Wednesday, July 08, 2026

Bravo, Guan Eng and Pua











S Thayaparan
Published: Jul 6, 2026 7:00 AM
Updated: 12:09 PM



“He also performed many other actions, but he only implemented them after discussing with me. Lim could not simply bring matters into the cabinet without me looking into whether it is appropriate or not.”

- former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad



COMMENT | The criticisms against former finance minister Lim Guan Eng and his then aide Tony Pua are meant to generate public opprobrium.

The response by these two men and the public comments by Pua (above, left) demonstrate that in these kinds of political machinations, some politicians have to respond with one hand tied behind their backs.

It is neither a fair fight nor an honest one.

I have no idea why Lim and Pua would be singled out now, which should have been a time for inclusive political optics since the rakyat obviously approve of the completion of the LRT3 project.

The quote that opens this piece is evidence that there was nothing done by Lim and Pua which was not approved by former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad.


Former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad


Keep in mind that it does not matter whether this was a cabinet decision or not, because the old maverick has publicly said that Lim could not and would not do anything without his approval.

“So, how come he is said to be the one with the power? He had no power,” the former prime minister said.

Furthermore, when it comes to the benefit of the rakyat, the old maverick has said it was Lim “... who proposed for the federal government to give a one-off payment of RM400 million to Kelantan, which was facing financial trouble. Terengganu and Kedah, two other Malay-majority states, were also given RM200 million each.”

“These two states were not even Harapan states. They were the opposition, and they were Malay states. But he (Lim) knew that there were many financial problems there,” Mahathir had said.

No one stops the gravy train

Now what we have to remember is that these kinds of dynamics always play out because the system is predicated on rewarding the sometimes-criminal behaviour of the crony class, as the old maverick reminds us.


Former prime minister Najib Abdul Razak


“You can’t do that (terminate contracts under former prime minister Najib Abdul Razak’s administration) easily; you have to make considerations.

“Although the contractors may have bribed the (then) prime minister, he had given up a portion of his profit,” Mahathir said.

The problem with our tax ringgit is that its uses, which are supposed to be for the rakyat, rarely work out that way because of the so-called “drainage”.

Bureaucrats are oftentimes indifferent or complicit in these leakages. Former prime minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob admitted that nobody in the vast bureaucracy had any idea about the effectiveness of the government’s many poverty alleviation programmes.

“Many ministries had programmes on poverty alleviation, but there was no specific monitoring of their effectiveness,” Ismail said.


Former prime minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob


Monitoring these programmes does not mean there would automatically be transparency. This is because many of these programmes are part of the gravy train driven by bureaucrats, political operatives, and their various proxies.

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim also recently lamented the abuse of bumiputera loans, which tells rational Malaysians everything we need to know about the average majority of rakyat who are screwed over by the system, which has nothing to do with non-Malay political operatives.

And let us be very clear, not only did the old maverick threaten to fire Lim a couple of times, but he also got into a public spat with Pua, labelling him (in a roundabout way) as arrogant.

The response from these two men demonstrates that there were tensions between the crony class and public servants who believed it was their job to safeguard the public interest.

The plutocratic class

Meanwhile, PKR rabble rouser Hassan Abdul Karim has said that not only has there been a return of the crony class, but now we have the Mahakaya.

You can discover the types of Remora capitalists (as I refer to them) in Hassan’s warning, but pay attention to the third type: “These people seem to enjoy immunity and cannot be touched due to the 3R ban.”

The Pasir Gudang MP also noted their business dealings, even though this was expressly forbidden by the Federal Constitution.


Pasir Gudang MP Hassan Abdul Karim


And Mahathir did have his scraps with this type of class back in the day. As reported by The Independent, “In the meantime, the government is waging all-out war on the rulers.”

“Civil servants have been told to seek the prime minister’s permission before seeing the king; state governments are under orders to refuse business favours to their rulers.

“Religious teachers have been encouraged to comment on the un-Islamic behaviour of the supposed guardians of Islam.”

I want to be very clear. I am not saying that the party Lim and Pua represent is not linked in any way to the plutocratic class.

Indeed, it would be disingenuous to make that claim. It is no accident that the DAP got its moniker “Development Action Party”.




But the reality is that, from public records and their responses, it is evident that both men operating under the system they were under chose to safeguard public interests, or at the very least attempted to do so.

We can have a discussion about the numbers behind these kinds of projects, but to further a specific type of narrative by singling out these two is beyond the pale.

Najib gets his reputation laundered while Lim and Pua get smeared as people who do not have the interests of the rakyat at heart.

By not responding to these types of criticisms, the only thing the DAP is doing is normalising narratives that will damage its credibility with its base.

This is what is rotten about Madani.



S THAYAPARAN is Commander (Rtd) of the Royal Malaysian Navy. Fīat jūstitia ruat cælum - “Let justice be done though the heavens fall.”


Don't glorify the old Mahathir era











James Chin
Published: Jul 7, 2026 6:52 PM
Updated: 9:08 PM




LETTER | This is a response to the letter published on July 6 titled “Most Chinese voters quietly yearn for stability, vision of Dr M's earlier govt” by Tan Peng Beng.

There is something seriously wrong with this guy. Actually, there’s a whole army of these fossils wandering around Malaysia, still mentally living in the glory days of the 1980s and 1990s like it’s some golden utopia.

They wake up every morning, check the news, and immediately start sighing: “Ahhh… back when Dr Mahathir Mohamad was in charge… those were the days!”

A disturbingly large number of them also think the Najib Abdul Razak era was wonderful, and he was some economic wizard.

Brother, please.

These people are not “wise elders” - they’re just lost, greedy, and suffering from severe selective memory syndrome.

They do not understand what is happening now because they did very well economically during the Mahathir or Najib era. That’s it. Nothing deeper. Pure self-interest wrapped in nostalgia.

And don’t even get me started on Daim Zainuddin. Some of them speak about that man like he was Malaysia’s financial genius. More like the Grim Reaper for small Chinese businesses. Let me drop some cold, hard reality on these rose-tinted clowns.

Dr M’s sins

Mahathir took a flamethrower to racial unity. He didn’t just play the race card; he made it the entire deck.

He institutionalised ethnic division, turned it into official government policy, and then acted shocked when everyone started hating each other.

Mahathir didn’t build a united Malaysia; he built a pressure cooker with racial labels on it.


He tried to ride the political Islam wave and got absolutely bucked off. Now, PAS is running around as the biggest party in Parliament. Congratulations, you created the monster that’s eating your own legacy.

Money politics? Mahathir didn’t just allow it; he supercharged it into an Olympic sport when he faced the Umno challenge in 1987.

Cash, contracts, connections - everything had a price tag. Politics became less about serving the rakyat and more about who could fill their pockets fastest. This is what is happening today, and everybody knows it.

And Daim? Oh, that beautiful bank merger disaster. The original plan was to force all domestic banks, finance companies, and merchant banks (around 71 institutions in total) into just six big “anchor banks”.

Before him, there were plenty of small, regional banks that actually knew their customers - the neighbourhood Chinese uncle running a hardware shop, the auntie with her little restaurant. They understood the community.

After Daim’s brilliant “anchor bank” masterplan, those banks became giant, soulless corporations that would not lend to you unless your grandfather was a datuk and you had three properties as collateral.

Cronies thrived, people suffered

Meanwhile, the chosen few - the cronies close to Mahathir and Daim - were getting blank cheques and billion-ringgit loans to build empires.

These tycoons weren’t satisfied with a slice of the pie. They wanted the public utilities and state-owned enterprises. That’s why we called it “privatisation” during the Mahathir era?

Nah! We called it “piratisation”. Straight-up pirates in suits raiding every state-owned enterprise, every public utility, every juicy government contract they could get their greedy hands on.

So, the next time some people start telling you “Chinese businesses loved the Mahathir era”, maybe drag him to speak with the thousands of small Chinese SMEs that got crushed, suffocated, and bankrupted by those policies.

Talk to the ones who couldn’t get loans anymore. The ones who watched their competitors with political connections grow into monsters while they slowly died.

And human rights? Don’t get me started. Mahathir didn’t just bend the rules; he snapped the Federal Constitution in half, laughed, and said “Ops Lalang? What Ops Lalang?” while journalists, activists and others bore the brunt of it.

These uncles aren’t “realists”. They are just addicts chasing the high of the good old days when they were the ones getting rich, while everyone else was getting screwed.

Wake up. The past was not golden. It was gilded, and underneath all that shiny paint was pure rot.


OPINION | Why Is DAP Suddenly "Under Attack" From All Sides…?!!!



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OPINION | Why Is DAP Suddenly "Under Attack" From All Sides…?!!!


8 Jul 2026 • 12:00 PM MYT



Credit Image: Focus Malaysia.


Some might wonder: Why has the DAP suddenly come under intense fire from multiple quarters?


​Is there a conspiracy brewing out there?


​True, the scent of elections is already in the air, but why have the party's political foes started sharpening their knives so early?



​Inevitably, it had to start in Johor—the birthplace of UMNO and the so-called cradle of the Malay nationalist movement. With the state election looming, the political temperature seems to have hit a boiling point there.


​Last month, Johor’s popular Menteri Besar, Onn Hafiz Ghazi, caused an almighty stir after vowing he’d rather quit than sit at the same table as the DAP. It caught everyone in the Unity Government with their pants down—not just the DAP, but PM Anwar Ibrahim himself!


​What Onn Hafiz said carries massive weight, not just in Johor but nationally. He is a highly popular figure with both the people and the palace, thanks to his reputation as a diligent, hands-on leader.



​As if that wasn't enough, soon an even bigger bombshell was dropped from a most unlikely source.


​Recently, during his royal address at the opening of the new Shah Alam LRT3 line, the Selangor Sultan publicly reprimanded former Finance Minister Lim Guan Eng and Tony Pua. The Ruler called them out for originally downsizing a vital public project under the guise of cost-cutting.


​Lim and Pua, who served in the Mahathir-led PH government from 2018 to 2020, then respectfully explained that the goal back then was to save billions in public funds splashed on “mega-projects” by the previous administration.



​Sure, His Majesty’s rebuke was aimed at the duo as individual public officials, not at the DAP as a party. But it didn't help that lavish praise was heaped on ex-PM Najib Razak and current PM Anwar Ibrahim for finally bringing the project to fruition.


​The thing is, in politics, perception and optics always override reality. In this case, didn't DAP's credibility take a direct hit?


No doubt, the raucous anti-DAP mob—from PAS and Bersatu to UMNO—would have felt completely vindicated. And for sure too, they were licking their lips in delight, watching their favourite political target receive a “public slap” from the palace itself—never mind if the royal rebuke was deliberately spun and milked for maximum political mileage.



Then it was the turn of the maverick Nga Kor Ming to drag his party into the crosshairs. Trying to remind everyone that the DAP still has principles, the Housing and Local Government Minister declared he would be the first to resign if Najib Razak walks free following a BN landslide in Johor.


​But wasn't Nga just boldly stating the obvious?


​Shouldn't he and the DAP quit the Madani government anyway if that became a reality?


Screenshot of news headline and image from Free Malaysia Today.


Almost instantaneously, UMNO Deputy President Mohamad Hasan and Melaka Chief Minister Ab Rauf Yusoh came out with guns blazing, telling Nga to pack his bags and leave. But if one were to look deeper: could that have been a veiled "good riddance" call to the entire DAP line-up in the Madani government?



​After all, it is not a secret that many in UMNO want more say in running the government, including clearing the path for Najib’s full royal pardon.


​But surely Nga, a no-nonsense, battle-hardened politician, isn't that naive. His resignation ultimatum was likely a clever exercise in reverse psychology—a desperate attempt to jolt and remind his party's disheartened base that the DAP hasn't completely lost its spine. While at the same time reminding its enemies that the party was still very much alive.



Actually, hasn't the Teluk Intan MP been one of the rare DAP stalwarts in the Madani government who actually dared to speak out and challenge the status quo?


​The harsh truth is this: ever since the inception of the Unity Government, non-Malay and urban voters have watched with a mounting sense of despair as the DAP continued to shamelessly bend over backward to appease UMNO and the conservative majority.


​It’s as if DAP leaders had lost their fangs overnight, forced to swallow their pride and play the ultimate submissive partner purportedly just to keep Anwar in power. Even when they were bullied and called "bodoh" by their own Madani coalition partners—especially UMNO Youth—the party's top leadership seemed to remain somewhat passive.


Of course, the pinnacle of the entire tragedy came when the controversial Selangor state guidelines on non-Muslim houses of worship were exposed. It was the ultimate humiliation for a party that built its reputation on championing the rights of minorities. The once-gallant party that tried to play the submissive "good guy" role in the Unity Government was finally cornered—with nowhere to run or hide!


Now, the real question is whether Anthony Loke and his lieutenants have finally woken up. Lest it be forgotten, they were also perceived to be “less than vocal” under Dr. Mahathir's second stint as PM.



Are they now prepared to admit that playing second fiddle to UMNO—or any other political allies for that matter—is a colossal tactical blunder; one that should never be repeated?


Like it or not, the DAP has been sacrificing its core principles for the sake of political stability by seemingly gagging itself and refraining from openly touching on the sensitivities of its coalition partners.


But was that sensitivity and goodwill ever reciprocated by UMNO in any way?


​Instead, with a string of state elections coming up ahead of GE16, isn't UMNO now overtly “ganging up” with the opposition to kill off its own ally?



In truth, many already saw all this coming!


​So shouldn't Loke and the DAP now stop playing the apologist, admit the missteps, and show their true colors? Isn't it time for the fearless, traditional torchbearers of the minorities and the marginalized in this country to rise and return to their roots?


​The DAP leadership must realize that the party has to steadfastly stand its ground—for the sake of the very people who keep voting for them and who depend on them. That is where their loyalty belongs. Period.



​Ultimately, the days of bending over must end—now! With the upcoming state polls and the general election next, the DAP should have learned the painful lesson that in the dog-eat-dog world of politics, there is no such thing as goodwill and sacrifice—only self-interest and self-preservation at the expense of others!



OPINION | "Melayu Mudah Lupa" - But Has Tun M Forgotten Too?



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OPINION | "Melayu Mudah Lupa" - But Has Tun M Forgotten Too?


8 Jul 2026 • 9:30 AM MYT



(Image credit: Malay Mail)


When Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad speaks, Malaysians still pay attention.


Not because everyone agrees with him. Far from it. But because few individuals have shaped modern Malaysia as profoundly as he has.


Recently, Tun M published an open letter urging Malays to vote only for Malay candidates in the next general election, regardless of political party or affiliation. He argued that loyalty should first and foremost be to the Malay race, warning that if Malays continue to place their loyalty elsewhere, Malaysia would cease to be Tanah Melayu and Malays would eventually become a people without a homeland.



These are not ordinary remarks made by an ordinary politician.


They come from a man who served as Prime Minister for more than two decades across two separate administrations. A man who has spent over half a century at the very centre of Malaysian politics. Few leaders have witnessed as much of our nation's journey as Tun M. He has seen racial tensions, economic crises, political upheavals, constitutional conflicts, and the changing hopes and anxieties of generations of Malaysians.



If there is one Malaysian politician whose words should be tempered by experience, it is his.


And with experience should come wisdom.


Wisdom is different from intelligence. Intelligence helps us solve today's problems. Wisdom teaches us not to create tomorrow's.


That is why his statement is so disappointing.


One expects someone who has spent a lifetime leading a multiracial nation to speak about strengthening institutions, raising the quality of leadership, fighting corruption, and encouraging citizens to choose candidates based on integrity, competence and vision.



Instead, he asks Malays to place race above all else.


It leaves many of us asking: why?


Perhaps Tun M genuinely believes the Malays are becoming politically fragmented. Perhaps he fears that demographic and political shifts could one day weaken Malay political influence. Perhaps, after decades in politics, he has concluded that racial solidarity is the safest way to preserve what he believes is at risk.


If that is indeed his reasoning, then it deserves to be debated openly.


But fear has never been a good foundation for democracy.



Every election asks us a simple question: who is the best person to represent us?


Not who shares our race.


Not who speaks our language.


Not who worships as we do.


But who has the character, competence and integrity to serve the people.


The moment we replace that question with "What race is the candidate?", we stop demanding excellence from our leaders.


We lower the standard.


History has shown us that corruption does not discriminate by race. Abuse of power does not discriminate by race. Incompetence does not discriminate by race. Neither does honesty. Neither does courage. Neither does compassion.



Malaysia has produced admirable leaders from every community, just as every community has produced leaders who have failed the people. Race has never been a reliable measure of character.


(Image credit: Malay Mail)


The irony is that Tun M himself spent decades delivering a very different message to the Malays.


He challenged Malays to study harder, work harder, become more disciplined, more competitive and more self-reliant.


He repeatedly argued that Malays should succeed because they were capable, not because they were shielded from competition.



He wanted Malays to stand confidently on the world stage, not retreat into fear.


That philosophy inspired an entire generation.


Which is why this latest appeal seems to abandon the very ideals he once championed.


It suggests that our greatest protection is no longer excellence, but ethnicity.


That is not a message of confidence. It is a message of insecurity.


Tun M's famous quote may have been "Melayu mudah lupa," but it seems to me that Tun M, too, has forgotten that he spent decades asking Malays to become stronger, more competitive, and more confident in their own ability to succeed.



This latest appeal feels inconsistent with the philosophy that defined much of his political career.


And perhaps that is the greatest disappointment of all.



OPINION | To those who have been voting for DAP, please think twice about not voting



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OPINION | To those who have been voting for DAP, please think twice about not voting


8 Jul 2026 • 8:00 AM MYT



Image credit: Twitter


With the unveiling of the candidates list by all the political parties for the PRN in Johor and the calls by the PAS President for all its members not to vote for Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the upcoming Johor election specifically in constituencies where PH contests against Barisan Nasional (BN) in straight fights, it is clear as daylight that every of the political party of coalition in the PRN only have one objective.



Keep DAP out of the government of Johor.


Perikatan Nasional is contesting only 33 seats out of the total 56 seats up for grab in this Johor election.


So effectively, if the voters were to adhere and follow the clarion call by the President of PAS, BN/UMNO has already 23 seats in their bag on election day on 11 July 2026.



As 29 seats is required for any party or coalition to form the next government in Johor, BN/UMNO just need another 16 seats to declare victory on the night of 11 July 2026.


If this strategy works, it will be replicated in the 16th GE.


With the call by Dr Mahathir advising Malays to vote exclusively for Malay candidates, the effort to keep DAP out of Johor and potentially, at Federal level eventually, is complete.


DAP must never be allowed to be part of the government of the day, whether at Federal or at state level.



Both BN/UMNO and PN and PAS are obviously buoyed with the reportedly apparent widespread discontent against DAP that resulted in the party being shut out in the elections in Sabah in Nov 2025.


Public expression of frustration by supporters of PH over stalled reforms, the perceived dilution of the party's non-Malay agenda and internal leadership conflicts added to their confidence.


Many analysts, including those from the ILHAM Centre, note that many Chinese voters are showing clear signs of election fatigue and dissatisfaction.



Many feel the PRN in Johor on 11 July 2026 is more about political maneuvering than solving pressing cost-of-living issues.


A large portion of Johor's Chinese electorate works in Singapore.


It was reported that without clear motivation, many are choosing not to incur the time and travel costs to return and vote.


Some even claimed that the fielding of candidates by Parti Bersama is to dilute the Pakatan Harapan (PH) specifically the vote for DAP.


Many of you also did not return nor vote in the last election in Johor in 2022 – voter turnout was 54.92% - that apparently resulted in BN/ UMNO winning in a landslide.



Reasons, similar to what were cited now e,g frustration with politicians on all sides, political apathy and the disbelief that voting will have any positive impact on their lives, were given for the apparent low turnout.


BN/UMNO has been governing Johor since March 2022 on its own unlike the Federal government where it has to govern with PH and others.


The question which supporters of DAP should be asking themselves in this PRN and future elections.


Has yours and your children’s lives improved for the last 4 years compared to the period from May 2018 to Feb 2020 where the state was governed under the then PH coalition that also includes Bersatu?



For the many years that DAP was in the wilderness i.e the opposition, all of you still voted for DAP in every election including at the 14th GE in 2018 where on polling day, DAP’s candidates stood not as incumbents but as candidates from the Opposition.


Why the expectations should be any different now?


Just because they are part of the government at Federal level – 5 Ministers out of 32 Ministers - and did not push and implement the reforms they always promised when they said they would if they are elected, you do not wish to come out and vote on 11 July 2026?



Ask yourselves why all of you continuously voted for DAP knowing that they are and will remain in the Opposition post the elections?


Yes, even if you vote for DAP on 11 July 2026, DAP will still remain in the Opposition as the previous MB has openly and clearly states that he will not invite and form a government with DAP.


The answer as to whether you want to sit out this election and in the next GE is in your own hands.


Only you can decide yours and the future of your next generation.


No one else.



Definitely not the politicians.



Billions on Track, Accountability Off Course: The Real Cost of Malaysia’s LRT3 Debate



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Billions on Track, Accountability Off Course: The Real Cost of Malaysia’s LRT3 Debate


8 Jul 2026 • 7:00 AM MYT



Bridging Heritage & Modernity: The LRT3 transit line seamlessly connects the cultural landmarks and urban landscapes of Klang and Shah Alam. Visual created Gemini prompt by Annan Vaithegi


There is an old saying among accountants that rarely finds its way into political speeches: revenue is vanity, profit is sanity, but cash flow is reality. The same philosophy applies to governments. Grand announcements, billion-ringgit infrastructure projects and impressive artist impressions may dominate newspaper headlines, but the true test of leadership lies elsewhere. It lies in the discipline to ask a simple but uncomfortable question before committing public funds: Can this project deliver the same public value at a lower cost?



The controversy surrounding the LRT3 project has evolved far beyond a debate over railway stations or train capacity. It has exposed a deeper weakness in Malaysia's political culture our tendency to equate higher expenditure with better governance. Too often, we instinctively assume that a more expensive project must be a better project, while any attempt to reduce costs is interpreted as sacrificing quality or delaying progress. That assumption deserves closer examination because economics teaches us something very different.



Every economy operates under one unavoidable reality: resources are finite while public demands are unlimited. Governments do not possess unlimited financial resources, even though political promises often create that illusion. Every ringgit allocated to one project is a ringgit unavailable for another. Economists describe this as opportunity cost, perhaps one of the most important yet least discussed principles in public policy. When billions are committed to a transport project, those same billions cannot simultaneously finance flood mitigation, schools, hospitals, rural infrastructure, digital connectivity or debt reduction. Public investment is therefore never simply about building something desirable; it is about determining whether scarce national resources are being allocated in the most productive manner.



This is precisely why every responsible Ministry of Finance in the world scrutinises large infrastructure projects. Cost reviews are not acts of sabotage. They are exercises in fiscal stewardship. Governments have a duty to distinguish between genuine engineering requirements and inflated expenditure arising from procurement inefficiencies, unnecessary specifications or overly ambitious designs. Asking whether a project can be delivered more efficiently should never be mistaken for opposition to development. It is, in fact, one of the fundamental responsibilities of public financial management.



Critics of the LRT3 review argue that reducing train capacity, deferring several stations and redesigning elements of the project contributed to delays and diminished service quality. These concerns should not be dismissed lightly. Public transport must be planned not only for today's commuters but also for tomorrow's population growth. Underinvestment can create capacity constraints that become more expensive to rectify in the future. Infrastructure economists have long cautioned against designing systems that quickly become obsolete because demand outpaces supply.



However, responsible policy analysis requires examining both sides of the ledger rather than only one. At the time the project was reviewed, Malaysia was confronting mounting fiscal pressures, rising public debt and substantial contingent liabilities. Every additional billion borrowed to finance infrastructure carried long-term consequences extending far beyond the construction period. Borrowing does not merely increase today's expenditure; it commits future taxpayers to decades of debt servicing through interest payments that can ultimately exceed the original capital cost itself.



This distinction is often overlooked in public debate. Many people focus exclusively on construction costs while ignoring financing costs. Yet from a fiscal perspective, both are inseparable. Reducing a project's capital expenditure by several billion ringgit does not simply lower the initial budget. It also reduces future borrowing requirements, decreases interest obligations and strengthens the government's long-term fiscal position. In macroeconomic terms, these savings improve fiscal sustainability by preserving borrowing capacity for future national priorities and reducing pressure on future government budgets.



Consider how every successful business operates. Whether it is a multinational corporation in Kuala Lumpur, a family-owned hardware shop in Ipoh or an Anneh Curry restaurant in Penang, financial discipline remains non-negotiable. No responsible entrepreneur celebrates unnecessary expenditure. Before expanding operations, purchasing equipment or opening new branches, prudent business owners negotiate prices, compare quotations and analyse projected returns. Cost optimisation is not viewed as evidence of weak ambition. It is regarded as evidence of competent management.



Imagine a contractor telling his bank manager, "I intentionally ignored every opportunity to reduce costs because spending more shows confidence." The loan application would likely end before the coffee on the table became cold. Financial institutions reward borrowers who demonstrate discipline, not extravagance. Yet in politics, we sometimes reverse this logic, criticising those who seek efficiency while applauding those who announce ever larger budgets.


Malaysia's own corporate history provides valuable lessons. Proton did not struggle because Malaysians lacked affection for the national car. The company struggled because long-term competitiveness requires more than patriotic sentiment. It demands operational efficiency, technological innovation, sound governance and prudent capital allocation. Strategic restructuring, improved management practices and greater commercial discipline ultimately contributed more to Proton's recovery than simply injecting additional money into the business.



Malaysia Airlines tells a similar story. Over several decades, substantial public resources have been committed to preserving the national carrier. Yet repeated financial support alone did not guarantee sustainable profitability. Every restructuring exercise reinforced a lesson familiar to economists across the world: financial assistance without structural reform rarely produces lasting success. Money can temporarily relieve pressure, but it cannot permanently substitute for efficient management and sound commercial decisions.



These examples illustrate a principle that extends well beyond corporate boardrooms. Governments, like businesses, must constantly evaluate whether public expenditure generates sufficient economic and social returns. Bigger budgets do not automatically produce better outcomes. In infrastructure planning, value for money is often a more meaningful measure of success than the absolute size of investment.


This does not imply that cost reduction should become an ideology in itself. Excessive cost-cutting can be just as damaging as excessive spending. Infrastructure must remain safe, functional, resilient and capable of supporting long-term economic growth. Economists recognise this balance through the concept of lifecycle costing, which evaluates not only construction expenditure but also maintenance costs, operating efficiency, future expansion requirements and long-term economic benefits. An apparently cheaper project may become more expensive if poor planning necessitates major upgrades shortly after completion. Likewise, an initially expensive project may prove economically justified if its additional benefits substantially exceed its additional costs. Good governance therefore lies neither in spending the most nor in spending the least, but in spending wisely.



Perhaps the most overlooked issue in the LRT3 debate is not engineering or politics but incentives. If public officials who successfully negotiate lower costs are consistently criticised while those who approve increasingly expensive projects receive political praise, what message does this send to future decision-makers? Rational incentives matter. A political culture that rewards higher expenditure regardless of efficiency risks encouraging governments to prioritise spectacle over stewardship.



Malaysia's fiscal future will not be determined solely by economic growth. It will also depend upon how intelligently public resources are managed. A nation burdened by rising debt cannot afford to treat financial discipline as an inconvenience. Every unnecessary billion borrowed today becomes tomorrow's repayment obligation, carried not by current politicians but by future generations of taxpayers.


Ultimately, the LRT3 controversy should not be remembered as a dispute between political personalities or competing party narratives. It should encourage a broader national conversation about what Malaysians expect from public finance. Should governments be applauded simply for approving larger projects, or should they be judged by their ability to maximise public value while safeguarding fiscal sustainability? That question extends far beyond one railway line. It reaches to the very heart of responsible governance.



History suggests that prosperous nations are rarely those that spend without restraint. They are the nations that understand an enduring economic truth: every public ringgit is entrusted by the people, and every public ringgit carries an obligation to deliver the greatest possible benefit. The measure of leadership is therefore not the size of the budget it commands, but the wisdom with which that budget is managed.


Annan Vaithegi writes, "Economic prosperity is built not merely by investing more, but by investing wisely. Fiscal discipline is not the enemy of development; it is the foundation upon which sustainable development depends."

A Leader in Denial

 

Dennis Ignatius

 

~ Provoking discussion, dissent & debate on politics, diplomacy, human rights & civil society.

A Leader in Denial

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Is the past finally catching up with Anwar?

[1] There is a particular tell that comes over politicians when the ground begins to shift beneath them. They start rewriting history, recasting their own choices as other people’s conspiracies, and appointing themselves the wronged party. Anwar Ibrahim has made an art of it — always the reformer in his own telling, never the man responsible.

[2] Consider his explanation for the recent Johor contest. It was, he suggested, precipitated by people agitating to free Najib Razak from prison.[1] It is a neat story, save for one inconvenient fact: it was Anwar who set the machinery of Najib’s pardon in motion.[2] It was he who told us Najib deserved leniency on account of his service and contributions to the country.[3]  Having lit the fuse, he now professes shock at the explosion. 

[3] On the Johor campaign trail, Anwar also declared that he did not want anyone tainted with corruption to become leaders.[4] It is a curious line, given that he appointed Zahid Hamidi as his deputy prime minister – even though he was, at the time, on trial for criminal breach of trust, graft and money laundering. Subsequently, all the 47 charges against him were inexplicably withdrawn, despite the trial judge’s earlier ruling that a prima facie case had been established and that he must enter his defence. [5]

[4] It is hard to escape the impression that a deal was done – a reprieve for Zahid in exchange for his support in propping up Anwar’s government. In January 2026 the Attorney-General’s Chambers declared it would take no further action, closing the case for good and placing it beyond the reach of any court – a decision the Bar has denounced as irrational and against the public interest, and is currently challenging.[6]

[5] Now that Zahid has turned on him, Anwar reaches for the moral high ground. But he is only reaping what he sowed – betrayed by the very man he rescued from oblivion – and has no one to blame but himself. 

[6] He casts himself, too, as a scourge of graft – the very reason, he says, that certain parties are so eager to be rid of him. But a leader serious about corruption does not entrust the fight against it to someone like Azam Baki, a controversial figure as ever there was. He sat on his hands over allegations of graft in Sabah and looked past a host of other serious cases besides. Anwar not only failed to properly investigate him over allegations of impropriety but granted him extension after extension and then rewarded him with a perch on the NFCC advisory board. In the eyes of many Malaysians, Anwar no longer has any credibility on the issue.

[7] He also claimed that certain parties were plotting his downfall.[7] We have heard that before too. The most recent – a plot supposedly hatched by Daim’s widow – was trailed with a flurry of statements, one of them to Parliament, before the whole affair quietly evaporated.[8] He has cried wolf once too often to be taken seriously.

[8] How Anwar wishes to be remembered tells you much about how little he grasps his own predicament: a leader, he says, who loved the people and was loved by them in return.[9] There is something almost poignant in the hope – for it was a hope many of us once shared. We wanted him to succeed; we wanted to believe that the long years of struggle had led somewhere. Yet poll after poll now tells the same quiet story. He has failed to win the Malay ground he courted so assiduously, and the non-Malay voters who once placed such faith in him have drifted away, disillusioned. In the end, one is left to wonder who remains to love him at all.

[9] The past has a way of catching up. The mask is slipping. And the man beneath it looks nothing like the reformer he promised to be.

[Dennis Ignatius |Kuala Lumpur |08 July 2026]

State policies have not benefitted Johoreans, forcing many to seek employment in Singapore, says Guan Eng





State policies have not benefitted Johoreans, forcing many to seek employment in Singapore, says Guan Eng


Many voters informed that economic progress has priced out property rentals, consumption of food and beverage especially in southern Johor


Updated 3 hours ago · Published on 08 Jul 2026 1:26PM


Development should improve people’s lives, not price them out of the very places they call home, said Lim. - July 8, 2026


by Ian McIntyre


BARISAN Nasional (BN) should pay more attention to reforming itself rather than trying to serve the people after staying in power for over 60 years in Johor.

DAP adviser Lim Guan Eng says it is time for BN to stand down and reflect on its governance style, as the past and present policies have not really benefited Johoreans, who continue to seek employment in Singapore.

In this Johor state election, the focus should be on the failure of balanced economic development, a two-tier economy and economic progress that benefits foreigners more than the local communities, said Lim.

"While no one disputes that there is economic development and progress, the question Johor’s voters must ask is this: Have you benefited from all this progress and are you confident of enjoying a better life in future?" Lim asked in a statement.

Instead, many voters informed that economic progress has priced out property rentals, consumption of food and beverage especially in southern Johor.

Properties in Tebrau and Johor Baru are no longer affordable for the average person.

"Ordinary Johoreans are unable to afford renting landed properties and consumption in these southern areas, and many establishments are patronised by outsiders or foreigners," said Lim.

In short, he said Johor’s development challenges stem from failures at both the macro and micro levels.

At the macro level, there has been no bold, inclusive, and long-term vision for the state’s development. Economic growth has been concentrated overwhelmingly in southern Johor, while many other districts have been left behind.

“As a result, the prosperity generated by the state’s development has not been shared fairly across Johor," said Lim during a campaign trail for Pakatan Harapan (PH).

At the micro level, poor economic management has made matters worse.

Ironically, in Johor Bahru, the state’s most prosperous and economically vibrant city, the rising cost of living has reached a point where many ordinary Johoreans can no longer afford to enjoy certain areas in their own city centre.

Development should improve people’s lives, not price them out of the very places they call home, said Lim.

"True progress is not measured by the number of skyscrapers we build or the amount of investment we attract.

“It is measured by whether every region has the opportunity to prosper, and whether ordinary people can genuinely enjoy the fruits of economic growth. That is the kind of development Johor deserves."

The unequal pattern of development in Johor is clearly reflected in its population distribution.

When nearly half of Johor’s population is concentrated in Greater Johor Bahru while many other districts are losing their young people, it is a clear sign that development has become unbalanced, said Lim.

Left unchecked, this trend will only widen the economic divide and accelerate population ageing across the rest of Johor, he added.

"This is the failure of the BN state government. Worse, BN does not even know they have failed or how they have failed.

“For this reason, BN does not deserve a second chance at power for their failure to ensure balanced development and oversee economic progress that benefits foreigners more than Johoreans, especially for those living outside the southern region," said Lim. - July 8, 2026.

Harapan's Chinese support stabilises in Johor, but victory still an uphill battle












Harapan's Chinese support stabilises in Johor, but victory still an uphill battle


Lee Way Loon & Khoo Shi Yuan
Published: Jul 8, 2026 3:01 PM
Updated: 6:57 PM




JOHOR POLLS | With less than 72 hours before polling day on July 11, the Johor state election has entered its final sprint.

While Pakatan Harapan's prospects appear to have stabilised, it remains the underdog, with three major variables set to determine the final outcome.

During the campaign period, the Malaysiakini team visited multiple constituencies across southern, central, and northern Johor.

The team found that while Harapan initially faced pressure from a loosening and even dissipating Chinese base at the start of the campaign, many Chinese voters have begun to show signs of support for the coalition after the first week of campaigning.

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However, this resurgence is not yet enough to turn the tide of the overall battle, and BN maintains its leading advantage.

At present, the biggest suspense in the election has shifted from "who is leading" to three key questions: where the Malay votes will ultimately go, whether outstation voters will return home to vote, and whether young voters will become a force capable of changing the electoral battlefield.

In the early stages of the campaign, when Malaysiakini visited several Chinese-majority constituencies and conducted street interviews, the most common sentiment heard was dissatisfaction with Harapan.

READ MORE: 'No feeling to vote': Chinese voters in Johor towns signal reluctance to cast ballots

Many Chinese voters criticised Harapan's performance over the past two years, citing disappointments with policies such as the e-Invoice and the Selangor pig farming issue.




Some voters in Mengkibol even lamented that Parti Bersama Malaysia was not contesting there, and were considering not voting at all.

Mengkibol is located under the Kluang parliamentary seat. It is a Chinese-majority constituency, about 57 percent, and a fortress for DAP.

The apparent shift

However, during the weekend when the campaign entered the halfway point, the atmosphere on the ground began to change noticeably.

Whether at morning markets, night markets, or political rallies, whenever Harapan candidates and leaders appeared, more voters began proactively asking for photos, shaking hands, and expressing support.

The crowds at political rallies also noticeably increased compared to the early days of the campaign.

The Chinese are now giving Harapan candidates a warmer response, it appears. Many have directly stated that they will support and vote for Harapan.

This shift could be due to two reasons.

First, some Johor outstation voters returned home for the weekend, swelling the crowds at event venues.




But the bigger reason is that after a week of campaigning, Harapan's continuous narrative focusing on "BN-PAS cooperation" has begun to gain traction, successfully re-mobilising a portion of the Chinese base.

However, if this strategy continues as the main campaign anchor, it may gradually lose its efficacy.

Therefore, over the next three days, the respective camps must present more policies and future visions rather than relying solely on emotional mobilisation.

This also does not mean that the disenfranchised Chinese voters have changed their minds.

The Malay votes

Although multiple opinion polls show BN holding the upper hand, the true wildcard remains the direction of the Malay votes.

Before the election, some Harapan leaders believed that if the Malay vote split, they would theoretically stand a chance to "win amid the chaos”.

However, with Perikatan Nasional withdrawing from 23 seats and PAS calling on its supporters to back BN, this assumption - which was originally built on a three-way contest for the Malay vote - is now difficult to materialise.

It has also left Bersatu supporters in many seats without a clear choice of who to vote for.

Particularly in mixed constituencies like Larkin, where Bersatu secured about a quarter of the votes in the last election but is not on the ballot this time, no one can accurately predict whether these voters will side with BN, stay at home, or swing elsewhere.




Following visits to the area, the Malaysiakini team found that even though some Bersatu supporters explicitly stated they would not support Harapan, there was no consistent answer on whether they would switch to BN.

Some indicated they remained undecided, while others leaned toward abstaining.

READ MORE: 10,000 PN 'ghost' voters will be kingmakers in JB's Malay-majority seat

Since Malay voters make up a significant proportion of most mixed constituencies in Johor, this swing is enough to decide the winner in multiple marginal seats.


Onn still popular

Nevertheless, according to a survey conducted by the Merdeka Center before nomination day, Johor BN chief and caretaker menteri besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi enjoys soaring popularity, commanding a 78 percent approval rating across all ethnic groups.

This includes a 92 percent support rating among Malays, 94 percent among Indians, and 53 percent among Chinese.


Caretaker Johor menteri besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi


Despite this, Harapan's advantage in holding federal administrative resources has made it easier for them to reach out to Malay voters.

On July 4, Harapan held a rally in the Ulu Tebrau Felda settlement within the Puteri Wangsa constituency.

Apart from Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's personal attendance, former Umno man Puad Zarkashi also took the stage to assist the campaign.

READ MORE: Puad, Anwar stump for Maszlee at Harapan ceramah

About 200 people attended the event. For Harapan, which has historically found it difficult to penetrate deep into Felda settlements, such an event carries symbolic meaning in itself and reflects Harapan's active pursuit of the Malay grassroots, whom they previously found harder to reach.


Former Umno leader Puad Zarkashi and PM Anwar Ibrahim stumping for Harapan’s Puteri Wangsa candidate


Limited engagement with Indians

Aside from the Malay votes, the Indian vote is another key variable in this state election that is easily overlooked.

Many state seats in Johor are mixed constituencies. Even in seats regarded as Chinese-majority, the proportion of Indian voters generally approaches or exceeds 10 percent of the electorate.

Therefore, any shift in support from this community could alter the final results.


BN leaders including those from its component party MIC


Harapan's campaign focus remains on locking down Chinese support while attempting to reach Malay voters, leaving its engagement with the Indian community relatively limited.

The Anwar government has previously drawn dissatisfaction from parts of the Indian community over issues such as university matriculation quotas and the demolition of Hindu temples.

Furthermore, Johor BN has historically maintained a certain level of organisational strength among the Indian grassroots.

READ MORE: MIC steps out of comfort zone with urban push in Johor polls

If BN successfully consolidates its Indian support further, it could deal a blow to Harapan's incumbent seats, such as Tangkak (10.2 percent Indian), Perling (13.1 percent Indian), Johor Jaya (7.9 percent Indian), and Jementah (8.3 percent Indian).

Since the start of the campaign, BN has held fewer large-scale rallies or mega-events.

Instead, they have organised numerous campaign activities to meet party members and grassroots supporters, seemingly focusing their firepower on consolidating their core base.

Youth vote matters

Another group worthy of attention is young voters.

According to data from the Merdeka Center, there are 1.13 million voters aged between 21 and 39 in this state election, making up the largest age demographic.

Additionally, 6.1 percent of the voters are first-time voters following the implementation of the automatic voter registration policy for 18-year-olds.

These young voters exhibit ambiguous political leanings. Rather than ethnic politics, they care more about job opportunities, housing, the cost of living, and local bread-and-butter issues, rather than traditional political slogans.

After interviewing several young voters, Malaysiakini found that they generally expressed their intention to fulfil their voting duty, but many have yet to decide who to support.




Unlike in the past, they prefer to compare the policies and narratives of various political parties themselves rather than blindly following the preferences of their families.

Consequently, Harapan and BN have visibly ramped up their social media operations recently, hoping to win over young voters through TikTok and short videos, even deploying Malay influencers to court them.

PN’s low visibility

In contrast, PN's social media momentum this time around is visibly weaker, nowhere near as sharp as during the 2022 general election when it successfully attracted young Malay voters using TikTok.

As for Bersama, observations so far suggest it will be difficult for them to break the duopoly of Harapan and BN.

For Bersama, this state election is more akin to a political experiment. If they can secure 12.5 percent to 15 percent of the votes in some constituencies, they will not only save their election deposits but also prove they possess an independent base of support, gaining political bargaining chips for the future.

READ MORE: Light in the dark, cold realities: Trials of Bersama's amateur army

In the Johor Jaya state seat, Bersama candidate Lau Yi Leong, who has a legal background, is one of the more prominent candidates within the party, and is viewed as one of the constituencies where Bersama stands the best chance of achieving better results.


Johor Jaya aspirant Lau Yi Leong


In the last state election, DAP won the seat under the Harapan banner by a razor-thin majority of just 4.06 percent or 1,922 votes.

Perhaps, to prevent Bersama from splitting the Chinese votes, DAP has started attacking Bersama in recent days.

Selangor's Seri Kembangan assemblyperson Wong Siew Ki, who is stationed in Johor Jaya to assist in campaigning, has traded barbs with Lau.

DAP organising secretary Khoo Poay Tiong and "returning" firebrand speaker and former party member Hew Kuan Yau have also slammed Bersama, with Hew even calling on voters to "discard yellow to protect red”.

With all factors considered, Harapan's more realistic goal remains defending the 12 seats it won in the last election, along with Puteri Wangsa, which was previously conceded to Muda.

Some of its original constituencies are still facing fierce competition, including mixed seats like Tangkak and Johor Jaya, while some constituencies with a higher proportion of Chinese voters remain relatively safe.


Housing and Local Government Minister Nga Kor Ming


At the same time, the Perak DAP, led by Housing and Local Government Minister Nga Kor Ming, is actively taking the offensive in Yong Peng, while MCA is concentrating its firepower on attacking Harapan seats like Penggaram.

Both sides have adopted a strategy of "targeted breakthroughs" rather than waging an all-out war.

Whether it's the seats they hold or plan to expand to, if the Malay votes swing at the last minute, if outstation voter turnout exceeds expectations, and if young voters make a decisive last-minute choice, the outcome of this election could still differ from what was anticipated by the outside world at the start of the campaign.