Saturday, March 28, 2026

Iranian Air Defences Shoot Down U.S. Navy F-18E/F Super Hornet Fighter: Air Operations Posing Higher Risks Due to Missile Shortages


Military Watch:


Iranian Air Defences Shoot Down U.S. Navy F-18E/F Super Hornet Fighter: Air Operations Posing Higher Risks Due to Missile Shortages

Middle East , Aircraft and Anti-Aircraft


The Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps on March 25 shot down a U.S. Navy F-18E/F carrier based fighter, with footage of the incident appearing to show a short range surface-to-air missile attack destroying the aircraft. The aircraft was shot down over Chabahar County and crashed in the Indian Ocean, where the U.S. naval presence has been heavily concentrated. The Corps reported that this was the fourth U.S. and Israeli fighter shot down by indigenous air defence systems since the two countries launched an assault on Iran on February 28, raising the possibility that systems procured from abroad, such as the Russian S-300PMU-2 and Tor-M2, may have been responsible for other shootdowns. Iranian-aligned paramilitary groups in Iraq have claimed responsibility for multiple further shootdowns over Iraqi airspace.

U.S. Navy F-18E Super Hornet at Muwaffaq Salti Airbase, Jordan Under Strike Fighter Squadron 25
U.S. Navy F-18E Super Hornet at Muwaffaq Salti Airbase, Jordan Under Strike Fighter Squadron 25

Iranian forces have also claimed successful shootdowns of a U.S. Air Force F-15E Strike Eagle fighter in the country's southern airspace on March 22, and of an Israeli Air Force F-16 the previous day. On March 20 the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps command announced that it had hit an Israeli F-16 Fighting Falcon in the country's central airspace. This followed the confirmed successful surface-to-air attack on a U.S. Air Force F-35 fifth generation fighter on March 19, which inflicted sufficient damage to cause shrapnel wounds to the pilot. Iranian sources have reported that U.S. Armed Forces and the Israeli Air Force significantly reduced deep penetration strikes over Iranian territory after the strike on the F-35, which is by far the most survivable fighter type in either countries’ fleets. It has been speculated that increasingly extreme shortages of air-launched cruise and ballistic missiles will force U.S. and Israeli fighters to operate within Iranian airspace to strike targets using glide bombs, leaving them at greater risk of being shot down. 

Moments of Iranian Air Defences` Strike on U.S. Air Force F-35
Moments of Iranian Air Defences` Strike on U.S. Air Force F-35

Iranian sources have also assessed that the number of U.S. and Israeli unmanned aircraft shot down has reached nearly 200. These have varied widely in their values, from single use attack drones costing under $100,000, to higher value attack and reconnaissance platforms such as the MQ-9 Reaper which costs over $150 million, of which over a dozen have been lost in combat. These much higher losses reflect not only the lower survivability of most unmanned aircraft compared to manned fighters, but also the fact that they have been employed for higher risk deep penetration missions, while manned fighters have been employed with greater caution. The successes achieved by Iran’s air defences have remained relatively limited against manned targets, although the U.S., Israel and their strategic partners’ own defences against Iranian missile attacks have if anything been more underwhelming, allowing the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps to strike high value targets across the Middle East with impunity. 

U.S. MQ-9 Reaper Drones Shot Down Over Iran
U.S. MQ-9 Reaper Drones Shot Down Over Iran

The F-18E/F has formed the backbone of the U.S. Navy’s fighter fleet for close to two decades, and is an enhanced fourth generation fighter that was initially procured to serve as a stopgap between the Cold War era F-14, F-18C/D, A-6 and A-7 combat jets, and the F-35C fifth generation fighter and F/A-XX long range sixth generation fighter. Major delays to the development of the F-35C resulted in the extension of F-18E/F production by 12 years from 2015, with the Navy now fielding over 700 Super Hornets and their close derivatives the E/A-18G. Other than a small number of aircraft which have been brought up to the much more costly F-18E/F Block 3 standard with a modern electronically scanned array radar and ‘4+ generation’ avionics, the large majority of F-18E/F fighters are considered out of date and poorly suited to high intensity engagements with advanced fighters or air defence systems. The aircraft’s low maintenance needs and operational costs, however, made it appear a suitable workhorse for the fleet in the post-Cold War era. 

Friday, March 27, 2026

PAS is keen to engage with the Chinese community, but are we ready for it?






Tuesday, 24 Mar 2026 | 12:41 PM MYT


MALAYSIAN politics has been exceptionally animated lately, with ruling and opposition parties changing sides faster than they are changing clothes, catching many completely off guard.

While the current intense infighting within the Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition seems ongoing and unending, it is in actuality paving the way for and eventually consolidating the dominant hold of PAS.


Barisan Nasional (BN), in the meantime, is actively re-establishing itself as the ultimate choice of the Malay community in creating an atmosphere of reconciliation. There are no indications the coalition will still fight steadfastly alongside Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim come the next general election!

As for DAP, which has been under tremendous political pressure of late, probability of it abandoning ship has surfaced, and the July party congress will provide a clearer picture.

Who is teaming up with whom before the election will mark the climax of the political drama.

The current political manoeuvres are principally geared towards a possible election later this year, and parties on both sides of the political divide are assiduously testing the water, staging political dramas to find solutions to their own problems.

That being said, the US-Israel strikes against Iran have remarkably escalated geopolitical and economic tension, complicating further the scenario to declare a favourable election date.

Beset by both domestic and international developments, PM Anwar has ironically gained the much-needed breathing space.

As the man with the power to dissolve parliament, he can opt to disregard domestic and external pressures for an early election to give himself more time to deploy more favourable election strategies.

At this juncture, all he needs is concentrate on mitigating the impact of the war on the people’s livelihoods and economy. After all, parties within the Unity Government prefer to keep the status quo at least until parliament is officially dissolved.

Amanah is perhaps the most predictable among the three components of Pakatan Harapan (PH), whereas cracks have verily shown up in the coalition’s most notable entity, PKR.

Although Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli is still with the party, a dozen of elected representatives have sworn allegiance. In the event he is expelled from the party, he will take with him not just his supporters but also the “Reformasi” spirit Pakatan has long enshrined.

There’s no way to tell whether Rafizi will follow the footsteps of Bersatu’s Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin, finding himself a new home to reset his political career.

Feeling the weight of public pressure, DAP has chosen to confront the quandary and leave the decision to its 4,000 central delegates at the party’s July 12 congress.

As Secretary-General Anthony Loke has said, the upcoming congress will essentially be a party “referendum,” and all office-holders will quit en masse but will continue to support the Unity Government until the next election, if that is what the party delegates want.

If the 16th General Election is not held this year, will the party’s political show push it to greater political risks?

The question is: which Malay party will DAP ultimately align itself with? Will it go with Rafizi’s new setup and present itself to voters as “PH 2.0”?

One of DAP’s current election campaign arguments is that “it was a misstep for the Malaysian Chinese community to go with PAS.” And whether such argument can gain traction within the community depends on how sincere the Islamic party is wooing it.

Another argument revolves around non-delivery of reform pledges which the prime minister will have to answer to the voting public prior to the next election.

Some Indian members have already left PKR owing to a number of reasons, while the reform-minded have either aligned themselves with Rafizi’s camp or chosen to sit on the fence.

Meanwhile, Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi—serving both as Barisan and Umno chief—is riding high, and the likelihood of him deserting Anwar in the next general election has significantly picked up in momentum.

In my December article “Will Zahid bid Anwar farewell,” I pointed out that the simultaneous appearance of several heavyweight leaders from different camps in Thailand suggested the emergence of a furtive political move dubbed “Sawadeekap Move,” which is now gaining momentum following Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin’s disclosure of a secret meeting between Hamzah and Ahmad Zahid in Bangkok over the formation of a new alliance and candidates for future PM and DPM.

It is said that PAS’ Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan and PBB’s Datuk Seri Fadillah Yusof, the incumbent Deputy Prime Minister, were also at the meeting table.

If Barisan were to head the next government, Ahmad Zahid is understandably the natural choice for prime minister.

With heavyweights such as Khairy Jamaluddin returning to the fold, and himself momentarily free from litigation, a reunited Umno promises bright prospect for Ahmad Zahid to turn things around.

Under such circumstances, why should he humbly stick to Anwar when the nation goes to polls again?

It is also unlikely for MIC to have such political miscalculation as to turn themselves in to PN!

I used the analogy of Malay silat in depicting Malay politics—deceptive manoeuvres to identify the opponent’s weaknesses before making the decisive strike—in my earlier article “Is what’s happening between Bersatu and PAS—or Zahid and Akmal—for real?”

This tactic is, in essence, perfectly embodied in the Perikatan coalition today.

As newly appointed Perikatan chairman Datuk Seri Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar is ready to engage with the “four pillars” of the local Chinese community, is the community psychologically and politically prepared for it?

After a chaotic “civil war,” PAS finally seizes control of the opposition coalition, with Ahmad Samsuri at the helm, Takiyuddin Hassan as sec-gen, and Kedah Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor its treasurer-general. Muhyiddin and his Bersatu gang, meanwhile, have been forced to the back seat.

Sure enough Muhyiddin is not going to call it a day just that; he is waiting for the right time to strike back, and Azmin Ali will remain a most useful pawn.

As for Hamzah, he could rejoin Perikatan after the alleged Berjasa takeover, but chances of him returning to Umno are slim.

Bersatu originally had 31 Members of Parliament, but six subsequently left to become pro-government independents, 18 chose to stick with Hamzah, leaving only six on Muhyiddin’s side.

If Hamzah were to apply to rejoin PN in his capacity as Berjasa chief, would Muhyiddin, head of its component party, block the access? We’ll see!

Berjasa used to win 11 seats in the 1978 Kelantan state election and another four in the 1982 general election, but has subsequently slipped into decline and remained largely irrelevant nowadays.

Terengganu Mentri Besar Ahmad Samsuri is PAS’ prime ministerial candidate should the party come to power.

Some argue that his lack of religious affiliation might prevent him from gaining broader support of Islamic fundamentalists.

Nonetheless, I have repeatedly highlighted the fact that PAS has always prioritised long-term gains over instant benefits.

For the Islamic party, Putrajaya is just a short step away. The primary goal is to pick a leader with broad public acceptance to secure power first before addressing any factional imbalance that has arisen.

Samsuri is PAS’ carefully crafted prime ministerial candidate. He is well educated, speaks fluent English, has international perspectives, and his daughter speaks Chinese and is studying in Beijing.

His image clearly sets him apart from the many PAS leaders that we know.

The 48-year-old holds a PhD in Aeroengine Ignition and Combustion, School of Mechanical Engineering, University of Leeds, and was a engineer by profession before entering politics.

That said, Samsuri’s track record as Terengganu Mentri Besar, including the banning of performances at banquets from Thursday night through Friday afternoon, and requiring karaoke and other entertainment venues to close by 10 pm, has impacted the local Chinese community.

If this were to be expanded to the federal level, the lifestyles of Chinese and other non-Muslim communities would invariably be affected.

These are crucial issues PAS must clarify before attempting to engage with the Malaysian Chinese community.

As Samsuri is ready to engage with the “four pillars” of the local Chinese community—Chinese associations, Chinese businesses, Chinese education and Chinese media—is the community psychologically and politically prepared for it?

This is an inevitable question that must be considered with urgency.

We have had prime ministers from Umno, Bersatu, and now PKR; and it is as well entirely possible to have a PAS leader helming the federal government in the future!

Sarawak Premier Tan Sri Abang Johari Tun Openg could also be a dark horse, but this very much depends on the final election outcome.

If PAS fails to secure a simple majority, the prime ministerial candidate could alter; the key lies with the distribution of seats among parties.

Sick of the frequent changes in government, the former Yang di-Pertuan Agong Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri'ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah first approached Fadillah to form a government, before a decision was made between Anwar and Muhyiddin.

However, given PBB’s party convention, Sarawak and East Malaysia had to miss the historic opportunity, as Fadillah could not hold a government position higher than the party president Abang Johari, who could instead stand the chance if he were a parliamentarian.

As such, if Abang Johari were to run for a parliamentary seat this time, or contest both parliamentary and state seats for that matter, he could become the most watched political figure possibly reshaping Malaysia’s political landscape, with PAS gaining momentum.

Voter turnout has become increasingly fragmented, and the true determinant is the shake-up of post-election alliances.

The above hypothesis has been made based solely on current political dynamics. Any changes after the election will depend on the votes from all ethnic groups in this country.

While the next general election may not yet arrive anytime soon, the state elections in Sarawak, Melaka and Johor have to be held latest by early next year, and their results will dictate the general election’s direction.

No party can afford to take the three state elections lightly, and of course, it is safest is to have the state elections held concurrently with the general election.

That said, the Middle East war has derailed a carefully orchestrated plan for election timing. It’s now up to Anwar how he is going to deploy his game plan.



> Datuk Kuik Cheng Kang is Group Editor-in-Chief of Media Chinese International (Malaysia)


Israel is a serial killer


From the FB page of:






The Iran War - logic?

 







New Details: US Pilot Suffered Shrapnel Wounds After 'Unkillable' F-35 Was Struck By Iran









by Tyler Durden
Wednesday, Mar 25, 2026 - 12:50 PM


Very little is known about last week's incident which forced an 'unkillable' F-35 fighter jet to make an emergency landing at an airbase in the Middle East last week, amid reports it took on Iranian fire.

Iranian state media said it was shot and successfully downed. Al Jazeera observed that "If true, this would be the first time during the war that an F-35, the cornerstone of Washington’s aerial firepower, has been struck by Iran."


US Central Command in the wake of the downing has only offered minimal disclosure, merely confirming the jet was struck, was forced into an emergency landing and that the pilot remains in "stable" condition.

But now Air & Space Forces Magazine has some further details, reporting that the US Air Force pilot was wounded by shrapnel during the attack:


A U.S. Air Force F-35A pilot suffered shrapnel wounds after their aircraft was damaged during a combat mission over Iran on March 19, people familiar with the matter told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

The aircraft was hit by ground fire. Though U.S. Central Command has not provided details, the aircraft was most likely damaged by a surface-to-air missile rather than by small-arms fire or another projectile, given the altitude at which the F-35 typically flies. The incident is under investigation, according to U.S. military officials.

It's believed to have been a likely surface-to-air missile given the high-altitude profile of the F-35, making small arms basically an impossibility unless for some reason it was flying very close to the earth and at a slow speed.

Meanwhile, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had released footage days ago claiming to show the strike, stating: "The fate of the fighter jet is unclear and under investigation, and the likelihood of its crash is very high."

Earlier in the conflict three US F-16s were downed over Kuwait in what the Pentagon has somewhat dubious claimed was a friendly fire incident.

The CENTCOM press release had stated that "During active combat—that included attacks from Iranian aircraft, ballistic missiles, and drones — the U.S. Air Force fighter jets were mistakenly shot down by Kuwaiti air defenses."

"All six aircrew ejected safely, have been safely recovered, and are in stable condition. Kuwait has acknowledged this incident, and we are grateful for the efforts of the Kuwaiti defense forces and their support in this ongoing operation," it continued. This has naturally provoked immense skepticism from many journalists and pundits.


Trump extends deadline for Iran to open strait of Hormuz by 10 days




Trump extends deadline for Iran to open strait of Hormuz by 10 days

President claims talks with Tehran regime are ‘going very well’ and says he is pausing ‘Energy Plant destruction’


Donald Trump has extended his deadline for Iran to open the strait of Hormuz by 10 days to 6 April after saying talks are “going very well”.

The president made the statement on Thursday in a social media post, saying: “As per Iranian Government request, please let this statement serve to represent that I am pausing the period of Energy Plant destruction by 10 Days to Monday, April 6, 2026, at 8 P.M., Eastern Time,” Trump said on his Truth Social platform.

“Talks are ongoing and, despite erroneous statements to the contrary by the Fake News Media, and others, they are going very well.”

Later Trump told Fox News: “I gave them a 10-day period, they asked for seven.”

He also continued to declare victory in the war, adding: “In a certain sense, we have already won.”

Earlier, the US president had urged Iranian leaders to negotiate an end to the near-month-long war or face further assassinations of senior officials amid intensified action by the US and Israel.

That threat came as Israel said it had had “blown up and eliminated” the Revolutionary Guards’ naval commander, Alireza Tangsiri, and several senior officers in a strike on the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas.

Heavy strikes by Israeli or US warplanes were also reported around Isfahan, home to a major Iranian airbase and other military sites, as well as one of the nuclear sites bombed by the US during the 12-day war in June.

Iran has strenuously denied it is “begging to make a deal”, as Trump claimed, and continued its retaliatory strikes across a swathe of the Middle East on Thursday.

Loud booms were reported in Tel Aviv, the central Israeli city of Modi’in and Jerusalem throughout the day as Israel’s air defences worked to bring down incoming missiles. In the Gulf, Iranian attacks were also intercepted.

Trump’s new threat was among a series of statements made by the US president in Washington and on social media on Thursday in which he again criticised Nato allies, described Iran as producing “great negotiators” but “lousy fighters”, and repeated his claim that the war he launched last month had already been won.

“They now have the chance, that is, to permanently abandon their nuclear ambitions and to join a new path forward,” Trump said during a cabinet meeting at the White House. “We’ll see if they want to do it. If they don’t, we’re their worst nightmare.”

He claimed Tehran had let 10 oil tankers sail through the strait of Hormuz as a goodwill gesture in negotiations, including some Pakistan-flagged vessels.

Since the war began with an Israeli airstrike that killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, dozens of senior Iranian security and military officials have been killed by the US and Israel, as well as political leaders such as Ali Larijani, the veteran head of the national security council. The new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, is thought to have been injured, possibly severely, in the attack that killed his father.

Adm Brad Cooper, head of US Central Command, said Thursday’s killing of Tangsiri put Iran’s navy on a path toward “irreversible decline” and said the US would keep striking naval targets. Israel’s defence minister, Israel Katz, said Tangsiri had been “directly responsible for the terror operation of mining and blocking the strait of Hormuz to maritime traffic”.

Though the US claims to have destroyed most of Iran’s naval capabilities, Tehran has smaller boats capable of laying mines and anti-ship cruise missiles that can be launched from ashore. Either weapon could render the strait impassable to shipping.

On Friday, Yemen’s Houthis told Lloyd’s List there was “no cause for concern” about the safety of shipping in the Red Sea, and that “at present there is no reason to prevent this trade from continuing”. With Hormuz effectively all but closed, crude exports from the Saudi Arabian port of Yanbu in the Red Sea via an alternate route have surged, according to Lloyd’s List. The Houthis, an Iran-aligned militant group in Yemen, could potentially try to strike those vessels, further destabilising wobbling energy markets.

However, it told the shipping news outlet that it “remains committed to safeguarding navigation in the Red Sea and the Bab el Mandeb strait, as well as ensuring the free flow of trade”.

There are fears that if Trump follows through on threats to deploy troops to seize Kharg Island or elsewhere, Tehran may ask the Houthis to strike shipping in the Red Sea, through which about $1tn (£750bn) worth of goods passed each year before the war. Earlier, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, the Houthis’ leader, did not say whether the armed rebel group would fight alongside Iran if asked to join the conflict.

On Sunday, Trump threated Iran with a massive escalation of the US-Israeli offensive if it did not reopen the strait within 48 hours. Iran retaliated with a threat to launch broad attacks on energy infrastructure in the Gulf and Israel. Trump then extended his ultimatum until Friday or Saturday.

Iran’s foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi, accused the US of “double standards” and said international law was “not a tool of convenience”.

He wrote on X: “The US backed Israel’s Gaza blockade … yet condemns Iran for defending itself in the Strait of Hormuz. Double standard: Israel’s crimes are OK while Iran’s defense against aggressors is condemned.”

Israel reportedly removed Araghchi and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, a regime veteran who is the speaker of Iran’s parliament, from its hitlist after Pakistan, which is emerging as a key mediator in the conflict, asked Washington to ensure they were not harmed, a Pakistani official said. Ghalibaf is reportedly the “top man” with whom Trump said on Monday he has been indirectly negotiating on terms for ending the conflict.

Trump said on Thursday he was seeking an agreement that opened the strait of Hormuz and shut down Tehran’s military and nuclear ambitions but suggested that a deal might not ultimately come together. “I don’t know if we’ll be able to do that,” he said of the prospects for a deal. “I don’t know if we’re willing to do that.”

On Thursday, Steve Witkoff, Trump’s envoy to the Middle East, said the US had presented a 15-point “action list” to Iran via Pakistan as a framework for a possible peace deal.

Speaking at a cabinet meeting in Washington, Witkoff said there were “strong signs” that Tehran was ready to negotiate an end to the fighting

A senior Iranian official told Reuters on Thursday that Washington’s proposal for ending nearly four weeks of fighting was “one-sided and unfair” but that diplomacy continued.

Iran’s Tasnim news agency, citing an unnamed official, said Iran’s demands included an end to US and Israeli attacks on Iran but also on Tehran-backed groups elsewhere in the region – an implicit reference to Lebanon’s Hezbollah, among others. War reparations should be paid, it said, and Iran’s “sovereignty” over the strait of Hormuz be respected.

Analysts said it was very difficult to see any immediate pathway to an agreement given the gap between the two sides and the continuing widening of the conflict, which has directly involved more than a dozen countries from Azerbaijan to Oman.

Thousands of US marines and airborne troops have been sent to the region and could be used to seize Kharg Island, Iran’s principal hub for oil exports, or other strategic points in the Gulf. Such a move would mark a significant escalation in the conflict.

Ali Bahreini, Iran’s top envoy to UN institutions in Geneva, warned Thursday that any US and Israeli attempt to mount a ground invasion of Iran would be a “big” mistake.

The death toll from the war has risen to more than 1,900 people in Iran, according to authorities, and nearly 1,100 people in Lebanon, where more than a million have been displaced. Israeli strikes in Lebanon have killed another 22 people and wounded 110 in the past 24 hours, Lebanese officials said.

Israel says its invasion of southern Lebanon is aimed at protecting its northern border towns from attacks by Hezbollah, the Iran-backed militant Islamist movement, and establishing a defensive buffer zone. Eighteen people have been killed in Israel in the new conflict.