Trump claims on Iranian concessions trigger questions, rejections in Tehran

Trump claims on Iranian concessions trigger questions, rejections in Tehran

The political drama culminates with the IRGC announcing that the Strait of Hormuz is once again restricted

A gardener waters plants in front of portraits of children killed in a strike on a school in the southern Iranian city of Minab, at Tajrish Square in Tehran, April 16, 2026 [AFP]

By Maziar Motamedi
Published On 18 Apr 2026


Tehran, Iran – United States President Donald Trump’s announcements about securing major concessions from Tehran have riled supporters of the Iranian establishment, prompting rejections and clarifications from the authorities.

Several current and former senior officials, state media and the Islamic Republic’s hardcore backers expressed anger, frustration, and confusion after the US leader made a series of claims, with days left on a two-week ceasefire reached on April 8.

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Trump on Friday said Iran and the US would jointly dig up the enriched uranium buried under the rubble of bombed Iranian nuclear sites, and transfer it to the US. He claimed Iran had agreed to stop enriching uranium on its soil.

He also said the Strait of Hormuz had been opened and would never be closed again, while the US naval blockade of Iran’s ports remained in place, and sea mines were removed or were in the process of being removed.

Trump also emphasised that Iran would not receive billions of dollars of its own frozen assets abroad due to US sanctions, and that the 10-day ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon was completely unrelated to Iran.

Amid Pakistan’s ongoing efforts to mediate another round of negotiations, Iran’s Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who led the Iranian delegation to the Islamabad talks earlier this month, rejected all of Trump’s claims.

“With these lies, they did not win the war, and they certainly will not get anywhere in negotiations either,” he posted on X early on Saturday.

By Saturday noon, the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) released a statement, saying the Strait of Hormuz is once again heavily restricted and under “strict management” of the armed forces. It cited continued “acts of piracy and maritime theft under the so-called label of a blockade” by Washington as the reason.



Gunfire reported by vessel in Strait of Hormuz



Iran's supreme leader warns of 'new bitter defeats' for US and Israel



Iran’s deputy FM says no date for more US talks until ‘framework’ agreed


‘Haze of confusion’

In the hours it took between Trump’s flurry of announcements on Friday and official responses from Iranian authorities, supporters of the establishment voiced serious concerns about any major concessions.

“Is there no Muslim out there to talk to the people a bit about what is happening?!” Ezzatollah Zarghami, a former state television chief and current member of the Supreme Cyberspace Council that controls the heavily restricted internet in Iran, wrote on X.

Alireza Zakani, the hardline mayor of Tehran, said if any of Trump’s claims are true, then the Iranian establishment must beware “not to gift the vile enemy in negotiations what it failed to achieve in the field”.

A fan account on X for Saeed Jalili, an ultrahardline member of the Supreme National Security Council who has opposed any deals with the US for decades, said “dissent” may be at play. It said Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, who has not been seen or heard from outside of several written statements attributed to him, must release a voice or video message to confirm what is happening.

Jalili’s main account distanced itself from the comment, saying the fan account – which was subsequently deleted – was a sign of “infiltration” by enemies of Iran who were trying to sow discord.

Iranian state media released another written statement attributed to Khamenei on Saturday to mark Army Day, but made no mention of the political drama unfolding hours earlier, or the negotiations with the US.



Hormuz: Spin in the Strait


The dissonance was clearly on display on state television and other state-linked media on Friday, especially those affiliated with the IRGC.

Multiple state television hosts and analysts harshly attacked Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi because he tweeted on Friday that the Strait of Hormuz was “declared completely open for the remaining period of ceasefire, on the coordinated route as already announced by Ports and Maritime Organisation”.

One of the hosts demanded Araghchi must immediately clarify. Another said the top diplomat’s tweet was in English, and since the Iranian people do not have access to X due to the state-imposed near-total internet shutdown for seven weeks, the message was not directed at the people.

With a huge Hezbollah flag in the background, a furious presenter on state television’s Channel 3 claimed that Araghchi was somehow “the representative of the people of Lebanon, Yemen and Iraq” because they are a part of Iran’s “axis of resistance” of armed forces, so he should demand concessions on their behalf from Trump.

Morteza Mahmoudvand, a representative for Tehran in the Iranian parliament, went as far as saying Araghchi would have been impeached had it not been for “the excuse of war”.

The Fars and Tasnim news sites, which are affiliated with the IRGC, also heavily criticised Araghchi and called for further explanations on Friday evening, with Fars arguing that “Iranian society was plunged into a haze of confusion.”

Armed supporters in the streets

Critical comments from supporters of the Iranian government also flooded social media, including local messaging applications and the comments section of state-run sites.

“We took to the streets every night with clear demands, but you shook hands with the killer of our supreme leader and handed our strait to the Zionists,” one user wrote on Friday in the local app Baleh, in reference to Israel.

“After all these years of sanctions and war and costs imposed on the people, if you are to give up the uranium and the strait, then why did you play with the people’s livelihoods and the blood of the martyrs for so long?” another user wrote.

A large number of analysts and media personalities, including Hossein Shariatmadar, the head of the Kayhan newspaper, who was appointed by late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, also voiced criticism and demanded answers on Fars and other outlets.

Regardless of whether there will be more mediated negotiations in Pakistan or whether the war will continue, Iran continues to encourage and arm backers to take to the streets to maintain control.

State media on Friday aired footage of more armed convoys moving through the streets of Tehran while waving the flags of Lebanon’s Hezbollah, Iraq’s Hashd al-Shaabi and other groups. The video below shows women and children crewing heavy machineguns mounted on the back of pick-up trucks during a rally in downtown Tehran.

With no end in sight to the state-imposed internet shutdown that has wiped out millions of jobs in Iran, in addition to steel factories and other infrastructure that were destroyed, the Iranian economy continues to suffer.

The timing of the back-and-forth between Trump and the Iranian officials meant that oil prices dropped before Western markets closed on Friday, and the Iranian currency experienced more volatility.

The rial was priced at about 1.46 million against the US dollar on Saturday morning, the first day of the working week in Iran. But it shot back up to about 1.51 million after the IRGC announced the repeated closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Displaced Lebanese return as Israeli shelling violates ceasefire in south

Al Jazeera correspondents on the ground report that Israeli bulldozers are also continuing home demolitions.

By Caolán Magee

Published On 18 Apr 202618 Apr 2026

Beirut, Lebanon – Tens of thousands of displaced Lebanese families are returning home despite ongoing reports of Israeli shelling and demolitions of homes near the country’s southern border.

Cars loaded with mattresses, bags and salvaged belongings continued streaming south on Saturday as families went back to see if their homes remained. “There’s destruction and it’s unliveable. We’re taking our things and leaving again,” said Fadel Badreddine, displaced from Nabatieh.

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“May God grant us relief and end this whole thing permanently – not temporarily – so we can return to our homes and livelihoods.”

A preliminary assessment by Lebanese authorities conducted before the truce found that nearly 40,000 homes had been destroyed or damaged. Beirut’s southern suburbs were among the worst-hit areas, followed by districts across southern Lebanon. “I came to check on my house and take a few things,” said Samia Lawand, a resident of Beirut’s southern suburbs.

“I found it badly damaged. It was hit in the previous war and again in this one.”

Ongoing Israeli attacks

A 10-day ceasefire took effect on Thursday night, raising hopes of a pause after 46 days of intensified Israeli attacks. But uncertainty remains amid widespread destruction and Israeli warnings against returning to parts of southern Lebanon.

Amid the fragile ceasefire, Al Jazeera correspondents on the ground reported that Israeli bulldozers were continuing demolition and land-clearing operations in several areas of southern Lebanon, while Israeli artillery also shelled areas around Beit Lif, al-Qantara and Toul.

Residents living closest to the border with Israel have largely been unable to return, while others have faced delays after Israeli attacks damaged bridges linking areas south of the Litani River with the rest of Lebanon.

During the war, Israeli forces launched a ground invasion several kilometres into Lebanese territory. Israeli officials now say Israel will remain in control of 55 towns and villages.

Al Jazeera’s Tony Cheng said Israel had established what it describes as a “yellow line” security zone, in some places extending up to 10km (6.2 miles) from the border.

“That allows it to control a line of antitank fire, meaning it can bring in heavy artillery and heavy armour into Lebanon,” Cheng said.

Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the area between the security zone and the Litani River had not yet been cleared of fighters and “weapons”.

“This will have to be done through diplomatic means or continued Israeli military activity after the ceasefire,” he said.

Talks likely

Rare face-to-face talks between Lebanon and Israel are expected to resume in the coming days, though both sides appear to have sharply different priorities.

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun met Prime Minister Nawaf Salam at Baabda Palace on Saturday, where the two discussed the latest security and diplomatic developments.

They also reviewed efforts to consolidate the ceasefire, including Aoun’s contacts with US President Donald Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and several Arab and foreign leaders.

Meanwhile, the government’s decision to engage in talks with Israel risks deepening tensions with Hezbollah.

Both Israel and the Lebanese government have called for Hezbollah to disarm, but the group says its weapons are necessary to defend Lebanon and communities in the south, while it has insisted it will not disarm without agreement on a national defence strategy.

Hezbollah has also linked the ceasefire to broader regional diplomacy involving Iran, with parallel negotiations expected between the US and Iran in the coming days in Islamabad.

What you need to know: Why Malaysia still imports oil and how the Hormuz disruption is driving up costs

What you need to know: Why Malaysia still imports oil and how the Hormuz disruption is driving up costs



Malaysia continues to import crude oil despite being a producer as consumption nearly doubles output, while disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz are driving up global oil prices and supply chain costs. — Reuters file pic

Saturday, 18 Apr 2026 4:45 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, April 18 — Malaysia produces crude oil, but it still relies heavily on imports to meet domestic fuel demand that is nearly double local output, while global supply disruptions are also pushing up costs across the oil supply chain.

The situation reflects both structural supply gaps at home and rising volatility in international oil markets following tensions in West Asia, the Finance Ministry explained today.

Malaysia continues to operate a “sell high, buy low” strategy, exporting higher-value crude while importing other grades of oil to ensure sufficient supply for domestic consumption.

This allows the country to maximise revenue from exports while keeping enough crude available for refining petrol, diesel, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) and jet fuel locally.


Why does Malaysia still import oil despite being a producer?

Malaysia’s domestic oil consumption stands at about 700,000 barrels per day, nearly double its production of around 350,000 barrels per day.


This imbalance means the country must import roughly half of its crude oil needs to keep fuel supply stable.

Even though Malaysia produces oil, local output alone is not enough to meet demand across transport, industry and aviation sectors.

The ‘sell high, buy low’ strategy

Malaysia exports premium crude oil that fetches higher prices globally while importing other crude grades that are more cost-effective for domestic refining.

The Finance Ministry said 48 per cent of petroleum products are refined by Petronas, while the rest is processed by other oil companies operating in the country.

This structure supports both export earnings and domestic fuel availability under a single integrated supply system.


The Strait of Hormuz link

The Finance Ministry said the conflict in West Asia has disrupted global oil supply chains, including transport routes and delivery timelines.

A key concern is the Strait of Hormuz, through which about 20 per cent of global oil trade flows. This includes nearly 40 per cent of Malaysia’s crude imports.

Disruptions in the waterway have contributed to delays in shipments and higher risk premiums for shipping and insurance.

Crude oil prices have risen by almost 40 per cent, with additional increases in logistics and insurance costs further raising overall supply chain expenses.


When demand is higher than production





Malaysia sources about 48 per cent of its crude oil domestically, while 38 per cent is imported via the Strait of Hormuz, with the rest coming from South-east Asia, West Africa and other regions.

But most crude oil used in local refineries still needs to be imported because domestic production cannot fully meet national demand.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has previously said Petronas is now a net importer of fuel, reflecting Malaysia’s shifting energy balance.

Petronas confirmed the arrival of its tanker Ocean Thunder this morning with its cargo of one million barrels of crude oil from Basrah, Iraq, as part of efforts to stabilise fuel supply.

Despite being an oil-producing country, Malaysia’s reliance on imports – combined with global disruptions like those affecting the Strait of Hormuz – means both supply security and costs are increasingly tied to international developments.

Can Anwar Survive GE16? Winning Power, Losing Momentum

OPINION | Can Anwar Survive GE16? Winning Power, Losing Momentum


18 Apr 2026 • 10:00 AM MYT

Annan Vaithegi
From sharing insights to creating content that connects and inspires

Image Source: Anwar Ibrahim

No election in the next two months, says Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. Stability first. Fair enough.


But Malaysian politics doesn’t wait for official timelines it moves with public mood. And right now, that mood is shifting.


So the real question is not about when the election comes.


The real question is this: if Malaysians were asked to vote today would Anwar Ibrahim still win, and would voters still believe in what they are voting for?

A Government That Survives on Coalition Math

Anwar’s administration is not built on a single dominant mandate. It rests on a delicate coalition Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional, and crucial support from Sabah and Sarawak blocs.


This arrangement has provided stability, but it also reflects a deeper reality: the government survives through alignment of interests rather than overwhelming electoral strength.


In Malaysian politics today, numbers matter more than narratives.

The Most Likely Outcome: Victory with Conditions

If a general election were held in the near term, the most probable outcome is not a sweeping victory but a negotiated return to power.


As long as the coalition structure holds and opposition forces remain fragmented, Anwar can realistically remain prime minister.


But such a victory would come with conditions: continued dependence on coalition partners, limited room for bold reforms, and constant political balancing.


Winning, in this sense, does not necessarily mean governing freely.

The Middle-Class Squeeze and Silent Drift

One of the most underestimated political shifts is happening quietly within the middle-income group.


Take a young couple in Klang Valley both working, earning above the threshold for aid, yet struggling with rent, childcare, and rising grocery bills. They hear about targeted assistance, but rarely feel it. Their reality is simple: costs go up faster than support arrives.


Then there is a small business owner a Anneh Cafe operator dealing with higher supply costs, utilities, and shrinking margins. Policies sound promising, but day-to-day survival tells a different story.


The M40 are not the loudest voters, but they are among the most decisive. They are not necessarily turning strongly against the government but they are becoming less enthusiastic.


In elections, enthusiasm matters as much as support.

The Malay Ground and Opposition Momentum

At the same time, the Malay voter base long central to electoral outcomes shows signs of shifting towards Perikatan Nasional.


Identity politics, economic concerns, and trust issues continue to shape this movement.


Even if the shift is not absolute, incremental changes in key constituencies can significantly alter the electoral map.

Reform Promises vs Execution Reality

Anwar’s political identity has long been tied to reform clean governance, institutional independence, and accountability.


However, three years into his administration, public debate increasingly centres on execution rather than intention.


Questions persist around:

• the pace of institutional reforms,
• governance decisions involving GLCs,
• perceptions surrounding enforcement and legal outcomes,
• and the consistency of policy delivery.

Each issue alone may not determine an election. Together, they shape a broader perception: a government strong in rhetoric, but still proving itself in execution.


This perception is not limited to one party. It extends to coalition partners as well.


For many urban and non-Malay voters, support for the DAP was historically driven by the promise of transformation institutional reform, accountability, and a stronger check on power.


Yet today, there is a growing sentiment among some supporters that the party has become quieter on several pressing issues. The expectation of being a strong, vocal reform force has, in some cases, given way to political caution.


This raises an uncomfortable but necessary question: can the DAP maintain the same level of electoral strength the 40-plus seats that currently form a crucial pillar of Anwar’s coalition if segments of its base begin to lose enthusiasm?


In coalition politics, even a small shift in voter sentiment can carry significant consequences.

The Risk of Winning Without Momentum

Here lies the paradox.


Anwar does not need overwhelming popularity to return to power. In a fragmented political landscape, being the most acceptable option can be enough.


But winning under such conditions carries its own risk.


A government that returns to power with reduced enthusiasm and a thinner mandate may find itself constrained politically cautious, reform-limited, and increasingly reactive rather than proactive.


This is how governments win elections but gradually lose direction.

A Narrow Window Before GE16


Time remains a critical factor.


With roughly two years before the next general election cycle, the administration still has an opportunity to shift public perception.


Delivering visible, tangible reforms not just announcements could rebuild confidence.


Failing to do so risks allowing current frustrations to solidify into electoral consequences.

Enforcement and Accountability Questions

Recent developments involving the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission have also contributed to public debate. Reports highlighting share ownership disclosures by its leadership have raised questions among observers about governance standards and institutional credibility.



While explanations have been provided, the absence of clear or visible consequences has led some to question how accountability is applied in practice.


In a reform-driven narrative, such moments matter not because of any single case, but because they shape public perception of whether standards are enforced consistently across institutions.
Signals from the Ground

Beyond policy debates and parliamentary numbers, a more volatile signal is emerging public sentiment.


Across conversations, social media, and everyday discussions, several recurring themes are becoming harder to ignore:

• A growing call for the government to test its mandate earlier, with some openly questioning whether it can withstand voter sentiment today.
• Frustration over perceived unfulfilled reform promises, particularly around governance and anti-corruption expectations.
• A noticeable shift among segments of voters who previously supported the coalition, now expressing fatigue or disengagement.
• A hardening tone among some voters who frame the next election less as a choice and more as a form of political correction.

At the same time, the government’s likely election narrative stability, unity, and economic resilience remains clear.


But in a climate where public expectations have risen faster than perceived delivery, that message may face a more sceptical audience than before.

The Brutal Truth

Anwar Ibrahim does not need overwhelming popularity to return to power he needs a coalition that holds and an opposition that fails to unite. That is the arithmetic of Malaysian politics today.


But arithmetic is not the same as momentum.


A government can win an election with reduced enthusiasm, thinner margins, and a public that votes out of caution rather than conviction. That kind of victory secures power but weakens mandate.


And when mandate weakens, reform slows, compromises grow, and politics becomes defensive.


The real danger is not losing the next election.


It is winning it without the strength to do what was promised.

Final Thought

So, can Anwar Ibrahim win the next general election?


Yes he can.


But the more important question is not whether he wins.


It is how he wins, and what kind of mandate he carries back into power.


Because in modern Malaysian politics, victory is no longer defined by forming a government.


It is defined by whether that government still carries the trust, momentum, and credibility to deliver what it promised.


And right now, that is the real election Anwar Ibrahim must win.

Can the US Navy’s technology stop Iran’s mines in the Strait of Hormuz?

Can the US Navy’s technology stop Iran’s mines in the Strait of Hormuz?



A formation of Avenger-class mine countermeasure ships USS Devastator (MCM 6), USS Gladiator (MCM 11), USS Sentry (MCM 3) and USS Dextrous (MCM 13) maneuvers in the Arabian Sea on July 6, 2019. — Reuters pic

Saturday, 18 Apr 2026 7:00 AM MYT


WASHINGTON, April 18 — As the United States embarks on clearing mines from the Strait of Hormuz, it could draw on ‌an arsenal of drones, explosive-laden robots and helicopters to reduce risks, though de-mining crews could still be vulnerable to Iranian attacks.


The US ​is trying to secure the strait from mines as part of efforts to end Iran’s disruption of shipping, which has severely curbed global energy supplies since the US and Israel launched strikes against Iran at the end of February. But while the US can draw on modernised technology to remotely check for and ‌remove mines, clearing a strategic waterway such as the Strait of Hormuz will still be a slow, multi-step process, former naval officers and industry specialists say.


The US ​military said over the weekend it had started the mine-clearing operation, sending two warships through the strait, but offered few details about the equipment involved. It said on Saturday that additional forces, including underwater drones, would join the effort in the coming days. Iran had recently deployed about a dozen mines in the Strait of Hormuz, Reuters reported last month, citing sources familiar with the matter. It is not publicly known where mines may have been laid.

US President Donald ​Trump said over the weekend that all of Iran’s minelaying ships had been sunk. But there is a risk Tehran could deploy additional devices, some specialists said. Mine warfare is effective because the devices are cheap, are costly to clear and “even the threat of a minefield is enough to stop ships, especially commercial ships,” said Jon Pentreath, a retired British navy rear admiral who is now a consultant.


Modernising minesweeping


Traditionally, the US Navy relied on manned minesweeping ships that physically entered minefields, using sonars to locate the devices and mechanical gear dragged behind the vessel to clear explosives, sometimes supported by human divers. Much of that ageing fleet has been retired.

They are being replaced by lighter vessels known as littoral combat ships, which carry ‌modern mine-hunting equipment such as semi-autonomous surface and underwater drones as well as remote-controlled robots that enable crews to distance themselves from the minefield.


The navy has three of these in deployment. Two of those ⁠ships were undergoing maintenance in Singapore, a senior US official told Reuters in late March. At ⁠the time, the US minesweeping capacity in the Middle East included unmanned undersea vehicles, four of the traditional Avenger-class vessels, helicopters and divers, ⁠according to the official. The US Navy did not respond to ⁠a comment request on the mine-clearing capability it ⁠currently has in the Middle East. US Central Command declined to provide further details.



A U.S. Navy MH-53E Sea Dragon helicopter flies over U.S. and U.K. Navy ships during a Mine Countermeasures Exercise (MCMEX) in the Arabian Sea on September 10, 2018. — Reuters pic



Tehran is believed to possess several types of maritime mines, former naval officials and other specialists say. These include bottom mines that rest on the seabed and detonate when ships pass above, tethered mines that are anchored but float closer to the surface, drifting mines that move freely on the water, and limpet mines that attach ⁠directly to a ship’s hull.

The US operation will likely involve searching for mines using unmanned surface and underwater vehicles equipped with sensors. Once a mine-like object is detected, the data is typically transferred to crews operating outside the minefield, who identify the device. They then determine how it should be neutralised.

The Navy’s search capability now includes sonar-mounted unmanned surface and undersea vehicles, as well as helicopters that are used to spot mines near the surface, former naval officials say.

To destroy mines, the Navy can deploy systems such as the torpedo-shaped Archerfish, a remotely operated device about 2 metres long that carries an explosive charge and transmits video back to operators via cable, according to its manufacturer, BAE Systems. Designed to be expendable, it costs tens of thousands of dollars.

The US could also ⁠use unmanned boats towing mine-sweeping sleds that trigger detonations or gather mines, said Bryan Clark, a retired US naval officer and senior fellow at the Hudson Institute. Human divers are also sometimes used, including for intelligence gathering, specialists say.


Slow process

Clearing the strait could take two or three weeks, Clark said, and Iranian attacks on mine-clearing crews ⁠could slow the process and raise risks. As a result, he said, the US military may deploy defensive measures like ships and airborne drones to defend crews and equipment.

“Finding and destroying mines is very ⁠time consuming,” US Admiral Daryl Caudle, ⁠chief of naval operations, said in March. That leaves mine-clearing capability “vulnerable,” he added.

New technologies are being developed to speed up mine clearance, particularly through advances in sensors used for detection, specialists say. French technology and defence group Thales says ​its latest sonar can scan a suspected mine from three different angles in one pass, a process that typically requires ​multiple sweeps.

Advances in artificial intelligence are also enabling more data analysis to be carried out onboard unmanned ‌vessels.

Longer term, the ambition is to deploy groups of unmanned systems that can search for, identify and destroy mines, ​rather than it being a multi-step process.

“That doesn’t exist today,” said Mark ​Bock, a retired US Navy captain who is now vice president of business development at Thales’ US Navy business. “But it is what all nations are trying to achieve now.” — Reuters

China shot Trump's Kerbau down for Pho soup

From the FB page of:

Ravikumar M ·


According to reports, Trump stated he had direct talks with China regarding weapons supply to Iran. However, Chinese officials responded by dismissing the claim, saying no such agreement exists and emphasizing that defense cooperation decisions are sovereign matters. The situation highlights growing tensions and conflicting narratives between United States and China.

Petronas to engage Russia on oil supply: Anwar

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim today said national oil firm Petroliam Nasional Berhad (Petronas) will enter negotiations with Russia to secure sufficient crude supply for domestic needs. – Facebook pic, April 18, 2026


Petronas to engage Russia on oil supply: Anwar


PM cites strong bilateral ties as Putrajaya moves to secure fuel amid global supply strain and Hormuz tensions


Scoop Reporters
Updated 6 hours ago
18 April, 2026
1:22 PM MYT



KUALA LUMPUR – Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim today said national oil firm Petroliam Nasional Berhad will enter negotiations with Russia to secure sufficient crude supply for domestic needs.

Anwar noted that several European and American countries that had previously imposed sanctions on Russia are now seeking to purchase its oil, according to a report by Sinar Harian.

“Fortunately, our relations with Russia remain good. So the Petronas team can negotiate with Russia,” he said at the launch of the upgraded Sultan Ismail Petra Airport terminal in Kota Bharu, Kelantan.

Also present were Transport Minister Loke Siew Fook and Kelantan Menteri Besar Nassuruddin Daud.

Anwar, who is also the finance minister, said Malaysia’s early diplomatic engagements helped ensure its oil tankers were among the first allowed passage through the Strait of Hormuz in recent weeks, mitigating potential disruptions to the country’s energy supply chain.

He added that a Petronas-chartered tanker had safely arrived at the Pengerang Integrated Complex, a key facility where crude oil is processed.

“That success was the result of the government’s early engagement with Iran’s leadership, which allowed passage while international negotiations over the future of the Strait of Hormuz were still at a deadlock,” he said.

The Ocean Thunder, chartered by Petronas subsidiary Petco, delivered one million barrels of crude oil from Basra, Iraq.

Petronas said on Wednesday that fuel supply at its stations nationwide remains sufficient until the end of June, extending its earlier projection by a month. – April 18, 2026

Could Anwar Swap Tambun for Pandan? The Stunning Seat-Shift Rumour That’s Silencing

OPINION | Could Anwar Swap Tambun for Pandan? The Stunning Seat-Shift Rumour That’s Silencing 

18 Apr 2026 • 4:00 PM MYT

AM World
A writer capturing headlines & hidden places, turning moments into words

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Almost a year out from Malaysia’s next general election, political observers are asking an eyebrow‑raising question: could Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim ditch his current seat and contest the Pandan parliamentary seat instead? The idea sounds unlikely on its face. But in a volatile political landscape marked by fractious party dynamics, shifting voter bases, and intra‑coalition tensions, few possibilities are totally off the table.


This is not mere speculation among casual observers. Analysts see tactical value in high‑profile leaders anchoring contested seats. And with the upcoming 16th General Election (GE16) scheduled to happen on or before early 2028, the strategic calculus around candidate placement has already begun. (NST)



In this deep dive, we trace the origins of the Pandan question, unpack its political logic, evaluate the risks and rewards, and explore what it would mean for Malaysia’s next general election.


Pandan Today: A Flashpoint Seat


The Pandan parliamentary seat in Kuala Lumpur is far from a safe perch. It is currently held by Rafizi Ramli, a key leader in Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and a former deputy president of the party. Rafizi has publicly reiterated his intention to defend Pandan at the next election, though he has not confirmed which party banner he might use due to internal PKR tensions. (Focus Malaysia - Business & Beyond)



That internal tension matters. Rafizi has been at odds with party leadership at times, and sources close to his camp suggest he is weighing various options on how best to contest the seat. This intra‑party friction injects volatility into Pandan’s prospects.


Pandan’s demographic mix urban Malay, Chinese, Indian and other voters makes it a key battleground where voter sentiment can swing based on candidate profile and national mood.


Why Anwar in Pandan Is a Viral Rumour


No official announcement from PKR or Anwar indicates he plans to contest Pandan. The Prime Minister himself is currently member of Parliament for Tambun in Perak following GE15. But the Pandan speculation has taken shape online and among political analysts for several reasons:

• Symbolic Disruption: A move to contest Pandan could be seen as a statement of confidence or challenge, underlining Anwar’s willingness to take on a contested seat instead of a safer one.
• Media Momentum: Viral discussions on social forums and commentaries show public curiosity about such a scenario, even without confirmation from key actors. Analysts interpret this chatter as reflecting broader dissatisfaction with leadership choices and the desire for bold moves.
• Strategic Optics: Malaysia’s political landscape is fragmented. A national leader contesting a high‑profile urban seat could energise key voter blocs and signal focus on metropolitan issues.

No credible news outlet has formally reported that Anwar will contest Pandan. But the fact that the question is circulating reflects deeper strategic anxieties in the opposition and government camps alike.



The Political Maths: Risk vs Reward


Contest seat changes are not unprecedented in Malaysian politics. Historical examples include leaders vacating safe seats to contest elsewhere for tactical advantage. But they carry risks.

• Downside Risks:
• Losing a High‑Profile Leader: 
• If Anwar were to contest Pandan and lose, it could be a symbolic blow to the national campaign narrative of Pakatan Harapan (PH).

• Unsettling the Local Base: 
• Would Rafizi shift to another constituency? That could strain PKR’s internal cohesion.
  
  
• National Focus Diluted: 
• The Prime Minister has emphasised unity and focus on national issues, not election posturing, in recent speeches. On April 4, 2026, Anwar indicated that GE16 is not on the immediate horizon, urging leaders and voters to focus on economic challenges instead. (MalaysiaGazette)

• Possible Upsides:
• Boost to Urban Campaign: 
• Pandan is a high‑visibility seat. A federal leader running there could galvanise younger and urban voters.
• Message of Commitment: 
• It could signal a leader willing to fight on the ground rather than from a safe position, resonating with voters frustrated with entrenched politics.

What the Seat Means for PKR and Pakatan Harapan

For PKR, Rafizi’s continued presence in Pandan is itself a potential strength or liability, depending on internal party discipline and voter sentiment. His outspoken nature and public disagreements with party leadership have drawn both support and criticism. (Malaysiakini)


If Anwar were to contest Pandan, PKR could be betting on two things:

• Consolidation of Votes: 
• A strong national leader at the top of the ticket might bring wavering voters back into the fold.
• Subordinate Candidate Shuffle: 
• PKR could redeploy Rafizi to another seat or to a symbolic role, smoothing over local leadership friction.

But these are risky bets. It assumes voters will overlook any perceived power grabs at party headquarters and focus instead on the national leadership’s message.


Broader Implications for GE16


GE16 is poised to be a referendum on leadership, governance, and Malaysia’s direction after a period marked by coalition complexities and global economic pressure. Anwar himself has signalled that the election is not imminent, prioritising national governance over campaign timing. (Yahoo News Malaysia)



If Anwar were to contest a seat like Pandan:

• Media Impact: The narrative would dominate headlines and reshuffle public attention toward candidate strategy over policy substance.
• Opposition Response: Rival coalitions would potentially sharpen their attack lines, framing the move as desperation or political brinkmanship.
• Voter Perception: Some voters might interpret the shift as confidence; others could see it as an attempt to dodge responsibility in more challenging constituencies.

The choice of seat and timing of such an announcement would therefore have ripple effects beyond Pandan.


Expert Views on Strategic Candidate Placement


Political analysts emphasise the importance of balancing symbolic gestures with grounded campaign planning.


One election strategist commented that “leaders should not play musical chairs with constituencies unless the base is solid and the messaging is clear. Voters see through theatrics.” Others note that urban seats like Pandan offer unique challenges given their diverse demographic mix.



While there are no official polls showing how Pandan voters view the idea of Anwar running there, seat‑level results from recent elections show that candidate identity matters greatly in urban, multi‑ethnic constituencies. Analysts underscore that personal brand alone cannot secure a win without grassroots connection.


What Do You Think? I’d Love to Hear Your Opinion in the Comments Section.


The notion that Anwar Ibrahim could contest the Pandan parliamentary seat at the upcoming general election remains speculative, with no official confirmation. But the broader dynamics driving such discussion reveal deeper undercurrents in Malaysian politics shifting alliances, leadership psychology, and strategic maneuvering ahead of GE16.


Whether it’s Rafizi Ramli defending his seat or Anwar making an unexpected move, how PH positions its leaders across constituencies will be a key barometer of its electoral appetite and confidence.



As Malaysia approaches its next electoral test, questions like this matter not because they are certain to happen, but because they reveal the strategic anxieties and aspirations of the nation’s political actors.

Who owns Palestine (including Israel)?

 

Iran denies agreeing to transfer enriched uranium after Trump claim

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Iran denies agreeing to transfer enriched uranium after Trump claim


18 Apr 2026 • 9:09 AM MYT

Malay Mail






TEHRAN, April 18 — Iran’s foreign ministry yesterday said the country’s stockpile of enriched uranium would not be transferred “anywhere”, denying an earlier claim by US President Donald Trump that the Islamic republic had agreed to hand it over.


“Iran’s enriched uranium is not going to be transferred anywhere,” Iranian foreign ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei told state TV.

“Transfer of Iran’s enriched uranium to the US has never been raised in negotiations.”

Trump posted on his Truth Social platform earlier Friday: “The U.S.A. will get all Nuclear ‘Dust,’ created by our great B2 Bombers,” referring to enriched uranium buried by US strikes last year.



But Baqaei said recent talks centred on solving the conflict and not on recovering Iran’s uranium.

“The previous negotiations focused on the nuclear issue, but now the negotiations are focused on ending the war, and naturally the range of topics discussed has become wider and more diverse,” he said.

“The 10-point plan for lifting sanctions is very important to us. The issue of compensation for the damages incurred during the imposed war is of particular importance.”


He also took aim at Trump for posting on his Truth Social platform Friday that the US naval blockade of Iranian ports would remain in place until a peace deal with Tehran was reached, despite Tehran declaring the Strait of Hormuz reopened.

“The opening and closing of the Strait of Hormuz, does not take place on internet, it is determined in the field, and our armed forces certainly know how to behave in response to any action by the other side,” said Baqaei.

“What they call a naval blockade will definitely be met with an appropriate response from Iran. A naval blockade is a violation of the ceasefire and Iran will definitely take the necessary measures.”



His comments came after US news outlet Axios reported that Washington and Tehran were negotiating a plan that would include Washington releasing $20 billion in frozen Iranian funds in return for Iran giving up its stockpile of enriched uranium.

Tehran still possesses a significant quantity of uranium enriched both to 60 percent, close to the 90-percent level required to make an atomic bomb, as well as a stockpile of uranium enriched to 20 percent, another critical threshold.

Prior to US strikes in June 2025, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) calculated that Iran possessed approximately 440 kilogrammes of uranium enriched to 60 percent, well above the 3.67-percent limit set by a 2015 agreement from which the United States subsequently withdrew.


Since June 2025, the fate of this stockpile has remained uncertain, with Tehran refusing access to IAEA inspectors at the sites ravaged by US and Israeli strikes. — AFP

Britain’s military now smallest since Napoleonic era as Iran conflict exposes defence gaps

Britain’s military now smallest since Napoleonic era as Iran conflict exposes defence gaps



The HMS Dragon is seen during ammunitioning operations at the Upper Harbour Ammunitioning Facility in Portsmouth Harbour on March 4, 2026. — Reuters pic

Saturday, 18 Apr 2026 7:00 AM MYT


LONDON, April 18 — The Iran war has left Britain’s armed forces exposed, heaping pressure on Prime Minister Keir Starmer to act on his promises to invest in defence, after years of ‌warnings from military bosses about the UK’s shrinking capabilities.


When a British military base in Cyprus was hit ​by a drone early on in the Iran conflict in March, Britain, whose navy was the largest in the world at the start of World War Two, took three weeks to deploy one warship to the eastern Mediterranean.


France, Greece and Italy ‌sent warships to Cyprus within days. Britain’s diminished military capacity has registered with US President Donald Trump. He has dismissed Britain’s two aircraft carriers ​as “toys” while his defence secretary, Pete Hegseth, mocked what he called the “big, bad Royal Navy”.

Defending his record on the armed forces, Starmer said on Wednesday his government, in power for nearly two years, had put in place the biggest sustained increase in military spending since the Cold War.


Britain’s military now is about half the size it was then and its army is ​the smallest it has been since the early 19th century.


Below are details regarding the scale of the decline and the country’s current capabilities.



Crew members board the HMS Dragon during ammunitioning operations at the Upper Harbour Ammunitioning Facility in Portsmouth Harbour on March 4, 2026. — Reuters pic


Royal Navy

Britain’s Royal Navy has 38,000 personnel. It operates two aircraft carriers and a combined fleet of 13 destroyers and frigates.

This has shrunk from about 62,000 personnel, three aircraft carriers and about 50 destroyers and frigates in 1991.

The delays in sending a warship to Cyprus prompted criticism of the navy’s available surface fleet.

HMS Dragon, a Type 45 air defence destroyer, arrived in the eastern Mediterranean on March 23, while the Royal Navy has said since the ‌outbreak of the Iran war that it is upgrading RFA Lime Bay to improve its minehunting and autonomous tech capabilities.

That deployment compares to the Gulf War ⁠in 1990-91, when the Royal Navy sent 21 surface ships and two submarines ⁠plus 11 Royal Fleet Auxiliary ships to the region.

The smaller fleet comes after decades of cuts to defence funding ⁠since the early 1990s, when about 3.8 per cent ⁠of gross domestic product was spent on ⁠the military compared to the 2.3 per cent spent in 2024.

Britain until December 2025 had a warship present in the Middle East for decades but that ended when HMS Lancaster was decommissioned in Bahrain just weeks before the start of the Iran war.

The Royal Navy’s ageing frigates need to be retired before replacements become available, while its ⁠destroyers are undergoing maintenance work. A fleet of 13 new Type 26 and Type 31 frigates is due to enter service in the coming years. The Royal Navy is also being stretched by Russian threats closer to home, with British warships recently spending a month in the North Atlantic tracking Russian submarines.

About a fifth of Britain’s defence budget is spent on nuclear submarines. This includes the Trident nuclear deterrent, comprising four Vanguard-class submarines. Under the Continuous At-Sea Deterrence policy, at least one of those submarines is on patrol at sea at any time.

The Vanguard-class submarines will be replaced by the Dreadnought-class in the early 2030s.




U.S. President Donald Trump, flanked by Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, speaks during a press conference in the James S. Brady Press Briefing Room at the White House in Washington, D.C. on April 6, 2026. — Reuters pic



Royal Air ⁠Force

The RAF has over 150 fighter jets in service, two-thirds of which are Eurofighter Typhoons and the remainder Lockheed Martin F-35s. It has a permanent staff of around 31,000 people. In 1991, the RAF had about 700 fast-jet fighter aircraft and about 88,000 people. During the ⁠1990-1991 Gulf War, it deployed 157 aircraft to the region, including over 80 fighter jets.

Before the start of the Iran war, Britain sent six F-35s to Cyprus ⁠and four Typhoons from ⁠12 Squadron, a joint RAF and Qatar unit, to Qatar. It then sent four extra Typhoons to Qatar in early March after the US and Israeli strikes on Iran began.

Unlike ​the Gulf War, when Britain was an active member of the US-led coalition fighting Saddam ​Hussein’s Iraq, it is not directly involved in the current conflict with Iran, ‌though Starmer has allowed what he calls defensive missions aimed at protecting residents of the region, including British ​citizens.


Army

Britain’s army strength is currently 74,000 full-time personnel, down ​from 148,000 in 1991.

The number of main battle tanks has dropped from a fleet of about 1,200 at the end of the Cold War to around 150 that are currently operational. — Reuters

Iran war live: Hormuz Strait shut down again over US ‘piracy’, says Tehran

By Heba Habib and Stephen Quillen

Published On 18 Apr 202618 Apr 2026

• Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corp says control of the Strait of Hormuz has now “returned to its previous state” because of the US’s continuing blockade of Iranian ports.
• US President Donald Trump says the naval blockade will “remain in full force” until “our transaction with Iran is 100% complete”.
• Earlier Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said the strait is “completely open” to all commercial vessels, “in line with the ceasefire in Lebanon” and “on the coordinated route as already announced”.
• Trump said Israel is “prohibited” from bombing Lebanon as the first day of a 10-day ceasefire in the country saw tens of thousands of people return to homes they were forced to flee during weeks of Israeli attacks.

9m ago

 (09:30 GMT)

US blockade on Iranian ports may be a ‘miscalculation’

The IRGC’s latest message about the Strait of Hormuz shows that Iran intends to keep leveraging control of the waterway as a “threat” while the US continues to blockade Iranian ports, said Mohamed Elmasry, media studies professor at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies.

“The situation is fluid and dynamic. We’re not getting total clarity,” Elmasry told Al Jazeera.

“In some ways, this is not surprising given what was said and done yesterday from the US. It was a confusing set of messages.

“I think already we’re seeing that this was perhaps a miscalculation by the US to maintain its blockade on Iranian ports. Iran is interpreting this as a violation of whatever arrangement that was worked out,” he added.

“These negotiations that Trump is talking about and playing up in very positive terms … there’s a real chance that could all blow into thin air if the US overplays its hand.”

20m ago

 (09:20 GMT)

Ships sail cautiously through Strait of Hormuz as confusion persists

By Malik Traina

Reporting from Kuwait City, Kuwait

For a lot of these tankers and vessels this is a race against time. Many have been stuck or stranded in the Strait of Hormuz for weeks. In the last couple of hours, we have seen several vessels crossing through. Various flagged vessels from Angola, Panama and Vietnam.

We are seeing a lot of chatter from marine monitors noting that most of these ships are sanctioned vessels, and they are identifying a pattern there. Whether or not they will be stopped by the US naval blockade, which we believe is positioned near the Gulf of Oman, remains to be seen. Most, if not all, of the vessels have gone through the designated pathway announced by the Revolutionary Guard, because commercial companies are afraid of sea mines.

We have also seen, for the first time since this war began, a cruise ship pass through the Strait of Hormuz. The Maltese-flagged cruise ship Celestial Discovery had been stranded in Dubai for 47 days. It has just passed through the strait, believed to be empty, and is said to be making a stopover in Muscat before continuing its journey.

But there is deep confusion within the commercial shipping industry. Nobody knows whether the strait is truly open or not. The Iranians said it was open, and we saw more than a dozen vessels yesterday make their way toward the strait only to turn back around just hours later. Companies are very confused, and many are simply not taking the risk.