Religious figures from Kelantan condemn PAS for slandering DAP

Religious figures from Kelantan condemn PAS for slandering DAP

KESATUAN Pondok-Pondok Kelantan has urged political leaders, especially those who portray themselves as champions of Islam, to exercise greater care and responsibility when making public statements that could deepen divisions within society.

Its chairman, Zulkarnain Harun, said in a statement today that political influence comes with a heavy responsibility, as every statement made by a leader could either help bring people together or further widen existing divisions.

The association was responding to remarks by PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang, who yesterday accused DAP of leading PH in pursuing what he described as a continuation of the colonial agenda to undermine the position of the Malays and Islam.

Kesatuan Pondok-Pondok Kelantan described the allegation as slander, saying it was unsupported by evidence.

“Such serious allegations can not only create suspicion and hatred, but also potentially divide Muslims and undermine harmony in our multiracial society,” said Zulkarnain.

DAP Central Executive Committee member Sheikh Umar Bagharib Ali, meanwhile, maintained that the party has consistently respected the Federal Constitution and conducted its activities within the country’s constitutional framework.

He argued that if DAP genuinely opposed Islam, as alleged, the party would have already faced action for supposedly contradicting provisions protected under the Constitution.

Interestingly, PAS and DAP have not always been on opposing sides of the political divide. The two parties previously worked together and maintained various forms of political cooperation over several years.

Their collaboration was most notably seen under Pakatan Rakyat, when PAS and DAP were part of state governments together.

Zulkarnain also called for a shift away from divisive rhetoric, stressing that political parties should compete based on their ability to offer practical solutions to the challenges facing Malaysians.

“Islam does not become stronger through slander. The Malays do not become stronger through fear. The country does not become stronger through division,” he said.

According to Zulkarnain, it is time for the country’s politics to move away from politics of fear towards politics of solutions, competing to offer the best ideas to strengthen the economy, reduce the cost of living, create jobs, strengthen education, eradicate poverty and improve the people’s wellbeing.

“Let us build a politics grounded in knowledge, facts, justice, morality and the public interest, for an Islam that is respected, a united people, and a peaceful and prosperous Malaysia,” he said.—Aug 9, 2026

Main image: Suara Keadilan.my

Takiyuddin says PAS has no offers to join unity government, will await DAP’s decision

Takiyuddin says PAS has no offers to join unity government, will await DAP’s decision



PAS secretary general Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan declared the party has received no approaches or offers to join the unity government. — Bernama pic


Summary

• PAS Secretary General Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan stated that the party has not received any approaches or offers to join the unity government, and will adopt a "wait and see" approach regarding upcoming decisions by DAP.
• On August 16, DAP is set to table a motion at its national convention, with nearly 4,000 delegates deciding on the party's continued participation in the government until the end of the current parliamentary term.

By Malay Mail
First Published: Monday, 10 Aug 2026 11:46 AM MYT


PETALING JAYA, Aug 10 — PAS secretary general Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan declared the party has received no approaches or offers to join the unity government, stressing it will simply “wait and see” what happens when DAP decides its position on August 16.

“For August 16, we will wait and see. We have not received any approaches or offers to join the government. As of now, I can confirm there are none,” he told Harian Metro after attending the PAS annual convention committee meeting in Kota Bharu last night.

His comments come as DAP prepares to table a motion at its national convention, where nearly 4,000 delegates will determine whether the party remains in government until the end of the current parliamentary term.

Terengganu MB says Jalur Gemilang flown without crescent moon and star was ‘unintentional’, ‘isolated’ incident

Terengganu MB says Jalur Gemilang flown without crescent moon and star was ‘unintentional’, ‘isolated’ incident



Terengganu Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar speaks to reporters at the 2026 World Ranger Day celebration at Wisma Darul Iman in Kuala Terengganu today. — Bernama pic


Summary

• Terengganu Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Dr.
• Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar addressed the incident involving a Jalur Gemilang displayed without its crescent and star at Dataran Batu Buruk, describing it as isolated and unintentional.
• Following public attention from a viral video, the state government pledged to investigate and prevent future occurrences.
• Kuala Terengganu Mayor Lizan Che Mat clarified that strong winds caused the flag's symbols to detach, prompting the city council to replace the flag and reconsider materials to avoid similar incidents.
• Ensuring flag quality and compliance is now a priority for the council.

First Published: Monday, 10 Aug 2026 2:32 PM MYT


KUALA TERENGGANU, Aug 10 — Terengganu Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar said the display of a Jalur Gemilang without its crescent and star at Dataran Batu Buruk was an isolated incident and was not deliberate.

Berita Harian reported that he said the state government would investigate the matter after a video of the flag circulated on social media on Friday.


“I think this was not deliberate; it was an isolated and unintentional case,” he was quoted as saying.


Ahmad Samsuri said steps would also be taken to prevent a recurrence, regardless of whether the flag had been put up by the authorities or members of the public.


He was speaking after officiating the Terengganu-level World Ranger Day 2026 celebration at Wisma Darul Iman.


Kuala Terengganu mayor Lizan Che Mat, meanwhile, said the flag originally had the crescent and star, but the section bearing the symbols had come loose from its stitching following strong winds.

He said the Kuala Terengganu City Council (MBKT) removed the flag as soon as the issue was detected on Friday and replaced it with a new one.


He said MBKT would stop using stitched flags of that type and would instead buy fully finished flags to reduce the risk of a similar incident.

Lizan added that the council took the matter seriously and would ensure flags under its care were in good condition and complied with the required specifications.

***

Where's that Dr when we need him to tangkap this outrageous blasphemy of our Jalur Gemilang? Don't just bully Chinapek lah, wakakaka.

Sanusi says Kedah may hold Penang ‘lease’ claim until Perikatan takes Putrajaya

Sanusi says Kedah may hold Penang ‘lease’ claim until Perikatan takes Putrajaya



Kedah Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor said the state may delay its claim for higher Penang ‘lease’ payments until Perikatan Nasional takes over the federal government. — Picture by Shafwan Zaidon


Summary

• Kedah Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor stated that Kedah may delay its claim for increased "lease" payments from Penang, opting to wait for a potential Perikatan Nasional takeover of the federal government.
• Despite pursuing a review for the past six years, Putrajaya has not responded favorably to Kedah's demands.
• The state seeks RM300 million annually, a significant increase from the current payments outlined in the Federal Constitution.
• Kedah has completed a study to support its claim, though formal discussions may be delayed until the federal political landscape changes.

By Malay Mail
First Published: Monday, 10 Aug 2026 1:52 PM MYT


ALOR SETAR, Aug 10 — Kedah Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor reportedly said the state is considering delaying its claim for higher Penang “lease” payments, and instead wait for a Perikatan Nasional (PN) takeover of the federal government.

According to The Star, Sanusi said Putrajaya had yet to respond positively to Kedah’s demand despite the state pursuing a review of the payments for the past six years.


“If the federal government remains stubborn and refuses to pay or consider Kedah’s application, we will change the federal government,” he was quoted as saying.


“We are considering whether all these documents should be submitted now for discussion or later, after we become the federal government.”


Sanusi said Kedah had pursued a review for the past six years and had raised the matter with then prime minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin during the PN administration, but the supporting documents were not ready for a formal submission at the time.


He said the state had since completed a study by historians and legal experts examining historical documents, agreements, payment records and the legal and constitutional basis of its claim, with the final report presented to state leaders on April 15 last year.

Kedah has said it is seeking RM300 million annually from the federal government, which has paid the state an annual RM10 million special contribution since 2018 in addition to the longstanding RM10,000 payment provided for under Article 167(7) of the Federal Constitution.


Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow said last month that the matter fell under federal jurisdiction and that his state government had not received any legal correspondence from Kedah over the claim.

***

The only reason why Kedah receives an "extra" annual RM10 million on top of the historical but long-defunct RM10,000 was because the PM-then was also a Kedahan and sympathetic to KakiNang. I recommend PMX batalkannya, wakakaka.

When PAS rules from Putrajaya, you don't need the RM300 million - just ANNEX Penang which you have been jealous of and long lusted after, and then rule Kedah and Penang as a new Caliphate with yourself as the Caliph. 😂😂😂

Malay-Muslim unity cannot be built on fear of DAP — Phar Kim Beng

Malay-Muslim unity cannot be built on fear of DAP — Phar Kim Beng



Summary

• The article critiques the narrative of the Hadi-led PAS party, which consistently portrays the Democratic Action Party (DAP) as the main obstacle to Malay-Muslim unity in Malaysia.
• It argues that this depiction is both misleading and strategically used by PAS to consolidate political support by creating an external adversary.
• The author exposes the internal disunity among Malay political factions as preexisting and highlights that the supposed threat from DAP is exaggerated.
• The piece calls for introspection within Malay-Muslim politics and advocates for unity based on constructive goals, rather than opposition towards another political entity.

First Published: Sunday, 09 Aug 2026 5:00 PM MYT
Last Modified: Monday, 10 Aug 2026 8:35 AM MYT


AUGUST 9 — There is something increasingly peculiar about the political discourse of Hadi-led PAS. The latter is ultra obsessed about DAP. Most Malaysian Chinese and Indians, including this author, has never even been a member of DAP nor shown any interest in it or any parties in Pakatan Harapan (PH).

Yet, to a Hadi-led PAS, whenever the question of Malay-Muslim unity is raised, DAP invariably appears.


DAP is supposedly the obstacle, according to Hadi Awang. DAP is supposedly the threat, Hadi would go on and on. DAP is ostensibly controlling the government too, Hadi insisted.


More alarmingly, DAP is supposedly preventing Malays and Muslims from coming together, Hadi has further added.


This obsession has reached the point where DAP has become almost indispensable to PAS's political narrative.


Without DAP, what exactly is preventing Malay-Muslim unity though?

That question deserves an answer. A sweeping one. Although it is tiresome since DAP does not matter as much to the Malaysian Chinese and Indians as a Hadi-led PAS has attested time and again. If it is, DAP would enter any state or general election with total confidence that it can win over the Chinese and Indians perhaps the Malays and Orang Asli too.


As was seen in Sabah, all eight candidates of DAP in Sabah in November 2025 state election were wiped out.



The author argues that PAS uses DAP as a political bogeyman to promote Malay-Muslim unity while avoiding divisions within Malay politics itself. — Picture by Saw Siow Feng



DAP didn't perform all that well in Johor and Negeri Sembilan State elections on July 11 and August 1, 2025 respectively.

For the proposition that DAP is the principal obstacle to Malay-Muslim unity is both fallacious and facetious. How can a party, deemed by many Malaysian Chinese and Indians, as often sub-standard in performance, be a major force ?

It is fallacious because the argument does not correspond with Malaysia's actual distribution of political and constitutional power.

It is facetious because it reduces complicated disagreements among Malay-Muslim political parties to the supposed machinations of one predominantly non-Malay political party.

The facts tell a very different story.

Malay political disunity existed long before the DAP became an important participant in the Federal Government.

Umno and PAS fought bitterly against one another for decades. Indeed since 1951.

PKR emerged from another major rupture in Malay politics, invariably, in the form of the political altercation of Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim in 1998.

Amanah itself emerged from a split within PAS in 2017.

Who caused these divisions? DAP?

Obviously not.

The fragmentation of Malay politics has overwhelmingly been produced by disagreements among Malay political leaders and Malay-led political parties themselves.

This is the first reality that must be confronted.

If Malay-Muslim unity is genuinely the objective, its advocates should begin by explaining why Malay-Muslim political parties repeatedly disagree among themselves.

Even as this is written Barisan National (BN) and Perikatan National (PN) of which PAS is a part of the latter cannot see eye-to-eye on the state seats they should each have. Umno in BN insists on 21, PAS in PN wants 16 out of the full state assembly of 28.

They disagree over leadership too. As happened before, during and after the state election in Negeri Sembilan. With Datuk Jalaluddin on one side backed by Wawasan and some factions in Umno while Ismail Jasim making it as the chief minister instead. PAS is delighted with these clashes since a weaker Umno makes for a stronger Hadi-led PAS.

And, perhaps most importantly, they disagree over what Malaysia itself should become.

These are substantive political differences. To forestall BN and PN's collaboration of which PAS is a key player, PAS, helped by a centrist Wawasan pioneered by Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainuddin has papered over all their differences. How? By blaming DAP.

There is a second problem too. What does "Malay-Muslim unity" actually mean?

If it means encouraging Malays and Muslims to cooperate for the common good, there is nothing objectionable about it.

Every community should be able to strengthen itself.

But if Malay-Muslim unity means that all Malay-Muslim political parties must unite primarily against another Malaysian community or political party, then the concept has been transformed from social solidarity into political exclusion. A racist pact endorsed by BN and PN.

Of course, Malaysia cannot be built that way.

Malays constitute the majority of the country. Islam occupies its constitutionally established position.

The Malay Rulers remain fundamental components of Malaysia's constitutional order.

None of this depends upon PAS defeating DAP.

Nor can DAP simply remove these foundations.

DAP cannot change the Federal Constitution on its own. DAP cannot command the Conference of Rulers.

DAP cannot control Malaysia's Islamic institutions.

DAP does not control the civil service too.

Just as importantly, DAP does not control the police or Armed Forces.

DAP cannot even dominate the Malay-majority electoral heartland.

And DAP cannot form the Federal Government alone.

So where is this supposedly overwhelming DAP power? It is a ruse by PAS to trigger a fear of the other.

To be sure, DAP certainly possesses some political influence. But they are not structural and systemic.

It has elected representatives. It participates in government. Its ministers exercise responsibilities assigned to them.

But limited influence is not absolute control.

Representation is not domination either.

Participation in government is not ownership of the Malaysian state.

This distinction is elementary but important.

Indeed, Malaysia's political architecture makes the prospect of DAP dominating the country exceedingly remote.

Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy, a federation and a parliamentary democracy. Power is dispersed among numerous institutions.

The Federal Constitution establishes limits.

The Conference of Rulers has constitutionally recognised functions.

State governments possess their respective areas of authority.

Islamic administration is deeply embedded at the state level.

Sabah and Sarawak possess their own powerful political interests.

The civil service provides administrative continuity regardless of which coalition occupies Putrajaya.

And ultimately there are elections.

Malays and Bumiputera constitute the majority of Malaysian voters.

No political party can sustainably govern Malaysia without substantial Malay and Bumiputera support.

DAP knows this perfectly well.

So does PAS.

Which raises the obvious question: why does Hadi-led PAS repeatedly need DAP as its political bogeyman ?

Because DAP performs an extraordinarily useful political function.

It provides PAS with an external adversary around which competing Malay political forces can supposedly be persuaded to unite; only that that's what PAS wants to do. Break into each and every Malay party to dominate them.

As a result, Malay political parties are divided primarily because Malay political parties disagree with one another the moment PAS is embedded into them.

Umno and PAS did not spend decades fighting because of DAP.

Bersatu did not break away from Umno because DAP ordered it to do so in mid-2016.

Amanah did not split from PAS in 2017 because DAP engineered it.

The repeated struggles over Malay political leadership have overwhelmingly involved Malay leaders competing against other Malay leaders.

Indeed, the history of PAS itself demonstrates how fluid these supposedly permanent political divisions can be.

PAS has cooperated with very different political forces at different moments in Malaysian history.

It worked with Semangat 46. It cooperated with PKR.

It worked alongside DAP during the periods of Barisan Alternatif and Pakatan Rakyat.

Today, PAS works within PN, a coalition bringing together different political interests under a common electoral platform. In the main to whitewash the extremist image of PAS which even BN cannot tolerate had it not for the marriage of convenience.

PAS has also gone through periods of cooperation and political accommodation with Umno.

This history raises a simple question.

If cooperation across ideological and political boundaries is permissible — whenever PAS believes circumstances require it — why should cooperation between other Malay-Muslim parties and DAP, such as Pakatan Harapan (PH) automatically be portrayed as a betrayal of Malay-Muslim interests ?

PAS cannot reserve political pragmatism exclusively for itself.

If working with DAP represented an existential betrayal of Malay-Muslim interests, which PAS has lambasted PH for, why did PAS itself cooperate with DAP for years in the form of Barisan Alternatif (BA) and Pakatan Rakyat before ?

History cannot simply be switched off when it becomes inconvenient for the Hadi-led PAS.

Nor can the late Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat be erased from PAS's history.

The late Nik Aziz understood something important about Malaysian politics: disagreement did not require the permanent demonisation of another community.

One could defend Islam strongly while recognising that Malaysia was a plural society.

One could disagree profoundly with DAP while still sitting at the same negotiating table.

This time around, the trajectory of Hadi-led PAS has increasingly been different.

DAP has become not merely a political opponent but a convenient explanation for almost every anxiety surrounding Malay political power.

That is dangerous.

Because once a political movement needs an enemy to maintain internal cohesion, politics stops being about solving problems and begins revolving around preserving fear. And fear is addictive.

Yet ordinary Malays are dealing with very real problems. The cost of living is real.

Artificial intelligence and technological disruption are real too.

The challenge of attracting high-quality investment is just as profound.

These are the issues that will determine whether young Malays prosper over the next generation.

How does blaming DAP solve any of them?

It doesn't.

There is another contradiction PAS must confront.

If DAP is supposedly incapable of winning broad support across the Malay heartland, how can DAP simultaneously be powerful enough to control a Malay-majority country?

Both propositions cannot comfortably coexist.

One cannot describe DAP as electorally limited among Malays on Monday and politically omnipotent on Tuesday.

At some stage, Malaysians have to ask for evidence.

What institution does DAP control?

What constitutional mechanism has it captured?

What royal institution obeys DAP?

Which Malay-majority states are controlled by DAP?

Where is this extraordinary power located?

The answers become remarkably thin.

This is why the constant invocation of DAP can begin to resemble political projection.

A movement seeking greater political dominance may find it useful to portray an opponent as already possessing precisely that dominance.

The opponent becomes larger than life.

But Malaysia does not need politics based on imaginary giants.

Nor should Malay-Muslim cooperation be built upon perpetual suspicion of fellow Malaysians.

There is nothing wrong with Malay unity and solidarity.

But unity must be for something, not merely against somebody.

Unity for better education; against corruption; for stronger families even. Especially unity for good governance.

If anything, Malay cohesion for an Islam that demonstrates justice, compassion, knowledge and confidence.

These would be powerful forms of Malay-Muslim cooperation.

But Malay-Muslim unity constructed principally around fear of DAP is intellectually hollow and strategically self-defeating.

It also underestimates Malays themselves.

Malays do not need to be frightened continuously in order to remain politically relevant.

They are the majority community.

Their language is the national language.

Islam has its constitutional position.

The Malay Rulers remain integral to the Federation.

Malay political parties occupy enormous political space.

Malay and Bumiputera participation runs throughout the institutions of the Malaysian state.

Why then should Malays be taught to behave politically as though everything could disappear tomorrow because DAP possesses several dozen elected representatives?

That is not confidence.

That is insecurity turned into political strategy.

Malaysia needs something better.

PAS is entitled to oppose DAP.

It is entitled to criticise DAP's policies.

It is entitled to defeat DAP candidates democratically wherever it can.

DAP should face precisely the same democratic scrutiny as PAS, Umno, PKR, Amanah or any other political party.

But turning DAP into the permanent explanation for the failure of Malay-Muslim political unity is neither credible nor sustainable.

And blaming DAP will not make them disappear.

If PAS genuinely wants Malay-Muslim unity, it should begin by answering the disagreements within Malay-Muslim politics rather than perpetually manufacturing an enemy outside it.

The country should now be asking a much more important question:

What are we trying to build together?

That question is harder than blaming DAP.

But it is also the only question capable of taking Malaysia forward.

* Phar Kim Beng is a professor of Asean Studies and a director at the Institute of International and Asean Studies, International Islamic University Malaysia.

 

‘No surprise’: Netanyahu rejects US-backed Gaza plan

Palestinian politician Mustafa Barghouti says Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu’s rejection of the US-backed Gaza plan is no surprise, arguing Israel has repeatedly violated past agreements. He says the real test is whether the US and Western governments will hold Israel accountable.

MBPP blames root rot and trunk cavity for Angsana collapse in George Town

MBPP blames root rot and trunk cavity for Angsana collapse in George Town



Root rot and a cavity in the base of a 90-year-old Angsana tree, compounded by chronic soil compaction and limited rooting space, contributed to its collapse along Jalan Macalister here today. — Picture via Facebook/Majlis Bandaraya Pulau Pinang


Summary

• A 90-year-old Angsana tree collapsed along Jalan Macalister in George Town due to significant root rot, cavity decay, chronic soil compaction, and limited rooting space.
• The accident injured an elderly couple and their grandchild when their vehicle was crushed.
• MBPP has been actively managing tree safety, removing high-risk trees, and inspecting mature and aged trees to prevent such incidents, although remote sensing studies previously found the trees to be in good condition.
• Following this incident, the MBPP has prioritized reducing tree heights and removing trees with potential collapse risks.

First Published: Sunday, 09 Aug 2026 7:41 PM MYT
Last Modified: Sunday, 09 Aug 2026 7:44 PM MYT


GEORGE TOWN, Aug 9 — Root rot and a cavity in the base of a 90-year-old Angsana tree, compounded by chronic soil compaction and limited rooting space, contributed to its collapse along Jalan Macalister here today.

MBPP Mayor Datuk A. Rajendran said the 28-metre-tall tree, Pterocarpus indicus, had an estimated 30 per cent root rot, while cavity decay accounted for about 40 per cent of its base trunk.


“The collapse was caused by root rot estimated at around 30 per cent and base trunk cavities at about 40 per cent. These factors, combined with infrastructure upgrading works, chronic soil compaction, limited rooting space and the tree’s height, significantly increased the risk of structural failure,” he told Bernama today.


In the incident at about 9am, an elderly couple and their grandchild were injured when the Perodua Ativa sports utility vehicle (SUV) they were travelling in was crushed by the falling tree.


Rajendran said there were no reports of heavy rain or strong winds at or before the time of the incident.


He said MBPP began removing the fallen tree at 9.41am, with the road reopened at 2.20pm after clearing works were completed.

He said MBPP had assessed mature and aged trees along Jalan Macalister in 2024, resulting in 13 trees being identified for felling, all of which had since been removed.


He added that the last tree maintenance work along Jalan Macalister was carried out on January 29 this year, while a remote sensing study conducted last year found the trees along the road to be in good condition with no warning indicators.

He said 179 high-risk trees had been approved for felling this year, with 148 already removed, while 247 trees had been felled in the first three quarters.



MBPP says tree safety risks remain priority, especially those affected by works and restricted roots. — Picture via Facebook/Majlis Bandaraya Pulau Pinang



The trees were felled for various reasons, including obstructing drainage, being dead or leaning, posing a collapse risk, development projects, road and river widening, and encroaching on Penang Water Supply Corporation (PBAPP) pipeline alignments.

“For MBPP’s overall tree management programme, 2,535 trees were identified last year under various categories, including 45 cases involving drainage obstruction, 138 dead trees, 2,242 assessed under risk or other categories, and 110 linked to development or infrastructure works,” he said.

He said MBPP continues to prioritise trees posing safety risks, particularly those affected by infrastructure works and restricted rooting conditions.

“Following the incident, MBPP has instructed the appointed contractor to expedite work to reduce tree height and fell trees with potential collapse risks along Jalan Macalister, based on assessments by certified arborists,” he said. — Bernama

PAS cannot outsource moderation — Phar Kim Beng

PAS cannot outsource moderation — Phar Kim Beng



Summary

• The article discusses the challenges facing the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) under Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang, emphasizing its struggle to appeal to non-Malay and non-Muslim constituents despite aspirations to govern Malaysia.
• The emergence of Parti Wawasan Negara, led by Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin, is highlighted as a strategic attempt to soften PAS's image through more conventional political language.
• However, the article criticizes PAS for potentially using Wawasan as political whitewashing rather than undergoing genuine ideological moderation.
• It stresses the importance of PAS itself demonstrating transformation to become a truly inclusive national party, rather than relying on partner organizations to bridge communal divides.

First Published: Sunday, 09 Aug 2026 12:30 PM MYT


AUGUST 9 — There is a fundamental problem confronting PAS under Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang. It wants to become sufficiently powerful to govern Malaysia, yet it continues to struggle to convince substantial numbers of non-Malays and non-Muslims that they would have an equal and secure political place under a government in which PAS exercises dominant influence.

PAS itself has acknowledged the electoral dimension of this weakness. Hadi conceded after GE15 that the party had failed to attract sufficient non-Muslim support and needed to overcome this problem before GE16.


But recognising an electoral problem is different from confronting its political causes.


This is where the emergence of Parti Wawasan Negara under Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin becomes important.


The central question is not whether Wawasan is moderate. Nor should Wawasan automatically be condemned merely because it cooperates with PAS.


The question is whether PAS is attempting to use Wawasan’s more conventional political language to soften PAS’s image without undertaking an equivalent transformation within PAS itself.

That would be political whitewashing rather than political moderation.


And Malaysians should understand the difference.

Hadi’s PAS is not simply Nik Aziz’s PAS

The late Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat was certainly an Islamist. There should be no historical romanticism about this. PAS under Nik Aziz remained socially conservative and committed to an Islamic political programme.

Yet Nik Aziz gradually recognised an unavoidable Malaysian reality: PAS could not hope to become a genuinely national political force by speaking principally to Muslims.

That understanding helped make possible PAS’s cooperation with DAP and PKR.

It was an extraordinary experiment precisely because the ideological differences between PAS and DAP were enormous.

Yet Nik Aziz was prepared to work across that divide.



The author argues that Wawasan cannot moderate PAS by association; PAS itself must embrace inclusive politics before Malaysians entrust it with greater power. — Picture by Sayuti Zainudin



The significance was not that PAS suddenly became secular or liberal. It did not.

The significance was that PAS accepted the discipline of coalition politics in a plural society. It had to persuade Malaysians outside its natural constituency. It had to defend Islamic politics in the language of justice. It had to reassure people who did not share its theological assumptions.

The burden of moderation rested on PAS itself.

That is the important distinction.

Under Hadi, the trajectory has changed.

The emphasis has increasingly shifted towards the consolidation of Malay-Muslim political strength. Political competition is consequently liable to be framed not merely as a disagreement over taxation, investment, education, healthcare or governance, but as a struggle over who possesses sufficient political power to protect Islam and the Malays.

This is dangerous territory in a plural federation.

Malay and Muslim interests are entirely legitimate subjects of democratic politics. So are Chinese, Indian, Dayak, Kadazan-Dusun, Iban, Orang Asli and every other Malaysian community’s interests.

The problem begins when democratic politics becomes an arithmetic exercise in communal consolidation.

Once politics is framed primarily around ensuring that one community possesses sufficient political power, every other community is eventually forced to ask: sufficient power against whom?

That is precisely the question PAS must answer.


Enter Wawasan

Parti Wawasan Negara presents an intriguing solution to PAS’s political predicament.

Hamzah’s new party speaks more naturally in the vocabulary of governance, development, national reconstruction and political pragmatism.

But its relationship with PAS was close from birth.

When Hamzah announced Parti Wawasan Negara in June, he publicly said that the party’s very name had been suggested by Hadi. He also spoke of the need for the fledgling party to receive Hadi’s guidance and direction, while declaring that Wawasan would work with PAS, Gerakan and other parties.

This is politically significant.

Nobody should therefore analyse Wawasan as though it appeared independently of PAS’s larger political strategy.

The relationship immediately raises a simple question:

Is Wawasan pulling PAS towards the centre, or is Wawasan making PAS appear closer to the centre than PAS actually is?

There is an enormous difference between the two.

If Hamzah and Wawasan persuade PAS to adopt a genuinely more inclusive Malaysian political vocabulary, that should be welcomed.

If PAS begins unequivocally reassuring non-Muslims, defending constitutional pluralism, reducing inflammatory racial and religious rhetoric and demonstrating through policy that every Malaysian possesses an equal stake in the country’s future, then cooperation with Wawasan may indeed have produced something constructive.

But the evidence must come from PAS.

A political party cannot outsource moderation.


Changing the wrapper is not changing the product

This is the main criticism that should be directed towards Hadi-led PAS.

PAS cannot answer criticism of its politics merely by displaying moderate allies.

Having Gerakan beside PAS does not automatically make PAS moderate.

Working with Wawasan does not automatically make PAS moderate.

Cooperating electorally with MCA or MIC would not automatically make PAS moderate.

And reaching tactical arrangements with UMNO and Barisan Nasional certainly does not automatically make PAS moderate.

Indeed, PAS has previously invoked its cooperation with non-Muslim parties as evidence against accusations that it is extremist.

In 2022, Hadi pointed to Gerakan and support from MCA and MIC when rebutting such criticism.

That demonstrates precisely why Malaysians should distinguish between coalition composition and ideological transformation.

A party’s moderation must ultimately be judged from its own rhetoric, policies and behaviour.

The distinction becomes even more important because Wawasan has quickly become part of the opposition’s electoral machinery. Hamzah played a prominent role in the recent Negeri Sembilan arrangements and in explaining the opposition’s electoral cooperation with BN.

Thus Wawasan potentially gives PAS something politically valuable.

It provides a bridge.

PAS has enormous organisational machinery and a substantial Malay-Muslim electoral base. What it has historically struggled to acquire is comparable confidence among Malaysian Chinese, Indians, Sabahans and Sarawakians, as well as sections of the moderate urban electorate.

Wawasan can potentially enter political spaces where PAS encounters resistance.

Hamzah can speak the language of governmental competence and administrative experience.

Wawasan can interact with BN.

Gerakan can provide a multiracial component.

Together they can construct a political exterior broader than PAS itself.

That is sophisticated coalition politics.

But Malaysians must ask what sits at the centre of the coalition.

Who moderates whom?

This is ultimately the test.

Coalitions inevitably change their members.

When PAS worked closely with DAP and PKR during the Pakatan Rakyat period, PAS was exposed continuously to political constituencies very different from its own.

There was friction — sometimes enormous friction — but there was also constraint.

PAS had to negotiate.

PAS had to compromise.

PAS had to explain itself to non-Muslims.

PAS had to confront the reality that governing Malaysia required more than winning overwhelmingly Malay constituencies.

Eventually those contradictions contributed to Pakatan Rakyat’s collapse.

But the experiment nevertheless demonstrated something valuable about Malaysian politics: parties with dramatically different ideological foundations could attempt to construct a common democratic platform.

The present arrangement surrounding PAS appears different.

PAS is increasingly the organisational and electoral heavyweight.

Wawasan therefore faces the opposite danger.

Instead of Wawasan moderating PAS, PAS may gradually determine the political boundaries within which Wawasan operates.

This is especially worth remembering because Wawasan’s connection with PAS is not speculative. Hamzah himself credited Hadi with naming the party and spoke at its launch about Hadi’s guidance.

That does not make Wawasan a PAS puppet.

But it makes scrutiny entirely reasonable.


Islam is not the problem

None of this criticism should be transformed into criticism of Islam.

Malaysia is a Muslim-majority country. Islam occupies a constitutionally recognised position in the Federation and has profoundly shaped Malay civilisation and Malaysian political history.

Nor should criticism of PAS become a euphemism for Islamophobia.

The issue is political, not theological.

The question is how a political party translates religion into the exercise of democratic power in an extraordinarily diverse federation.

Islam does not require Malaysians to be permanently divided into mutually suspicious political camps.

Nor should political Islam be reduced to electoral calculations about which combination of Malay parties can accumulate the largest bloc of Muslim votes.

Malaysia needs something larger.

The country needs a politics capable of reassuring a Malay farmer in Kelantan, a Chinese shopkeeper in Johor, an Indian professional in Negeri Sembilan, an Iban family in Sarawak and a Kadazan-Dusun family in Sabah that all of them belong completely to the same federation.

That is the standard against which any party aspiring to govern Malaysia should be judged.

PAS included.


Wawasan cannot become a political detergent

There is therefore nothing wrong with PAS working with Wawasan.

The problem arises if Wawasan becomes political detergent—a means of washing away PAS’s harder image while leaving the underlying political formulation substantially untouched.

Malaysians should demand something more meaningful.

If PAS wants to become a national governing party, let PAS itself demonstrate its transformation.

Let its leaders speak consistently about equal citizenship.

Let PAS explain precisely what political rights and cultural confidence Malaysian Chinese and Indians would enjoy under a PAS-dominant government.

Let it reassure Sabah and Sarawak that their distinctive religious and cultural traditions will remain protected.

Let PAS demonstrate that disagreement with the party is not disagreement with Islam.

And let it show that Malay-Muslim political strength does not require other Malaysians to become politically peripheral.

These are not unreasonable demands.

They are the minimum requirements of governing Malaysia.

Nik Aziz increasingly understood that PAS had to cross communal boundaries itself.

The danger today is that Hadi-led PAS believes political partners can cross those boundaries on its behalf. They cannot.

Wawasan cannot manufacture moderation for PAS. Only PAS can change PAS.

That is why the difference between Nik Aziz’s trajectory and Hadi’s trajectory is no pebble in the shoe.

It concerns the direction in which one of Malaysia’s largest political movements wants to take the federation.

If PAS wants Malaysians to believe that direction has changed, it must demonstrate the change from within. That’s impossible when Hadi-led PAS insists on a Malay Muslim Unity front.

Otherwise, Wawasan risks becoming not the instrument through which PAS becomes moderate, but the attractive shop window through which an essentially unchanged PAS is presented to a much larger Malaysian market.

Changing the window display is easy. Changing the political product behind it is much harder.

And that is the transformation Malaysia should demand before entrusting Hadi-led PAS with substantially greater national power.



* Phar Kim Beng is a professor of Asean Studies and a director at the Institute of International and Asean Studies, International Islamic University Malaysia.

A coup d'état is in process in Malaysia

Murray Hunter


While the focus is on condemning the Madani government a coup d'état is in process


Murray Hunter
Aug 09, 2026





Its now very fashionable to condemn prime minister Anwar Ibrahim and his government. This is a total diversion from what is really going on.

An elaborate network of trolls is working overtime criticizing Anwar and his government. This is not hard to do, as in all honesty, his tenure as prime minister has left a lot to be desired. I was one of its greatest critics. Through WhatsApp groups it’s really trendy to jump on the anti-Madani bandwagon.

If you criticize Anwar, that’s OK according to the authorities. But if you criticize the concept of halal garbage collection, you will be arrested and held in custody as a means of intimidation. There is now a deep chilling effect on all bloggers and political commentators in Malaysia – a climate of fear is real.

As the writer knows, if you criticize agencies, sensitive parts of the bureaucracy, they will come after you. They spent RM 5.0 million to chase me across South-East Asia. All the law-enforcements attacks on those who criticize elements of the bureaucracy reflect badly on Anwar, as they are aimed to do by the people behind it. They are getting away Scott-free and being voted into power.

Expose elements of corruption by the connected-contractors, scammers, and those who are stealing the public purse and you will be arrested, or sued by elements that make up part of the ‘deep state’ that are closely connected to UMNO and the power-elite within Malaysia.

This the coup d’état that is going on in Malaysia today. Anwar was put into power by the deep state and managed. They demanded a lot in a totally overboard fashion. Even members of the cabinet (and former members) fear speaking up. Yes, corruption has risen under Anwar Ibrahim, but most of it is coming from these elements of the deep state.

UMNO is planning to retake Putra Jaya and destroy Pakatan Harapan (who didn’t expose them) so they can rule the country as a feudal elite once again. The plan is taking shape and the public is truly unaware of what is really going on here.

While the public celebrate the defeat of Anwar Ibrahim, the dark forces within Malaysia will this time around come back without any statutory body, or law-enforcement officer to prevent this. Justice will once again just be bought and traded by those in power. The issue is not about race. This is just another diversion. Its about putting a dark elite back in total control of the country, without sharing any power with others.

Most of those who can confirm what I have written above have been silence. Brush off what I have said as a conspiracy theory is your prerogative, but the truth will soon out come and everyone will be stuck with it.

UN says: 300 Palestinian Children killed in 300 Days of "Ceasefire"

 

Israel rejects Trump’s 15-point plan for Gaza

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says Israel will not ⁠withdraw ​forces from Gaza until Hamas ⁠fully disarms.

The Israeli army will not withdraw until Hamas is genuinely disarmed, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says [File: AFP]

Published On 9 Aug 20269 Aug 2026

|

Updated: 7 minutes agoUpdated: 7 minutes ago

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says Israel has rejected United States President Donald ⁠Trump’s Board of Peace plan for Gaza and will not ⁠withdraw forces until the Palestinian group Hamas ⁠fully disarms.

“Israel rejects the 15-point document,” Netanyahu said at a cabinet meeting on Sunday, referring to a plan endorsed last month by the Palestinian group Hamas.

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The Israeli army “will not carry out any withdrawal until Hamas is genuinely disarmed … and will continue to thwart threats against our forces and our citizens”, he added.

He added that Israel is “talking to the Americans about this issue”.

“They have ideas, some of which are acceptable to us and some are not acceptable to us, and we know how to stand firm on these things,” the prime minister said.

There was no immediate response from the White House or Hamas.

Israel has continued ⁠to carry out near-daily deadly attacks across the Gaza Strip since agreeing to a “ceasefire” with Hamas last ⁠October.

Trump had announced on July 30 a “historic” agreement that entailed “the complete disarmament of Hamas and all other armed groups in Gaza”, which he called “a monumental step toward lasting peace and security”.

But last week, the US-led Board of Peace said an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza would only take place after the disarmament of Hamas is complete, following a meeting between the body’s director, Nickolay Mladenov, and Netanyahu.

Speaking to his cabinet Sunday, Netanyahu vowed that “as long as I am prime minister, no Palestinian state will arise” and emphasised that Israel would not abide by the US-backed plan.

Israel’s desire for “real disarmament, not fictitious disarmament” would mean removal of all weaponry, including lighter weapons, he said.

The 15-point plan calls for initially focusing on Hamas’s heavy weaponry, military production sites, weapons depots and the group’s extensive tunnel network.

Reporting from Gaza City, Al Jazeera’s Hani Mahmoud said Netanyahu’s statement  raises “serious questions” for Palestinians about the path out of hostilities.

“The full rejection here puts the sequencing and the steps into question,” Mahmoud said.

Reporting from Bethlehem in the occupied West Bank, Al Jazeera’s Nour Odeh said Netanyahu’s stated conditions could prove “extremely problematic for the Board of Peace and the mediators who have been working for months now to try to carry out the disarmament of Hamas”.

The roadmap would eventually involve transferring Gaza’s day-to-day administration to a technocratic Palestinian committee operating under the oversight of the Board of Peace.

Israel’s desire for “real disarmament, not fictitious disarmament” would mean removal of all weaponry, including lighter weapons, he said.

The 15-point plan calls for initially focusing on Hamas’s heavy weaponry, military production sites, weapons depots and the group’s extensive tunnel network.

Reporting from Gaza City, Al Jazeera’s Hani Mahmoud said Netanyahu’s statement  raises “serious questions” for Palestinians about the path out of hostilities.

“The full rejection here puts the sequencing and the steps into question,” Mahmoud said.

Reporting from Bethlehem in the occupied West Bank, Al Jazeera’s Nour Odeh said Netanyahu’s stated conditions could prove “extremely problematic for the Board of Peace and the mediators who have been working for months now to try to carry out the disarmament of Hamas”.

The roadmap would eventually involve transferring Gaza’s day-to-day administration to a technocratic Palestinian committee operating under the oversight of the Board of Peace.

Breakdown of foreign cash, gold linked to Ismail Sabri stuns internet community

Breakdown of foreign cash, gold linked to Ismail Sabri stuns internet community

By CS Ming
5 hours ago

WE Malaysians instinctively know that the most prestigious job in our dear country will always be the Prime Minister.

According to imoney.my, the official monthly salary allocated for the Prime Minister of Malaysia is RM22,826.75 under the Members of Parliament (Remuneration) Act.

That is a lot of money, but not that much compared to a seasoned general manager from a publicly listed or an international firm.

So netizens by default, are very sceptical when the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission found a sizable amount of money and cash linked to ex-Prime Minister Ismail Sabri.

The MACC seized RM170 mil in cash in various foreign currencies and 16kg of gold bullion worth RM7 mil on properties believed to have been used as safe houses following the arrests of four of Ismail Sabri’s former senior officers in February 2025.

In a post on X, netizen @jameschin110 said, “Did you know that an ex-PM decided to be a money changer as a retirement job?”

James Chin

@jameschin110

·

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Did you know that an ex-PM decided to be a money changer as a retirement job? #Sharing #Malaysia #MoneyChanger #JustAsking

8:46 AM · Aug 8, 2026

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Accompanying the post was an infographic with Ismail Sabri’s photo in it, and a breakdown of the foreign currencies found.

These range from a whopping 300 mil Japanese yen, 34.75 mil UAE Dirham and the list goes on. Netizens have much to say about this too.

“Stupids voted for this. There’s more to come. Failed state coming,” said @Danny39559417 while @JuneSTBeris sarcastically pointed out that Malaysia has many superhero politicians, aka The Sapuman.

“Yes. Please asked him to foot his own IJN bills. Not to be paid by rakyat,” lamented netizen @szeyoung_su.

Readers should check out this comment from @ooijohn too:

But here is to the other side of the story. According to @usprotec, this just proves that he is a simple man who didn’t know how to hide dirty money.

“The Chinese will bring up and talk badly about corruption as if they are saints. I just have one question, who started corruption in this country? Who used it to grow their business and their wealth?” added @PuvinCM.

Whatever the truth behind the money and gold, the episode has once again reminded Malaysians of one uncomfortable reality: political power and personal wealth will always attract scrutiny.

The figures involved are certainly eye-watering, and the online reactions show just how deeply divided Malaysians remain when it comes to allegations of corruption and the politicians they support.

Ultimately, however, social media verdicts are not the same as a court of law. Until the authorities establish where the money came from and who it belongs to, Malaysians can only speculate.—Aug 9, 2026

***

Maybe he has Chinese genes?