Tuesday, November 03, 2026

A greeting by any other name is just as sweet





A greeting by any other name is just as sweet

Sunday, 01 Nov 2026


FOR a long time, we have wished our Indian friends “Happy Deepavali”, our Malay friends “Selamat Hari Raya” and our Chinese friends “Kong Hei Fatt Choy” in Cantonese or “Keong Hee Huat Chye” in Hokkien.




It was that simple. Everyone understood the goodwill behind the greetings. Nobody needed a dictionary, a cultural seminar, or a social media debate to explain what we meant.

Today, even the names of festivals can become controversial: Deepavali versus Diwali, Hari Raya versus Lebaran, buka puasa versus iftar, and Kong Hei Fatt Choy versus Gong Xi Fa Cai.

Call them what you will; the celebrations remain essentially the same. But identity matters, and we know how sensitive cultural and ethnic issues can be.

The irony is that Malaysia’s multicultural character has always rested on shared celebrations, open houses, exchanged greetings and food from different communities. Yet social media can turn almost every linguistic difference into a dispute.

Take Deepavali and Diwali. Both refer to the Hindu festival of lights, with the names shaped by regional, linguistic, and cultural traditions. Deepavali is widely used in Malaysia, Brunei, and Singapore, while Diwali is more common in parts of India and among Indian communities in countries such as the United States and Britain.

Neither should be treated as a threat to the other.

The same applies to Hari Raya and Lebaran. Hari Raya Aidilfitri is familiar in Malaysia, while Lebaran is widely used in Indonesia, alongside Idulfitri.

Shared traditions do not require identical vocabulary. We can appreciate our neighbours’ expressions without abandoning our own.

Buka puasa and iftar likewise refer to breaking the Ramadan fast. One term is a deeply familiar one in Malaysia, while the other is the Arabic term widely used across the Muslim world. Neither makes someone more religious or authentic.

The spirit of Ramadan lies in generosity, compassion, and fellowship, not in policing the words used at the dining table.

Among Malaysian Chinese, “Kong Hei Fatt Choy” and “Gong Xi Fa Cai” reflect different linguistic traditions. Cantonese, Hok-kien, Hakka, and other Chinese dialects have shaped local speech, while Mandarin has become increasingly prominent through education and the media.

A Cantonese greeting is not outdated, just as a Mandarin greeting does not erase local heritage. Both have a place in our linguistically diverse society. Ultimately, the choice may come down to personal preference, family tradition, or simply what is most convenient.

But the growing dominance of Mandarin worries me, parti-cularly in Penang, where the distinctive local variety of Hok-kien risks being lost.

Many younger Chinese Malay-sians, having attended Chinese primary schools, are more comfortable speaking Mandarin than Hokkien. For Baby Boomers like me, who received our education in English-medium schools, navigating conversations in Penang can sometimes be a struggle.

I insist on speaking my distinctive Penang Hokkien, which I am proud of, but it may be a losing battle.

Then there is the wider debate over Christmas greetings.

In many Western countries, “Merry Christmas” was once the standard seasonal greeting, used freely in public spaces, workplaces, and schools. Increasingly, some institutions and corporations have adopted “Happy Holidays” instead.

There is a reasonable explanation for this. Christmas falls during a period when people also observe Hanukkah, New Year, and other religious or cultural occasions. “Happy Holidays” is intended to include everyone, including those who do not celebrate Christmas.

It can be a courteous gesture, although commercial considerations may have also played a part. The intention is to avoid assuming that everyone shares the same faith or tradition.

However, the growing use of “Happy Holidays” has also led to debates over what is commonly called woke culture, particularly the argument that public language should be adjusted to avoid excluding or offending particular groups.

In the United States and parts of Europe, critics argue that traditional Christian greetings are being abandoned in the name of diversity, sometimes creating the impression that the majority must set aside its customs to accommodate others.

There is a distinction between being considerate and becoming excessively anxious about causing offence.

In its best form, inclusive language encourages sensitivity and respect. In its worst form, it can make ordinary expressions seem unacceptable simply because not everyone shares the same beliefs.

There is nothing inherently wrong with saying “Happy Holidays” when addressing a mixed audience. Nor is there anything wrong with wishing someone “Merry Christmas”.

The problem begins when one greeting is presented as morally superior to the other, or when people are made to feel that saying “Merry Christmas” is insensitive, outdated, or politically incorrect.

Christians should not have to apologise for saying “Merry Christmas”, just as non-Christians should not be pressured to use the greeting.

Courtesy should leave room for both. A company may choose “Happy Holidays” for a general advertisement, while an individual may warmly wish a Christian friend “Merry Christmas”. There is no contradiction.

The purpose of inclusive language should be to widen the circle of respect, not erase familiar traditions. If every religious greeting is replaced by a neutral phrase for fear of offending someone, public life may become less contentious but also less meaningful.

Diversity should not require us to remove all references to faith and culture from our shared vocabulary.

The larger problem is not that different names exist, but that we sometimes treat those differences as challenges to our identity.

Learning another community’s preferred terminology is respectful. Humiliating someone for using a familiar expression in good faith is not.

If someone wishes us Happy Deepavali, Selamat Hari Raya, Kong Hei Fatt Choy or Merry Christmas, our first response should be to appreciate the goodwill behind the greeting.

Of course, precise terminology matters in certain contexts, including official documents and educational materials. Commu-nities should also be free to explain how they prefer their festivals to be named.

But respect must work both ways. We should not belittle another community’s language or demand that people abandon expressions rooted in family, heritage, and memory.

We must also distinguish genuine courtesy from compulsory conformity. It is courteous to ask how someone prefers to be addressed or to learn the name a community uses for its celebration. It is unreasonable to assume that every traditional expression is offensive simply because it is not universally shared.

Our multicultural identity is not built on having identical words for everything. It is built on understanding differences without feeling threatened by them.

Deepavali can co-exist with Diwali, Hari Raya with Lebaran, buka puasa with iftar, Kong Hei Fatt Choy with Gong Xi Fa Cai, and Merry Christmas with Happy Holidays.

Cultural pride should give us the confidence to cherish our own traditions while making room for others. If we can share our homes, food, friendships, and celebrations, surely we can accommodate different names for the same joy.

More importantly, Malaysia’s tradition of holding open houses during festive occasions remains one of our greatest strengths. Malaysians of different ethnicities and faiths visit one another, share meals, and celebrate together.

We do not need to turn every festival greeting into a religious or ideological debate. Sometimes, all it takes is common sense and a willingness to appreciate one another as fellow Malaysians.

Our country has long shown that people can live together without speaking, praying, or celebrating in exactly the same way. We should not allow excessive sensitivity to turn every greeting into a test of political correctness.

Good manners are not about finding one approved phrase for everyone. They are about understanding the person, the occasion, and the goodwill behind the words.

In Malaysia, we do not need to speak exactly the same language to understand one another. Sometimes, the most Malaysian response is also the simplest: smile, say thank you, and wish one another well.

After all, whatever names we use for our festivals, the spirit remains the same. We are Malaysians celebrating together, sharing goodwill, and embracing the goodness that brings us closer.


National Journalism Laureate Datuk Seri Wong Chun Wai is the chairman of Bernama.

'Out with the dinosaurs': Bersama pitches proportional representation for Malacca








'Out with the dinosaurs': Bersama pitches proportional representation for Malacca

Published: Nov 2, 2026 6:39 PM


MALACCA POLLS | New kid on the political block Bersama plans to overhaul the composition of the Malacca state assembly by introducing proportional representation, allowing seven additional assemblypersons to be appointed based on each party’s share of the popular vote.

Bersama leader Rafizi Ramli said the current first-past-the-post (FPTP) system had allowed political dinosaurs to thrive unchallenged, adding that the proposed experiment in Malacca would be the first step towards reforming the electoral system nationwide.

He said the existing system created a “winner-takes-all” situation that did not accurately reflect the overall outcome of an election.

"So we want to test the people's response so that we can improve this system starting in Malacca and extend it to other states. This protects the right of the voters and is fair to all contestants,” he said when launching Bersama’s manifesto for the state election.


"If we use the FPTP system, our country will forever be monopolised by dinosaur parties, not because they are popular, but because our system lacks an element of proportional representation," he added.

Popular vote shares

Rafizi explained that under the proposed system, the seven appointed assemblypersons would be allocated according to each party’s share of the popular vote, regardless of whether it won any constituency seats or formed the state government.

"For example, if BN-Perikatan Nasional gets 40 percent of the popular vote, then they will get 40 percent of the seven appointed assemblypersons, which is three people,” he said.


As another example, he said Pakatan Harapan could secure three appointed assemblypersons even if it won only one or two seats in the election, provided it garnered 40 percent of the popular vote, matching the combined share of BN and Perikatan Nasional.

In August, Sunway University political scientist Wong Chin Huat wrote an open letter to Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow, proposing that the DAP-led state serve as a testing ground for incorporating elements of proportional representation into its electoral system.

Wong suggested introducing "democratically appointed non-constituency seats".

Political analyst Wong Chin Huat

Referring to the recent Negeri Sembilan election, he said the results demonstrated that government performance did not necessarily translate into electoral support. Instead, negative sentiments such as fear and anxiety could prove more effective in mobilising voters or even discouraging some from turning out to vote.

He argued that proportional representation would give smaller political parties a better chance of survival, reducing the risk of them being wiped out when rival parties merge, or their own support bases become fragmented.

This, he said, could also reduce the incentive for political parties to pursue race-based “grand consolidations”.

However, Wong acknowledged that extending electoral reforms to parliamentary and state elections would require amendments to Articles 116 and 117 of the Federal Constitution, which would need the support of a two-thirds majority in Parliament.

Given the difficulty of securing such support, he suggested that the reform should first be pursued at the state level.

Power abuse concerns

In July, the Umno/BN-dominated Malacca state legislative assembly passed an amendment to its state constitution allowing for the appointment of additional assembly members.

Malacca state assembly building, the Seri Negeri complex, in Ayer Keroh

The move drew criticism from DAP lawmakers, who argued that it would undermine democratic principles by allowing unelected individuals to sit in the legislature without a mandate from voters.

They also cautioned that the move could alter the political balance, weaken the assembly’s checks and balances, expand the state government's powers and create room for abuse.

Their concerns centred on the possibility of ruling parties gaining additional appointed representatives, a scenario that differs from Rafizi’s proposal to distribute the seats according to each party’s share of the popular vote.

Meanwhile, Bersama’s manifesto outlined five key areas of focus: sustainable state revenue, addressing urgent infrastructure needs, strengthening governance and the democratic system, and expanding the people's socio-economic programmes.

In the Nov 14 Malacca polls, Bersama is fielding candidates in 16 constituencies, taking on major political coalitions BN, PN and Harapan.

Health ministry short of 1,176 drivers, including for ambulances

 


Health ministry short of 1,176 drivers, including for ambulances

Health ministry short of 1,176 drivers, including for ambulances

The lack of manpower is reportedly expected to persist until April next year, caused by a postponement of recruitment by SPA in 2024.

ambulans
A union representing drivers under the health ministry previously said the manpower shortage had added to drivers’ workloads, causing burnout for some.
PETALING JAYA:
The health ministry is facing a shortage of 1,176 drivers for various public healthcare vehicles, including ambulances, forcing existing drivers to take on greater workloads.

The lack of manpower is reportedly expected to persist until April next year, caused by a postponement of recruitment by the public services commission (SPA) in 2024.
The ministry said the hiring of drivers was postponed to make way for the implementation of a new scheme under the Public Service Remuneration System, Berita Harian reported.

Now, drivers are officially known as general service assistants and categorised as a skilled service, it said.

“This change demands closer consideration of the qualifications of candidates to ensure that those selected are genuinely suitable and competent to perform the functions of a driver, especially for ambulances.

“This new scheme also encourages the expansion of job scopes, multi-skilling and multitasking,” said the health ministry.

The ministry expects to fill the vacancies across the country in stages from April 2027 onwards.

It said the SPA is still acting on applications for the role, with candidates completing their driving competency tests on Oct 27.

As of Sept 30, the ministry had 8,863 posts for drivers, of which 7,687 had been filled.

Peninsular Malaysia recorded the most vacancies by region at 1,003 drivers, followed by Sarawak (92), Sabah (73) and Labuan (eight).

A union representing drivers under the health ministry had urged the government to immediately fill these vacancies to ensure that the public ambulance service could function at an optimal level.

Its president, Reostam Dzahar, said the manpower shortage had added to the workloads of drivers, causing burnout for some.

The health ministry said the change in scheme for drivers was necessary to separate the overlapping job scopes from those of other general service assistants.

It said normal general service assistants are meant to focus on carrying out general support services according to the needs of the relevant departments.

These may include acting as a driver, subject to competency tests and permission from the heads of departments.

“For general service assistants (drivers), their focus is on their driving duties and maintenance of department-issued vehicles, including ambulances, at their assigned locations,” said the ministry.

Long-term solution needed for Langkawi ferry lane sedimentation, says Loke






Long-term solution needed for Langkawi ferry lane sedimentation, says Loke



A view of the new Kuala Kedah Jetty terminal, which is expected to be completed by the end of 2027, in Alor Setar on November 2, 2026. — Bernama pic



First Published: Monday, 02 Nov 2026 3:14 PM MYT


ALOR SETAR, Nov 2 — The issue of sedimentation along the ferry lane in the waters of Kuala Kedah requires a more sustainable, long-term solution to ensure the smooth operation of ferry services to Langkawi.

Transport Minister Anthony Loke Siew Fook said dredging works are carried out periodically every two years to prevent sedimentation from disrupting operations in the area.


However, he noted that a more comprehensive solution must be sought, given that this issue continues to be an operational constraint at the terminal.

“There are physical constraints because the passenger terminal currently under development is situated at its original location. Reclaiming land from the sea or developing new areas would be prohibitively expensive.


“Therefore, we are seeking a long-term solution to address this sedimentation issue, while dredging works are being carried out periodically,” he said.

He told reporters after officiating a ceremony to distribute special financial aid to taxi, rental car, and school bus drivers in the state of Kedah here today.


Meanwhile, Loke encouraged both existing and new ferry operators to expand their services and increase trip frequencies to better meet the needs of users.

However, he noted that any increase in the number of trips would depend on the operators’ capabilities, taking into account various factors such as operating costs, passenger volume, and operational constraints.


Regarding the development of the new Kuala Kedah passenger terminal slated for completion in September 2027 he said the facility is expected to enhance the operational capacity of ferry services at the terminal.

He explained that the new facility will allow up to three ferries to dock simultaneously, compared to the current capacity of only one ferry at a time.


At the event, 351 taxi and rental car drivers from Kedah and Perlis received aid vouchers worth RM1,000 each.

Also present were Home Minister Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, Ministry of Transport secretary-general Datuk Seri Jana Santhiran Muniayan, and director-general of the Land Public Transport Agency Ahmad Radhi Maarof. — Bernama

CIA's secret Chinese (KMT) Army in Burma





I wrote this after reading several history books



Shared post from Fridayeveryday
TLDR; The CIA poured cash into a plot for a secret army from Taiwan to invade southern China from Burma—and accidentally financed the birth of the Golden Triangle, a heroin empire which killed huge numbers of people
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Chapter 1: THE CHOICE
US PRESIDENT HARRY TRUMAN had a gut feeling that he should stay out of Taiwan. “The United States Government will not pursue a course which will lead to involvement in the civil conflict in China,” he wrote on 5 January, 1950.
But the C.I.A. felt differently: their modus operandi was to choose one side and covertly arm it.
- People on the mainland, as socialists, were more organized, more serious, and surprisingly good at spycraft. But they were commies!
- The nationalists on Taiwan island had a reputation for being tricky and unpredictable. But they were capitalists.
CIA leaders made their fateful choice.
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Chapter 2: THE SECRET ARMY
THE CIA LEARNED that the Taiwan-based nationalists had assembled a secret army in Burma to “recover” China from the communists.
Led by General Li Mi of the Kuomintang, or KMT, the attack force communicated with Taipei through a confidential radio office in Bangkok.
The CIA used its own planes to add more soldiers from Taiwan, plus weapons from an arsenal on Okinawa—and plenty of cash. The operation was coordinated by CIA men Alfred Cox in Hong Kong and Sherman Joost in Bangkok.
In May 1951, Li Mi’s secret army invaded China from the south, accompanied by CIA officers.
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Chapter 3: SPYCRAFT
IT WAS A DISASTER. The Chinese seemed to be waiting for them in Yunnan province—and picked them off wherever they turned. In less than a month, the effort was in full retreat.
A second incursion, in July, went even more badly, with the Chinese chasing them out in a week.
What the KMT didn’t know until much later was that the Chinese had quietly replaced the nationalist radio man in Bangkok with one of their own operatives—they were good at spycraft, as mentioned.
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Chapter 4: EMBARRASSMENT
AT CHRISTMAS IN 1951, Beijing complained in public that the United States had ferried Nationalist soldiers and weapons to Burma to create conflict. The controversy was raised at the United Nations. US diplomats lied, saying on the record that the US had no involvement whatsoever.
But Washington was embarrassed when an 11 February 1952 New York Times report quoted witnesses in Burma who had seen Li Mi’s soldiers proudly showing off their brand-new American weapons.
That summer, Li Mi led yet another invasion of China. On 2 August, some 2,100 Nationalists got less than 100 km into the country before being driven out.
But despite the supply of arms and cash, and even US training, the latest operation was not progressing. As time passed, it became clear to the CIA that the secret army was busy with something else.
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Chapter 5: THE TWIST
During their years’ hiding in mountains of northern Burma, the KMT’s secret force had made two discoveries. One was that an extremely valuable crop, opium, was grown in those mountains, and the other was that they liked southeast Asian women.
Their capitalist urges trumped their political ones. They married the women and became wealthy opium plantation owners and drug distributors.
By 1953, Washington’s official line was to ask Chiang Kai-shek in Taipei to remove the men from Burma. That year, 7,000 troops were airlifted to Taiwan—but at least that number insisted on staying, and thousands more decided to remain in neighboring Thailand.
The CIA saw the “Golden Triangle” drug trade as a positive, potentially making their covert armies self-financing. “The U.S. use of the drug traffic from the KMT troops in Burma had momentous consequences for the whole of Southeast Asia,” said historian Peter Dale Scott in the Asia Pacific Journal.
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Chapter 6: RICH AND ARMED
BY THE EARLY 1960s, the Burmese were desperate to get the KMT out, and the CIA was intrigued to discover that the PLA, China’s army, had agreed to help.
But even they couldn’t eradicate the rebels, who were rich, strong, and well-armed, and now controlled 90 percent of Burmese opium—and “almost a third of the world’s opium supply”, according to CIA Far East operative Richard Stilwell.
In 1961, the leaders in Taipei cut off all payments to their people in Burma. But the KMT secret army responded that this just made the drug trade more crucial: they had to expand it to cover their soldiers’ salaries.
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Chapter 7: A WIN AND A LOSS
IN TRUTH, the secret army had lost all interest in invading China. And they found themselves under fire in their new profession. In 1967, the drug operation had spread into Laos and Vietnam, and the KMT were soon fighting a war against rival warlords.
The Taiwanese eventually defeated their main opponent Khun Sa, a Burmese, but during the fighting, a Lao general confiscated a large amount of opium and supplied it to multiple users across East Asia.
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Chapter 8: PEACE
The 1967 opium war ended the Burma KMT’s 15-year control of the region’s main heroin distribution routes, although their business continued.
The CIA had spent a fortune over many years supporting the plan to “recover China” and had nothing to show for it.
In 1969, Henry Kissinger defunded many of the CIA operations in and around China. In 1971, he flew secretly to Beijing to make peace.
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EPILOGUE
And what happened to the secret army that Taiwan and the US had secretly funded for years?
“The Nationalists maintained forces in Burma no longer under CIA control. These later grew to as many as twelve thousand and continued their drug trafficking right into the 1980s,” wrote historian John Prados.
For the US, the experience “helped institutionalize what became a CIA habit of turning to drug-supported off-the-books assets for fighting wars wherever there appeared to be a threat to America’s access to oil and other resources,” wrote Peter Dale Scott.
But as so often happened, the CIA’s lawless antics harmed all sides—including the US itself. The opium grabbed by the Lao general was turned into heroin and secretly sold in Vietnam in the 1960s and 1970s.
Many of the buyers were American troops fighting in South Vietnamese jungles, young men desperately stressed out after being commissioned to win an unwinnable war.
*
Sources:
American War Machine by Peter Dale Scott; The Search for Modern China by Jonathan D. Spence; Legacy of Ashes by Tim Weiner; Safe for Democracy: The Secret Wars of the CIA by John Prados.