Thursday, October 22, 2026

Heidi Levine recounts how Palestinian youths helped save her in settler attack



Heidi Levine recounts how Palestinian youths helped save her in settler attack

US photojournalist describes ‘protective shield’, vows to return to work in West Bank and criticises Netanyahu comments on incident

The Washington Post photojournalist who was attacked and seriously injured by Israeli settlers in the West Bank on Friday has described how she was saved with the help of local Palestinians.

Heidi Levine sustained four fractured vertebrae, two broken ribs and four puncture wounds when she was knocked to the ground and repeatedly beaten by a crowd of masked settlers while she and other journalists were covering the olive harvest in the Palestinian village of Abu Falah, north of Ramallah.

It is unclear whether the puncture wounds were caused by knives or other weapons. Levine said a witness to her attack had seen nails sticking out of some of the wooden clubs wielded by her attackers.

Levine, 64, has covered multiple wars and had just returned from an assignment in Ukraine before Friday’s attack. She said she would most likely have been killed had she not been wearing protective body armour and a helmet.

“I probably would have been dead, because for sure it doesn’t take much to kill a person with blows to the head,” she said shortly before being discharged from hospital on Wednesday in the Israeli city of Petah Tikva.

Levine pointed out that Palestinians did not have such protection and more than 20 had been killed in settler attacks so far this year, in the course of an escalating campaign of aggression – described as terrorism by Israeli security leaders – across the West Bank, aimed at driving Palestinians from their land.

“Every single journalist who looked at [the attack on me] are thinking they and I have gone to so many funerals of Palestinians killed by settlers,” Levine said.

She said the olive harvesting at Abu Falah had begun peacefully but at some point a group of young masked settlers appeared on a nearby hilltop watching the group of Palestinian villagers, journalists and human rights activists accompanying them. Levine said the attack began only after the Israeli army arrived on the scene.

“Then all hell broke loose. Some of the farmers started to gather their tarps and bags of olives that they had picked,” she said. “Then all of a sudden I hear a machine gun, and then saw teargas in the distance. I started to run … It was just like a lot of commotion and then all of a sudden I see a dozen of them and they started charging at me.

“I managed to keep my face to the ground, and I don’t know if I took that position to protect myself with my face down or it was their initial blow. Otherwise my whole face would have been broken and I could have suffered brain damage or lost an eye.

“They started kicking me and beating me with sticks. I can’t even count how many times, probably more than a hundred times. I actually tried playing dead so that they would stop. But it didn’t work.”

American photojournalist recounts Israeli settler attack in the occupied West Bank – video

Witnesses said the beating only ceased when young Palestinian men used slingshots to aim stones at settlers forcing them back, allowing another American journalist, Jasper Nathaniel, to reach Levine and, with other reporters, help her to safety.

“The shabab [Palestinian youth] put themselves in front and were trying to keep them [the settlers] away, keep a protective shield, which was amazing. It was like a biblical battle,” Levine said.

After the attack, Nathaniel wrote: “Had the shabab not stepped up to protect her, she might well be dead. It is no exaggeration to say that young Palestinians armed only with stones risked their lives to save Heidi Levine’s.”

He said the army pursued the young Palestinians after the incident, rather than the settlers. Palestinians risk being shot by settlers or soldiers if they try to resist attacks, and can face long periods in detention without charge.

Levine, who has lived in Israel for four decades, said she would go back to reporting on the West Bank as soon as she recovered. “My work is important,” she said. “They have bruised me, broken some bones, but they haven’t cracked my spirit.”

Since the attack, she has received letters from Israelis expressing regret, and an apologetic phone call from the president, Isaac Herzog.

“He was a teddy bear on the phone,” she said. “He kept saying I just want to give you a big hug and these are not representative of who this country is, they’re a dark stain, and he called them thugs.”

The office of the prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, however, put out a statement on X seeking to cast doubt on witness and video accounts of what he called an “alleged attack”.

Levine was particularly angered by Netanyahu’s claim that some video footage “appears to show Levine knocked down and immediately helped to her feet by the same unidentified individual”.

“That’s such bullshit. They helped me up because they couldn’t get my things off of me. That’s why,” Levine said. “They robbed me of everything I have – a pouch with my documents, my American passport, credit card, camera disk and a small camera bag with two other lenses. Everything is gone … That’s why [they stood me up], and then they threw me back down and continued to kick and hit me.”

The US ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, called the attack a “despicable act of terror” and demanded prosecutions. Israeli police arrested 10 suspects after the Abu Falah incident and another attack on Saturday aimed at European diplomats near the West Bank village of Taybeh.

On Wednesday an Israeli court released four suspects in the attack on Levine and put them under house arrest, on the grounds there was insufficient evidence to keep them in custody.

Asked if she expected her attackers to be brought to justice, Levine said her level of confidence was “two out of 10”.

“I am not very hopeful,” she said. “Of course, if the government made the decision to do something and crack down on this and get people arrested, they would do it. But it’s not just arresting these teenage thugs. It’s going after their leaders, the rabbis, and how they’re organised.”

Police arrest male student over alleged axe, penknife attack on teacher at Kuching international school






Police arrest male student over alleged axe, penknife attack on teacher at Kuching international school



Sarawak acting police commissioner DCP Saifullizan Ishak confirmed the incident, that occurred at about 8am, adding that a penknife and a small axe were found. — Picture by Raymond Manuel


Summary

  • A male Form Four student was arrested for allegedly attacking a female teacher at an international school in Kuching, injuring her.
  • Police found a penknife and a small axe at the scene, and the student has been released on police bail.
  • The incident is being investigated under Section 324 of the Penal Code and Section 6(1) of the Explosives Act 1957.


First Published: Wednesday, 21 Oct 2026 7:19 PM MYT


KUCHING, Oct 21 — A male Form Four student was arrested after he allegedly attacked a female teacher at an international school here, injuring her this morning.

Sarawak acting police commissioner DCP Saifullizan Ishak confirmed the incident, that occurred at about 8am, adding that a penknife and a small axe were found.

“The police are investigating in detail to ensure the cause of the incident and to obtain evidence.

“Further details about the incident will be made by the Kuching district police chief,” he said in a statement today, adding that the student has been released on police bail.

The case is being investigated under Section 324 of the Penal Code and Section 6(1) of the Explosives Act 1957, he added.

A video showing the student attacking the teacher had gone viral earlier. — Bernama

From strife-torn France to the UK, rightwing populists win when they stir chaos while promising order




From strife-torn France to the UK, rightwing populists win when they stir chaos while promising order

Marine Le Pen and Donald Trump are arsonists who play at being firefighters. Nigel Farage is finding that act harder to pull off in Andy Burnham’s Britain

An election where one side represents chaos will nearly always be won by the party that promises order instead. Public fatigue after years of turbulent Tory rule accounted for Labour’s 2024 landslide victory more than any policy in Keir Starmer’s manifesto. Across the Channel, Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Rally (RN), is currently on course to win next year’s presidential poll with a pledge of “restored authority and security” for a country that has spent years cycling between enervating stasis and explosive crisis.

Le Pen has been boosted in recent days by scenes of city centres ablaze and shops being looted as student demonstrations mutated into riots. Street confrontation is a more standard feature of the political repertoire in France than in most settled democracies, but the destruction was disturbing by any measure.

President Emmanuel Macron’s government, debilitated by the lack of a parliamentary majority, looked unprepared for the scale of the unrest. There was ample indication that something big was brewing. What began with high school students despairing at the neglected state of secondary education evolved into a general mobilisation of anger at high living costs and a lack of economic opportunities. Aggressive police tactics radicalised the crowd. As night followed day, and just as predictably, political fury gave way to opportunistic pillaging.

Prime minister Sébastien Lecornu accused “ultra-left” provocateurs of stirring disorder as part of a strategy to render the country ungovernable in the run-up to next year’s elections. Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the populist left’s presidential candidate, countered that violence was the natural byproduct of a degenerate repressive state that conspires to discredit resistance, and that the protests channelled the heroic spirit of May 1968.

At 75, Mélenchon is old enough to remember that Paris spring of revolutionary fervour. He has a keen following in the current generation of activist students, but the insurrectionary rhetoric unsettles swathes of conservative France. His pungency could put Le Pen in the Élysée Palace.

In the past she has been locked out of the presidency by coalitions of moderate and left voters rallying, often without enthusiasm, behind the candidate best placed to stop her. RN’s advances in parliament have been checked in the same way, although it is currently the biggest party.

Macron has twice been the beneficiary of that dynamic, but he can’t run again, has no obvious successor and is so radioactively unpopular that the whole liberal centre ground is contaminated by his standing on it.

Current polling indicates that the “republican front” would unravel if the only names in a second-round run-off were Mélenchon and Le Pen. The centre-right would break for the RN leader. It probably wouldn’t even be close.

France’s crisis has not escaped notice across the Atlantic, where it is viewed through the warped lens of Maga ideology. Donald Trump explained that “France is burning” because the country has been overrun by immigrants “with hatred in their hearts”. JD Vance agreed that “western liberals” were to blame for opening European borders to “the third world” and advised American voters to view French misfortune as a premonition of the future if Congress is captured by Democrats in midterm elections next month.

Republican efforts to cast their rivals as catalysts of national ruin have limited traction when Trump is the obvious engine of chaos. Democrats didn’t start the war in Iran. Nor did they author a deranged trade policy that alienated the US’s friends, turning even Canada into a foe.

This is a common problem for incumbent demagogues. In opposition, simple solutions are proposed for complex problems: tariffs as the remedy for industrial decline; expelling illegal immigrants as the answer to every social and economic grievance; trusting in the leader’s judgment as the answer to everything else.

In office, those mechanisms fail to deliver the promised benefits. Someone needs to be blamed. The categories of undesirable element grow. Media, universities, courts and opposition parties are called crooked or treasonous. But purges disrupt the smooth running of a country. They are bad for the economy. This is how the insecure leader goes through the gears of tyranny. A craving for control generates dissent, which is attacked as a menace to society, requiring more draconian law enforcement. When that provokes more determined opposition, the dissenters are denounced as extremists who jeopardise public safety.

Trump has travelled some way down that road already. He might accelerate a lot further after the midterms. One option is to make bogus claims of election fraud, denying the validity of results that, if allowed to stand, would empower Democrats to hold a rogue president to account. His despotic temperament and his record of refusal to admit any electoral weakness suggest he would rather trigger a constitutional crisis of existential dimensions for American democracy than acquiesce to cohabitation with an unfriendly Congress. He will plunge the country deeper into chaos and insist that the nation rally around him as the only one capable of restoring order.

That is standard authoritarian operating procedure. The arsonists affect dismay at the conflagrations they ignite. They cavort in firefighter costumes and hose the flames with petrol.

This is the role Le Pen is readying herself for now in France. If she wins next year’s election, the backlash from the left will be ferocious. That challenge will be eagerly confronted by an incoming president likely to be looking for pretexts to declare a national emergency and remake the republic as a vehicle for her personal authority.

Britain’s radical right parties dream of an equivalent opportunity. They revel in lurid imagery of societal breakdown. Sometimes the fantasy is camouflaged as a warning about the dangers of unchecked immigration, but impatience for a violent reckoning is never far from the surface. For Rupert Lowe, leader of Restore Britain, there is seemingly no effort to conceal the relish. He told his followers on X last week that his agenda would certainly trigger “civil unrest and rioting,” and that “what needs to happen will be incredibly painful”.

Lowe is still a relatively fringe figure but he exerts disproportionate influence in the conservative digital ecosystem thanks to amplification on X by Elon Musk, the platform’s oligarch proprietor. Lowe’s candidate beat the Tories and Liberal Democrats in Manchester’s mayoral byelection earlier this year. By competing for votes with Reform UK, Restore Britain has drawn Nigel Farage into an arms race in fanatical anti-migrant rhetoric.

Farage’s status as a more serious contender in the electoral arena allows him to launder ideas that were once self-evidently extreme – mass deportations, for example – as mainstream policy. That doesn’t automatically make them popular. There is an audience for ethnically selective nationalism but it has a ceiling. The voters who are motivated by determination to thwart Farage outnumber those who want him installed in Downing Street.

That tactical coalition is easily galvanised because prominent figures on the British right wear their arsonist intent so brazenly. Also, a stable Labour government isn’t giving them opportunities to play at being firefighters.

To advance on power, Reform UK has to win over the kinds of voters that Le Pen sees heading her way through the smouldering rubble of French politics: people exhausted and bewildered by the system unravelling, without hope that incumbent authorities can get the country back on track, and amenable to the argument that fanatical leftists are the more menacing agents of chaos. Thankfully, those are not the conditions of British politics. Andy Burnham’s every step should be guided by the need to keep it that way.

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Just like in Malaysia