Heat rises on Chinese ground in Johor

Heat rises on Chinese ground in Johor

By Joceline Tan

Tuesday, 30 Jun 2026 | 5:02 PM MYT


THE war of words in Johor is near fever pitch even though the election campaign has only just officially begun.

And the temperature is hottest on the Chinese front where accusations and counter-accusations fly like arrows.


There is a do-or-die urgency on the DAP side because the party cannot afford more setbacks after the Sabah election debacle.

DAP’s two top generals, secretary-general Anthony Loke and deputy chairman Nga Kor Ming, have dominated the pages of the Chinese vernacular media day after day.

The pair understands how the media works and they are newsmakers.

But the thing is that Pakatan Harapan has very few real or strong issues to ride on.

They cannot talk about fighting corruption, which was once their most awesome bullet, or else people will ask about Tan Sri Azam Baki (recently retired MACC chief commissioner) or the corporate mafia.

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Their promise to “Selamatkan Malaysia” (save the country) electrified people back in 2018 but it has become a fairy tale with no happily-ever-after ending.

Umno used to be a prime attack target but that is not possible now that DAP leaders are sitting at the same table as Umno leaders.

As such, a lot of the campaign to woo the Chinese votes has shifted to attacking MCA.

“It has gone down to the level of character assassination and personal attacks. What kind of narrative is that?” said lawyer and former MCA vice-president Gan Ping Sieu, who grew up in Johor's Kluang district.

An aide to a Johor leader said Pakatan’s dilemma is that they seem unable to decide on strategy and focus.

“Do they campaign to be the next state government or to be a stronger opposition? Pakatan, being in the Federal Government, has a national narrative to sell except that it is not exactly a success story,” said the aide.

Johor’s Chinese roots lie in its numerous Chinese new villages that have fanned out to become a substantial part of the local economy.

Pakatan’s survival hinges on these areas as well as the urban Chinese who make up the Johor Baru metropolitan area. The Islamist policies of PAS scares this cohort out of their wits.

As a result, the smear campaign against MCA has since veered into allegations of a secret pact between Perikatan Nasional and Barisan Nasional.

It is quite an effective way to scare the Chinese from supporting Barisan. MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Wee Ka Siong was quite incredulous when asked about that.

“They must be joking. What secret pact are they talking about when we are fighting Perikatan in so many seats? This is a serious election, don’t turn it into a wayang (show),” he countered.

Do DAP leaders have mirrors in their homes? They are a fine one to be accusing others of working with PAS when DAP has shared the same house and bed with PAS in two general elections while the Teresa Teng song, The Moon Reflects My Heart, played in the bedroom.

According to the above aide, there was speculation that the national leadership of Umno and PAS wanted to use the Johor election as a “pilot project” for Malay unity but Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Onn Hafiz Ghazi apparently stood by his decision that Barisan would contest all 56 state seats.

DAP, it is said, is out to cripple the two “Ma” which sounds like “horse” in Chinese - Ma Hua (MCA) and Ak Ma (the Chinese pronunciation for Umno Youth chief Datuk Dr Muhamad Akmal Saleh).

But Pakatan cannot be too harsh about the Mentri Besar because Onn is hard-working and his appeal cuts across race lines.

But Onn’s declaration about not sitting at the same table with DAP is still a campaign topic. The opposition has seized on his foot-in-the-mouth fiasco to imply that in not respecting DAP leaders, Onn is disrespecting the Chinese who support DAP.

The Chinese media, in an interview with Nga who is the Housing and Local Government Minister, reproduced pictures of him and the Mentri Besar sitting together like old friends.

The controversial DAP advocate Hew Kuan Yau, better known as “Superman”, has also joined the fray.

On nomination day, “Superman” appealed to the Chinese to vote for the new faces fielded by DAP in Yong Peng and Paloh.

He asked the Chinese not to support MCA incumbents Ling Tian Soon (Yong Peng) and Lee Ting Han (Paloh), saying that the pair were favourites of the Mentri Besar who would reward them with posts if they lost.

Yong Peng’s Tian Soon, known as Ah Soon to all and sundry, immediately retaliated saying: “If I lose, I will not accept any nominated posts”.

DAP is still sore about losing Yong Peng, once its stronghold, to MCA in 2022 and on Saturday night, DAP held a ceramah that came with a durian feast.

Incidentally, Lee, who is defending his seat in Paloh, is a first-class honours graduate who went on to further his studies in Cambridge University.

“I know the Chinese do not like Umno. But tell me, which party can stop the green wave? Certainly not DAP or any of the parties in Pakatan.

“You do not have to love Umno or accept their Youth leader. But the only Malay party that can stop PAS is Umno. That is the reality,” said Gan.

Pakatan’s edge over the other parties lies in Anwar who got a much-needed boost as the latest Merdeka Center survey showed him with a comfortable 52% approval rating. He will be the driving force to keep Pakatan on course in Johor.

Umno’s own top general is not well-accepted but Umno has a younger soldier, Khairy Jamaluddin, who came in second with a 50% approval rating.

Many Malaysians of all races see Khairy as a face of the future. He should be sent out to woo the young voters in Johor.

The Uneven Distribution of Equity in Malaysia

Murray Hunter
Jun 30, 2026


The Uneven Distribution of Equity in Malaysia






Malaysia’s economy tells a story of impressive aggregate growth masking deep structural fractures. While GDP figures often paint a picture of respectable progress, the nation’s wealth and equity remain stubbornly concentrated. This uneven distribution of equity is not just an economic statistic, it’s a social and political reality that perpetuates disempowerment, entrenches neo-feudal hierarchies, and risks long-term instability.

Decades after the New Economic Policy (NEP) sought to rebalance ownership, the benefits have flowed disproportionately to a connected elite, leaving the B40 majority on the margins.

Government rhetoric frequently celebrates rising national wealth, yet the lived experience for most Malaysians reveals a different truth. Equity in productive assets, corporate shares, real estate, and investment holdings, remains elusive for the bulk of the population. This concentration undermines genuine shared prosperity and fuels a sense of economic exclusion that no amount of targeted handouts can fully mask.

Wealth Distribution and Income Groups

To navigate policy, the government classifies households into B40 (bottom 40%), M40 (middle 40%), and T20 (top 20%) brackets.

These categories highlight the stark realities of inequality.

The B40 households, the lowest earners, command only a tiny slice of total national wealth and equity. Many survive on precarious incomes, with limited savings, minimal asset ownership, and heavy reliance on subsidies or informal work.

The M40 represents the squeezed middle class, aspirational but vulnerable to cost-of-living pressures, stagnant real wages, and rising debt.

The T20 households, by contrast, dominate ownership of high-value assets like prime real estate, equities, and business investments.

This tiered structure is more than descriptive; it reflects systemic outcomes. Official data consistently shows T20 capturing a disproportionate share of income and wealth, often around 45% or more of total household income in recent snapshots, while B40 scrapes by with under 20%.

Equity ownership amplifies this with productive capital such as shares in profitable enterprises, property portfolios, accrues to those already positioned at the top, creating self-reinforcing cycles of advantage.

The Gini coefficient, though based on increasingly dated public figures, hints at moderate-to-high inequality that fails to capture intra-group disparities or the full picture of asset concentration. Real wages have not kept pace with GDP growth, as detailed in analyses of Malaysia’s stagnant wage trends. Productivity gains, often driven by capital-intensive sectors or efficiencies at large firms, rarely translate into broader wealth sharing.

Government-Linked Companies (GLCs) and the Concentration of Equity

A defining feature of Malaysia’s economy is the heavy dominance of Government-Linked Companies (GLCs) and Government-Linked Investment Companies (GLICs) such as Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB) and the Employees Provident Fund (EPF). These entities control a massive portion of Bursa Malaysia’s market capitalization, often cited in the range of 40-55% in key sectors. They hold equity “on behalf of the public,” yet their operations frequently prioritize dividends to support government budgets, political patronage, and elite networks over broad-based wealth distribution.

While the NEP successfully shifted some corporate equity toward Bumiputera interests, through moving from negligible levels in the 1970s toward targets around 30%, the gains have been uneven.

Elite Bumiputera groups, often linked to political appointments, family networks, and high-level connections, have been the primary beneficiaries. Trust agencies and institutional holdings have grown, but direct individual ownership among the broader Bumiputera community, especially the B40, remains limited.

This has created what critics describe as a form of state-mediated neo-feudalism, where control of assets flows through patronage rather than open competition or merit.

GLCs are government-owned and disconnected from ordinary citizens in meaningful ways. Boards and management positions frequently go to politically aligned figures, turning these entities into vehicles for rent-seeking rather than innovation or inclusive growth.

CSR initiatives, including scholarships, often favor those with family contacts or insider networks rather than the most deserving from lower-income groups. Little wealth trickles down to B40 households through dividends, employment multipliers, or skill development. Instead, these organizations reinforce existing hierarchies.

This pattern compounds the wage stagnation problem. As GDP grows through resource extraction, services, or protected sectors, ordinary workers, particularly in private MSMEs and in the informal economy, they see minimal gains. Foreign labor dependency in low-skill roles further suppresses wage pressures, while the formal economy’s gains concentrate at the top.

The Neo-Feudal Outcomes of Uneven Equity

The result is a distorted economic landscape resembling neo-feudalism. A small elite that spans political, bureaucratic, royal, and business circles controls key levers of equity and opportunity. The masses, especially B40 and much of the M40, are disempowered: asset-poor, debt-burdened, and dependent on state largesse that never fully addresses root causes. This structure discourages genuine entrepreneurship, deters scalable private investment (due to equity restrictions and uncertainty), and crowds out dynamic SMEs.

Education and human capital development suffer in parallel. Scholarships and opportunities skewed by connections limit upward mobility. Brain drain continues as talented individuals seek fairer systems abroad. Regional disparities between Peninsular Malaysia and East Malaysia, urban and rural further entrench the divide. Cabotage policies, logistics gaps, and regulatory barriers compound the challenges for non-elite enterprises.

The NEP’s legacy, while addressing some historical imbalances, has evolved into a perpetual tool that favors insiders. Updated targets and “effective control” metrics often obscure the reality that institutional holdings benefit connected elites more than the rakyat. Foreign ownership has fluctuated, but domestic private (especially non-connected) equity growth remains constrained.

A Major Priority for Reform

Fixing uneven equity distribution must become a central government priority. Superficial tweaks like more subsidies, occasional wage adjustments, or rebranded policies will not suffice. Fundamental shifts are required:

These include;

GLC and GLIC Reform: Shift focus from rent extraction and dividend padding to efficiency, competition, and genuine multipliers. Reduce political appointments, enhance transparency, and gradually open sectors to private participation. Divest non-strategic assets in ways that broaden ownership, perhaps through wider retail investor schemes or employee stakes that reach lower tiers.

Equity Policy Reset: Move beyond rigid race-based targets toward needs-based and merit-driven approaches. Encourage genuine Bumiputera entrepreneurship through skills, access to finance, and reduced regulatory burdens rather than mandatory equity dilutions that deter investment. Promote broader asset ownership via innovative vehicles that empower B40 and M40 households directly.

Wage and Productivity Linkage: Address the GDP-wage disconnect through labor market reforms, skills upgrading, reduced over-reliance on foreign workers in certain segments, and incentives for productivity-linked pay. Support the informal sector with formalization pathways that enhance rather than burden small operators.

Education and Opportunity: Refocus on STEM, critical thinking, and practical skills. Ensure scholarships and training target potential and need, breaking cycles of patronage.

Data Transparency: Update and publicize comprehensive Gini, equity ownership (distinguishing individual vs. institutional), and wealth distribution figures regularly. Informed debate requires current facts, not outdated narratives.

Without these changes, Malaysia risks deepening polarization. GDP may tick upward, but if equity remains captured by the few, social cohesion will fray. The middle class will remain trapped, the B40 disempowered, and national potential unrealized.

True reform demands moving beyond patronage, ethnic lenses, and short-termism toward an inclusive economy where wealth creation benefits the many, not the connected few. This is not just an economic imperative. This is essential for Malaysia’s long-term stability and progress.

Johor, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka – Key To Winning General Election

Johor, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka – Key To Winning General Election


June 30th, 2026 by financetwitter



While Malaysia’s multi-coalition Unity Government remains intact at the federal level, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), a governing partner, is waging selective wars in its strongholds that are threatening to expose the fragility and weakness of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s administration. By forcing snap polls in the state of Johor and Negeri Sembilan, UMNO is testing the waters.

The Malay nationalist party is also considering declaring snap elections in neighbouring Melaka, another stronghold which must dissolve the state assembly before December 2026. Going by the deadlines to hold elections, Melaka (Malacca) should be the first state to go to the polls, followed by Johor (last election: March 2022) and Negeri Sembilan (last election: August 2023).

By accelerating the contests in Johor and Negeri Sembilan rather than allowing them to end their 5-year-term naturally, UMNO effectively – and deliberately – denies Anwar-led Pakatan Harapan coalition the time to consolidate its organizational presence in the party’s traditional bastions. But why is UMNO only interested in these three states? Why not Perak or Pahang?

For any coalition to win the next general election, they must capture Johor, Negeri Sembilan and Melaka because the ethnic demographics mirror Malaysia’s overall population – 60% Bumiputera, 30% Chinese, and 10% Indian and other ethnicities breakdown. It was no coincidence that when the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional alliance lost power for the first time in the May 2018 General Election, it also lost control of the three states.

These three key states are like the seven must-win battleground states in the United States – Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Georgia, Michigan, Arizona, Wisconsin, and Nevada – that a candidate must secure to win a U.S. presidential election. Because the majority of states consistently vote for the same party, the U.S. election is ultimately decided by these seven “key swing states”.


Yes, when opposition coalition Pakatan Harapan (PH) won a majority in the Negeri Sembilan, Johor and Melaka state assemblies in 2018, while retaining control over Penang and Selangor, not only Mahathir Mohamad led PH to toppling the long ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government for the first time in history, but also winning the “popular vote”.

Likewise, it was no coincidence that when UMNO prematurely and arrogantly bulldozed a snap national poll in November 2022 in anticipation of a huge win, it performed worse than in 2018 instead. After Barisan Nasional won a landslide victory in the November 2021 Melaka state election, it was emboldened to trigger the March 2022 Johor state election. In both states, it won a super-majority.

However, UMNO had overlooked two problems. First, UMNO recklessly forced the 15th General Election in November 2022 without considering Negeri Sembilan. Second, the previous Melaka and Johor state elections were called while the Covid-19 pandemic was still spreading – a deliberate tactical move and manipulation to force a low turnout, which worked in favour of Barisan Nasional.

As a result, Barisan Nasional (BN) won only 30 parliamentary seats, marking the coalition’s worst-ever historical performance and was a significant drop from 2018, when it won 79 seats. But BN was lucky enough to be part of the current federal government due to the hung parliament. It became the kingmaker, without which neither Pakatan Harapan (PH) nor Perikatan Nasional (PN) could form a government.

This round, UMNO is more cautious, having learned its lesson four years ago. That’s why it purposely made its first move in Negeri Sembilan. Unlike Johor, Negeri Sembilan – which dissolved its 36-member state assembly on June 5 – was jointly run by two reluctant separate political coalitions PH and BN, replicating a power-sharing model of the federal unity government.

The term of the Negeri Sembilan assembly only expires in November 2028, but the state administration – led by Anwar’s party PKR – was plunged into crisis when UMNO’s 14 state assemblymen withdrew their support for the PH administration that has 17 representatives, two short of a majority to govern. It was a tactical move to force Anwar’s hand as this is the only state among the three key states not under UMNO’s control.

PH had originally decided to continue running the state administration with a minority government. But after UMNO declared that it was considering snap polls in Johor – a trap to provoke PH leaders to foolishly swallow the hook, line and sinker – Anwar’s PH, in order not to look weak and lose face, decided that it would seek a fresh mandate in Negeri Sembilan in a tit-for-tat response.

By breaking its electoral pact in Negeri Sembilan, UMNO has opened a crucial second front to its increasingly aggressive political campaign and expanded the battlefield to test its political prowess and influence. From the beginning, UMNO has been planning for a free-for-all election in Negeri Sembilan as it understood the importance of winning all three states on its own.

If victorious in early state polls in Johor, Negeri Sembilan and Melaka, it would allow BN to rebuild momentum independently of the federal unity government, positioning itself more strongly ahead of the 16th General Election due by early 2028. In the same breath, it also hopes the victory would rally its traditional supporters who had abandoned the party to return in droves.

While Johor and Melaka appear within BN’s grasp, Negeri Sembilan is a tough nut to crack. Betting that the indecisive and coward Anwar Ibrahim has no balls to call for an early national elections together with state elections, UMNO’s strategy is to use the results from the three state elections to predict the results of the next 16th General Election.




BN won the 2021 Melaka state election independently, securing 21 out of 28 seats, whilst PH holds 5 seats. Following the formation of the Unity Government at the federal level, BN, which leads the Melaka state government with a two-thirds majority, had included PH in the state administration and executive council. But why hasn’t BN dissolved the Melaka state assembly?

The Melaka state government is waiting to see the results of Johor and Negeri Sembilan elections. If BN wins both states, UMNO Melaka will definitely go solo – and gives PH the middle finger and tells Anwar to go fly kite. However, if UMNO Johor fails to repeat its 2022 landslide victory or fails to convincingly win Negeri Sembilan, BN may invite PH to contest together the Melaka state election.

UMNO is playing a clever game. Regardless of whether power-crazy Anwar drags the national polls till next year in order to cling to power for as long as possible, or dissolves the parliament this year, UMNO would own Johor and Melaka, and possibly Negeri Sembilan. As much as Anwar and his sidekick – DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke – try to appease UMNO, BN has other plans.

In recent months, news reports have surfaced that UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi had held a secret meeting in mid-December 2025 with key leaders from the ethnic Malay parties in the opposition, including the religious extremist Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu). Drunk with power, both Anwar and Loke still hope to work with UMNO for a second term.

The best part is Anwar was only alerted to the meeting after his clueless and incompetent Home Minister, Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, was informed about the secret Bangkok huddle by the Thai intelligence. After being exposed,Zahid had to acknowledge the meeting, claiming that it was “no secret” and that PM Anwar had been informed that the meeting was over negotiations about “Muslim unity”.



Caught with his pants down, the Prime Minister could only keep quiet – could neither acknowledge Zahid’s claim nor rock the boat by severing ties with UMNO. The Bangkok meeting sends a clear signal that UMNO was testing the waters for a “new alignment”. And that new alignment is being tested in Johor with suspicious political manoeuvres by the opposition to help BN.

In June 28, PAS deputy president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man reportedly had instructed party members and supporters to vote for BN candidates in the seats that PN is not contesting in Johor. While BN and PH are contesting all 56 seats in the Johor state election, PN is vying for only 33 constituencies, including 11 contested by PAS. This was despite PN saying earlier that it would contest all seats.

Johor has never been a PAS stronghold, allowing the Islamist party to “offer gifts” to UMNO as part of a longer-term national strategy. It was also part of PAS’ strategy to sever ties with Bersatu, its closest partner in PN, in preparation to form the next government together with UMNO. Bersatu and UMNO are bitter enemies, so PAS has to choose one of them.

Even though UMNO top leadership has not welcomes PAS’s support, it has not rejected it either. To win Johor, BN needs all the votes it can get. While rumours of an electoral pact between PN and BN to avoid multi-cornered fights had not materialised, the latest PAS directive signalled that the party remains open to closer cooperation with UMNO, despite the absence of a formal electoral pact.

But there’s a new wildcard – Bersama. The new party under de facto leader Rafizi Ramli, who was once PKR’s deputy president and widely seen as the party’s most effective campaign strategist, will be tested in the coming state elections when PH does battle with UMNO. Bersama, contesting 15 seats in Johor, would steal votes from both PH and BN.

British Combat Submarine Readiness Falls to Zero Again as Maintenance Crisis Worsens

North America, Western Europe and Oceania , Naval

Military Watch Magazine Editorial Staff

June-29th-2026

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British Astute Class Nuclear Powered Attack Submarine

The availability rate of the British Royal Navy’s nuclear-powered attack submarine fleet has again fallen to zero, with all of the service's Astute class submarines currently being under maintenance. The total lack of available attack submarines has caused particularly high concerns due to the Navy’s overwhelming reliance on the Astute class for combat roles, in large part due to the limited numbers and highly constrained capabilities of the Navy’s Type 45 class destroyers, which have themselves continued to suffer from poor availability rates and poor reliability. The state of the submarine fleet has drawn particular high criticisms due to the British Armed Forces’ ongoing involvement in multiple conflicts, including supporting the U.S.-led campaign against Iran, actively deploying ground forces to combat Russian forces in Ukraine, and targeting Russian civilian shipping. 

British Royal Navy Astute Class Submarine

Commenting on the United Kingdom’s limited ability to sustain its submarine fleet, former director of nuclear policy at the Ministry of Defence Rear Admiral Philip Mathias in December 2025 warned that the country was no longer capable of running its nuclear submarine program. He stressed that years of mismanagement had seriously eroded fleet availability rates and a wide range of other performance metrics, and argued that the fleet has suffered from “shockingly low availability” rates, with budget cuts and a “huge failure” in the management of key personnel having exacerbated issues. “The UK is no longer capable of managing a nuclear submarine program… Performance across all aspects of the program continues to get worse in every dimension. This is an unprecedented situation in the nuclear submarine age. It is a catastrophic failure of succession and leadership planning,” he concluded.

British Royal Navy Type 45 Class Destroyer - These Have the Poorest Availability Rates in the World

In contrast to the Type 45 class destroyer, which has suffered from highly frequent breakdowns and suffers low availability primarily due to issues with the design itself, poor Astute class submarine availability rates are largely the result of maintenance bottlenecks, limited dockyard capacity, and workforce shortages. Continued operation of ageing Vanguard class ballistic missile submarines, which compete for the same specialised infrastructure as the Astute class ships, have also been an important factor. Delays to the Dreadnought class ballistic missile submarine’s development have further extended the service lives of the older Vanguard class ships, thus increasing pressure on Britain's already constrained nuclear submarine support facilities.

***

How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished!

- 2 Samuel 1:27

Once the MOST powerful navy in the world, with no near equal, it has finally reached its abysmal nadir. 

As for Oz, it can kiss its AUKUS planning goodbye, as well as its outlay of $368 Billion.

 

Republic of China Army’s Costly New U.S. Abrams Tanks ‘Dead Weights’ with Little Wartime Value - Analysts Warn

Asia-Pacific , Ground

Military Watch Magazine Editorial Staff

June-30th-2026

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M1A2 Abrams Tank

Following the delivery of the last of 108 M1A2 Abrams main battle tanks ordered to equip the Republic of China Army, analysts at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) have recently assessed the vehicles are prime examples of “dead weight” procurements because they are optimised for a kind of conventional land warfare that is far removed from the Army’s likely conflict scenarios. Rather than investing heavily in heavy and expensive armoured vehicles like the Abrams, the institute’s analysts have contended, the Republic of China Defence Ministry should prioritise asymmetric capabilities that are cheaper, more survivable, and capable of imposing disproportionate costs on advancing forces. This has echoed criticisms widely made by both Chinese and Western analysts, many of them Taiwan-based, regarding the prioritisation of procurement funding.  

Republic of China Army M1A2 Abrams Tank

According to the ASPI report, one of the Abrams’ greatest shortcomings is that the geography of Taiwan Island, where Republic of China forces are based, offers few opportunities for large-scale armoured manoeuvre warfare. Much of the island is mountainous and heavily urbanised, while any invasion would initially focus on securing beaches, ports, and airfields. Abrams tanks will thus have limited room to exploit their mobility and firepower, reducing many of the advantages for which they were designed. “The 74-ton, four-person M1A2 was designed for a kind of warfare that is rapidly becoming a thing of the past. As the wars in Ukraine and Iran have proved, the future belongs to small, light, autonomous weapons that can be continuously upgraded and built quickly in huge quantities,” the report observed. 

Republic of China Army M1A2T Tanks During First Combat Readiness Exercises in Taoyuan

The ASPI report argues that the proliferation of inexpensive drones and precision-guided munitions has made heavy armour increasingly vulnerable to strikes by low cost loitering munitions, FPV drones, top-attack anti-tank missiles, and precision artillery. This undermines the cost-effectiveness of investing billions of dollars in modern main battle tanks.  Another criticism concerns logistics. The Abrams is the heaviest tank type in service worldwide, with the M1A2T variant procured by the Republic of China Army weighing approximately 74 tons. The vehicles are require substantial fuel, maintenance, recovery vehicles, transporters, and spare parts. In a Taiwan Strait conflict where missile strikes could disrupt local infrastructure and logistics networks, keeping heavy armoured units supplied and operational could be difficult.  

Republic of China Army Exercises Simulating Transport of Abrams Tanks

Among the local analysts echoed in the ASPI report, former Republic of China Armed Forces chief of general staff Lee Hsiang-chou described the procurement as one the most questionable made in recent years. He argued that many bridges across Taiwan were not originally designed to accommodate 70 ton vehicles, potentially limiting operational mobility, while also questioning the sustainability of fuel consumption during prolonged combat. Such criticisms have been responded to with assertions that the Republic of China Ministry of Defence has had no other options to procure main battle tanks, with it’s almost total lack of international recognition making arms sales highly controversial. The United States, which only produces the Abrams, has been the only country willing to supply tanks. Nevertheless, the possibility of abandoning fielding tanks entirely has also been raised in the past.

Chinese Type 100 Tank - Currently Considered the World Leader in Pioneering Next Generation Design Features

The U.S. Army has itself responded to prevailing trends in armoured warfare by cancelling plans to further update the M1A2 design, and instead deeply redesigning the Abrams tank under the M1E3 program. The program has evolved the design in the same direction as the new Chinese Type 100 next generation main battle tank, albeit with greater constraints as it is not a clean sheet design but rather a deep adaptation of a Cold War era vehicle. The M1E3 similarly moved away from the Cold War emphasis on maximising armour and firepower, and towards prioritising reduced weight, digital integration, active protection, and survivability against modern precision threats. With the Russian-Ukrainian War having highlighted the severe limitations of traditional Western main tanks in modern warfare, tanks like the Abrams are increasingly widely considered obsolete, and quickly suffered extreme losses in the theatre while having relatively little impact. While the M1E3 program appears to have potential to change this, this next generation variant is not expected to be available for service until the early-mid 2030s, and may not be available for export for more than a decade.

Hadi Awang accused of confusing PAS’ grassroots, Muslims with “don’t vote for PH edict”

Hadi Awang accused of confusing PAS’ grassroots, Muslims with “don’t vote for PH edict”

IT started with a “vote BN-UMNO” appeal but confusion arose as to how should PAS grassroots should cast their votes in the Puteri Wangsa contest which features a five-corner fight but primarily pitting unofficial Pakatan Harapan (PH) poster boy Dr Maszlee Malek against Barisan Nasional’s Teow Chia Ling from MCA.


This was when the call by the party’s deputy president Datuk Seri Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man was mocked by seemingly Madani backers that PAS was imposing upon its members to vote for a kafir (infidel) candidate or that the party “is rejecting a Muslim candidate even when it’s hell-bent to uphold the Muslim ummah (solidarity)”.

This eventually led to an ‘edict’ by the Islamist party’s supremo Tan Sri Hadi Awang who yesterday (June 29) called on PAS members and Muslim electorate in particular not to vote for PH, including in seats that are witnessing a straight clash between BN and PH.

In fact, the eight-term Marang MP had in his “PAS President Mind’ rant earlier stressed the need for Malay Muslims to unite by choosing Malay Muslim and non-Muslim leaders who are not extreme in their demeanours.

In contrast, they must reject “non-Muslim extremists who oppose Islam and plan to take over the country by joining forces with Malays who are liberal and have no love for their own religion and race (presumably a reference to PH)”.

But this arrangement is not so straight forward as it seems if the exposé by former vocal UMNO supreme council member Datuk Dr Mohd Puad Zarkashi can be trusted.

According to the former Johor state assembly speaker, UMNO leaders “have quietly negotiated” with PAS to form a political alliance to face upcoming elections, especially the Johor and Negeri Sembilan state polls.

“Among the initial agreements was that PAS will not contest the Johor state elections. All seats will be contested by BN,” revealed the former Rengit state assemblyman.

“UMNO leaders including Datuk Wira Megat Zulkarnain Omardin (political secretary to Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi) believe that the negotiations are successful and UMNO will win big in Johor.”

Editor’s Note: Officially, however, UMNO has insisted that there is no secret pact between both parties.

To cut a long story short, detractors whether they are Madani backers or wise Muslims, have rejected Hadi and PAS’ latest political manoeuvres.

As one netizen to an Utusan Malaysia Facebook post on Hadi’s latest spiritual thoughts subtly put it, Muslims should be encouraged to choose leaders who are intelligent, virtuous, dislike making enemies and understand the progress and needs of the country, among others.


“… We reject leaders who are religiously motivated, who have jobs but don’t do their jobs such as skipping Dewan Rakyat sessions but still getting their allowance, and many more…” jibed the commenter given Hadi’s infamous high absenteeism rate.

Another commenter wondered isn’t Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim a Muslim leader going by PAS’ argument?

“PMX is promoting Islam in Malaysia much better than PAS even though he has only been in power for four years. PMX is truly the best Islamic leader Allah has bestowed upon us in this era,” he opined.

As such, former education minister Maszlee as a Malay-Muslim candidate or even the MUDA candidate (Rashifa Aljunied) should be favoured over his MCA contender, justified some commenters.

In essence, PAS has frequently been shifting its stance between its friends and enemies over the years, the most notable was in 2012 when Hadi stressed that “it’s mandatory to support DAP and reject UMNO till dooms day comes”. – June 30, 2026

Israeli Defense Chief Lashes Out At Trump Policy For Preventing Destruction Of Hezbollah

Israeli Defense Chief Lashes Out At Trump Policy For Preventing Destruction Of Hezbollah

by Tyler Durden
Tuesday, Jun 30, 2026 - 08:55 PM


Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz in a talk before reporters Monday ripped the Trump administration, blaming the US for giving into Iran's demands that a peace framework incorporate the Lebanon front.

Trump "exerted pressure" on Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu within several telephone calls "in the run-up to the signing of the memorandum of understanding" - and ultimately prevented Israel from disarming and destroying Hezbollah, he asserted.

Katz expressed "regret" at the US linking up Iran and Lebanon, saying: "The connection between the Iran and Lebanon fronts is an American interest; if there had been no connection between the fronts, Hezbollah would have collapsed."

Israeli Defense Ministry


Katz suggested the Israeli army was then forced to go to a "Plan B," which he outlined as "pushing deeper into the 'Yellow Line' zone in southern Lebanon" - which extends nearly 10 kilometers into Lebanon, and mainly constitutes what the IDF currently occupies.

The Times of Israel bluntly put it as follows:


Briefing reporters, Katz claimed that had it not been for American pressure on Israel, the IDF would have caused Hezbollah's collapse in Lebanon. He said the IDF had planned a “massive” aerial campaign that, he claimed, “would have dismantled Hezbollah,” and that the terror group was “begging the Iranians to save it.”

The defense minister blamed US President Donald Trump’s linking of the US-Iran talks with Lebanon for preventing Israel from doing so. According to Katz, when Trump “linked Iran and Lebanon,” Israel had to stop “bringing down buildings in Beirut,” but could carry out “surgical strikes” on Hezbollah in the Lebanese capital.

Katz emphasized, "I’m sorry about that linkage, but it was an American interest. They very much wanted to advance the possibility of negotiations with Iran."

He also noted of recently strained US-Israeli relations, "when you enter into a partnership, it has advantages, but it also comes with certain constraints."

"People should not hold their breath wondering where the next place will be from which Israel will withdraw in Lebanon, because it will not happen until Hezbollah is disarmed. We have no territorial ambitions in Lebanon, but until Hezbollah is disarmed, we will not withdraw a millimeter," Katz added.

He also said, "When it comes to defending ourselves, there are no compromises, not in Lebanon and not in Iran."

The defense chief then made clear that Israel is preparing to go it alone regarding Iran if need be:


"If Iran attacks, that is the third Iran war. The situation is very clear. There is no reality in which Israel will allow missile fire at its territory without responding with force. It could happen within two days. My directive to the IDF is to prepare for a blue-and-white operation in Iran."

גיא עזריאל Guy Azriel

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Three remarkable comments from Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz today: On the reported plan to topple the Iranian regime, originally prepared under former Mossad chief David Barnea: "There were external actors who were supposed to join, but they did not allow it to Show more

Last edited1:25 AM · Jun 30, 2026

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The "blue-and-white" label is apparent reference to taking the war to Iran, but without external Washington help. However, it's also clear that the Iranians have in the past been able to inflict serious damage on Israel, even when it did have active and significant US military support.

The defense minister also again admitted that Israeli intelligence has had assets inside Iran all along, but that these ground elements were prevented from orchestrating full regime change in the Islamic Republic.