board of Peace itself adopting the Israeli position regarding linking the entire agreement to disarmament,” he said.

Removing pretexts

To break the deadlock, Palestinian factions have leaned heavily into diplomacy. By dissolving its governance committee in favour of a technocratic body, Hamas has sought to remove any Israeli pretext for stalling the implementation of the ceasefire.

Al-Tanani noted that Palestinian factions are currently working with mediators in Cairo — Egypt, Qatar and Turkiye — to forge a unified Arab and Islamic stance. This bloc is expected to pressure the US to move beyond broad endorsements of the “ceasefire” and enforce the plan’s specific, operational details.

“This requires translating [US] statements and positions into practical measures to pressure Israel to end the humanitarian catastrophe and implement the ceasefire agreement,” al-Tanani said. Until then, observers warn, Gaza will remain trapped in a calculated limbo of destruction and occupation.