Sunday, November 08, 2026

A Lost European?

 



Selective outrage of our race-and-religion politicians





Selective outrage of our race-and-religion politicians

Saturday, 07 Nov 2026 | 1:49 PM MYT


Many here are celebrating the victories by some Muslim candidates in the US mid-term elections, but the results are more than about those few wins – they are about inclusivity, diversity and shared power.

IT'S twisted logic, really. There is something rather amusing, even ironic, about the way some of our politicians are reacting to the US mid-term elections.


When it comes to Malaysian politics, some are quick to invoke race and religion, insisting that these are the most important considerations when deciding who should lead the country.

One particular party leader has even said that is better to vote for a corrupt Muslim leader than an honest non-Muslim one.





They have built much of their political messaging around racial identity, religious affiliation and the need to protect particular communities.

Yet, when the results of the recent US midterm elections came in, some of these same politicians were quick to celebrate the victory of Muslim candidates. Suddenly, the message was about representation, diversity and the breaking of barriers.

There was much enthusiasm over Abdul El-Sayed becoming the first Muslim elected to the US Senate.


It was certainly a historic achievement, and there is every reason to acknowledge the significance of his victory.

But why stop there? The Nov 3 elections produced a remarkable list of historic firsts.

They saw women, African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans and members of the LGBTQ community elected to important positions.

Among them was Chris Pappas, who became the first openly gay man elected to the US Senate. Deb Haaland became the first Native American woman elected governor of a state.

Keisha Lance Bottoms became the first Black woman to occupy the governor's office in Georgia.

Gina Hinojosa made history as Texas' first Latina governor, while Peggy Flanagan became the first Native American woman elected to the US Senate.

These were not insignificant achievements. They represent a broadening of political representation in a country that has long struggled with questions of race, identity and equal opportunity.

Yet, one wonders whether our politicians who were so enthusiastic about the Muslim victories would be equally generous in acknowledging the achievements of these other candidates.

Why celebrate one identity while conveniently overlooking others?

The irony becomes even more apparent when we consider that these victories were not confined to one political party.

Florida elected Republican Byron Donalds as its first Black governor, while other historic breakthroughs came from Democratic candidates.

The American electorate, whatever its political divisions, has demonstrated that voters can choose candidates from different backgrounds and identities based on a much wider range of considerations.

It would not be wrong to assume many American voters were simply fed up of President Donald Trump's war cry and religious chest-thumping - in this case, the White Christian narrative.

Of course, nobody should suggest that Malaysia can simply transplant the American political system into our own.

Our history, constitutional arrangements, demographics and political realities are different.

But there are lessons worth considering.

The American elections showed that a candidate's religion, race, gender or sexual orientation need not automatically disqualify that person from seeking the highest public office.

Voters are also capable of looking beyond identity to examine a candidate's policies, leadership, experience and ability to serve the wider population.

That is the distinction our politicians should understand.

In Malaysia, we have too often witnessed political narratives that encourage communities to view one another with suspicion. Race and religion are repeatedly brought into political conversations, sometimes at the expense of more pressing national concerns such as the cost of living, education, employment, corruption and economic opportunities.

Our politicians cannot have it both ways.

They cannot champion religious representation when it suits their political narrative abroad, but question the legitimacy or suitability of people from other backgrounds when discussing leadership at home.

If the election of a Muslim senator in America is celebrated as a victory for inclusion, then surely the election of a woman, a Black politician, a Latino, a Native American or an openly gay politician should also be recognised as part of the same democratic principle.

Representation should not be a selective celebration.

There is also an important distinction between respecting someone's religious identity and expecting political leaders to govern primarily along religious lines. A Muslim politician in America is elected to represent all constituents, not Muslims alone.

The same applies to a Christian, Jew, Hindu or a politician of no religious faith. That is what public service is supposed to mean.

Malaysia, with its multiracial and multireligious population, has much to gain from a political culture that puts the interests of the nation above narrow communal considerations.

We should be asking whether our leaders can bring people together, rather than constantly reminding us of the differences that separate us.

Perhaps our politicians should look at the US results more closely. Not just at the Muslim victories that they were so eager to celebrate, but at the entire picture.

The message from the ballot box was much bigger than religion.

It was about the right of people from different backgrounds to participate in democracy and be judged as individuals.

If we can applaud that principle in America, why should it be so difficult to practise it in Malaysia?

Unity cannot be celebrated selectively, and diversity cannot be embraced only when it suits our political convenience.

That is a lesson worth bringing home. Malaysia belongs to Malaysians of all faiths and races.

Heavy rains leave tens of thousands without shelter in Gaza

 


Heavy rains leave tens of thousands without shelter in Gaza

Heavy rains leave tens of thousands without shelter in Gaza

Rainwater is inundating tents sheltering displaced people, and collapsing walls and roofs have caused injuries.

Displaced Palestinians travel on animal-drawn carts through a flooded street following heavy rainfall in Khan Younis. (EPA Images pic)
GAZA CITY:
Heavy rain on Saturday flooded tens of thousands of displaced people’s tents in war-devastated Gaza, Palestinian authorities said, leaving them without shelter.

In a statement, the Hamas-run government media office said that about “70,000 tents sheltering tens of thousands of displaced people were flooded on the first day” of rains.

It also noted the “collapse of dozens of cracked walls and roofs, which caused injuries”, some critical, in various areas of the tiny territory.

Since early Saturday, hundreds of displaced families have been seen fleeing camps in parts of Gaza City and in the central and northern areas of the territory after they were inundated by rainwater.

Civil defence spokesman Mahmoud Bassal told AFP his teams had received more than 1,500 calls during the night from residents requesting urgent assistance after their tents were flooded, explaining that the agency “is operating without any equipment or capabilities”.

“We have issued an urgent distress call to the international community and humanitarian organisations to intervene immediately to save hundreds of thousands of displaced people from the flooding of their tents.”

“We cannot face the consequences of this storm on our own.”

Um Muhammad al-Hersh, 45, who lives with her family in a tent in western Gaza, told AFP: “We were not able to save the mattresses, and all the clothes were soaked. Our suffering is repeated every winter.”

Maryam Odeh, 34, who lives with her children in Deir el-Balah, said, “We no longer know how to protect our children. My children ask me where we will sleep tonight, and I have no answer”.

For his part, Khaled al-Najjar, 41, said, “We fear for our children not only from the flooding of the tents, but also from the cold and the widespread diseases”.

‘Catastrophe’

A coalition of Palestinian civil society organisations warned in a statement of “the catastrophe that has come to threaten the lives of hundreds of thousands of residents”, pointing to the risk of the spread of diseases and epidemics.

The coalition, which includes dozens of local institutions and organisations, called for “pressure on Israel to allow the entry of humanitarian aid without restrictions”.

The Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority on Saturday called on the international community to take immediate action, saying that Israel’s war in Gaza had exacerbated dire living conditions there, according to Palestinian official news agency WAFA.

A fragile ceasefire came into effect on Oct 10, 2025, after two years of war that erupted following the unprecedented attack carried out by Hamas on Israel on October 7, 2023.

Despite the ceasefire agreement reached with Egyptian, Qatari, and American mediation, the Israeli army continues airstrikes and ground operations on an almost daily basis.

Mustafa Qazzaat, a member of the Gaza city council and an official in the Strip’s emergency committee, said Israel has not allowed prefabricated homes to shelter the displaced in Gaza since the truce was announced, and has only permitted the entry of limited numbers of tents.

Qazzaat told AFP on Saturday that Gaza “needs 200,000 prefabricated homes urgently, in addition to the entry of heavy machinery to remove the rubble of destroyed homes and buildings, open main roads, and urgently provide electricity and heating”.

Najib Celebration Cut Short – Why Anwar Scramble To Delay House Arrest





Najib Celebration Cut Short – Why Anwar Scramble To Delay House Arrest


November 7th, 2026



Afine of RM50 million is a lot of money to ordinary Joe and Janes. But it is just some loose change to prisoner Najib Razak, the disgraced former Malaysian Prime Minister caught with his pants down with a whopping US$700 million (RM2.6 billion) in his personal bank accounts between 2011 and 2014 – stolen in the infamous 1MDB scandal. But there was one huge problem.


How could he or his family justify the payment of a RM50 million fine as part of the conditions to allow him to serve the remainder of his sentence under house arrest without raising questions or suspicions about the source of his money? He can’t. So, his political party UMNO launched a special solidarity fund via a CIMB Islamic bank account to mobilize party members, supporters, and the public.



While Najib and UMNO supporters chipped in, the crowdfunding drive triggered widespread public debate and criticism. Many critics and online users mocked the effort by sending micro-donations (as little as 1 to 5 sen) accompanied by sarcastic or derogatory transaction remarks referencing the 1MDB scandal. A University Malaya student even described the act as “the stupidest thing I have watched in my entire life“.



Indeed, it was incredibly stupid to donate to an unrepentant crook who had stolen from you so that he could be freed from prison, encouraging him to steal from you again. Then KABOOM – UMNO suddenly announced that it successfully collected the required RM50 million fine to fulfill the conditions for his house arrest, and quickly closed the Najib Razak Solidarity Fund on November 6, 2026.



The announcement was both shocking and stunning. Exactly who were the generous donors who helped to raise the RM50 million in less than two months the crowdfunding was launched? Some politicians called for an audit, whilst others called on UMNO and Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi to answer online claims that seven rural road contractors helped pay Najib’s RM50 million fine.



One man, however, was fabulously panicked – Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. He profusely expressed his disagreement with the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) paying Najib’s fine. Yet, at the same time, he said – “If UMNO wants to pay the RM50 million, that is their decision, their business.” If Anwar had not expected UMNO to pay on behalf of Najib, then he is stupider than he looks.



What followed next on Friday (November 6) was a series of chaotic political drama. At least 100 journalists had gathered in Jalan Langgak Duta near Najib’s mansion, some arriving as early as 11am, near an area cordoned off by police, following news that he had paid the fine. The influx of vehicles caused traffic congestion in the exclusive Taman Duta neighbourhood.



Celebration had already started earlier in the day when the 73-year-old former Premier was seen leaving Kajang Prison in a silver vehicle accompanied by a convoy. Confusion then began when it was reported that he was apparently taken to Kuala Lumpur Hospital for merely a medical examination, including dental treatment, rather than being transferred home.



Equally panicked was Transport Minister Anthony Loke, warning that allowing Najib to serve his sentence under house arrest could send “the wrong message to future generations”. But it was only after UMNO president Zahid’s provocation – reminding Loke of his promise to resign – that Loke reiterated that he would resign immediately after Najib returned home to protest against the move to allow the house arrest.



An early Deepavali festival and “murukku”, not to mention Najib’s favourite Starbucks Caramel Macchiato came to a screeching halt when the celebration was cut short after Malaysia’s Attorney-General’s Chambers (AGC) abruptly suspended the house arrest temporarily on November 6, the same day that Najib’s fine was paid and a High Court order was issued directing his release into house arrest.



The AGC apparently has raised questions on how Malaysia enforces royal pardons and court orders, with the outcome potentially determining when Najib begins serving a separate 15-year prison sentence linked to the multibillion-dollar 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) corruption scandal.



The dispute is whether payment of the fine ends Najib’s sentence in the SRC International corruption case or merely allows him to serve the remainder under house arrest until Aug 23, 2028. Najib had been serving a 12-year sentence since August 2022, with a controversial royal pardon granted by King Sultan Abdullah of Pahang in 2024 halving the sentence and reducing a RM210 million fine to RM50 million, thanks to PM Anwar.



Thanks to Anwar again, a second royal pardon in September 2026, a conditional one granted by the newly crowned King – Sultan Ibrahim of Johor – allowed him to serve the rest of the sentence under house arrest, subject to payment of the fine and other conditions. Like it or not, PM Anwar was responsible in facilitating crooked Najib’s ultimate release from the Kajang Prison.



Anwar-appointed Attorney General Mohd Dusuki Mokhtar said the case involved “complex legal questions” over the implementation of the royal pardon and court orders, describing the situation as unprecedented. “During this period, Najib’s detention status should remain unchanged at his current place of detention, subject to the powers and directions of the relevant authorities,” – he said.



The AGC stated that further legal review is necessary to determine whether payment of the RM50 million fine merely allowed Najib to serve the remainder of his SRC International sentence under house arrest or effectively brought that sentence to an end. The distinction is crucial because Najib faces a separate sentence in the 1MDB case, which the court ordered to begin only after the SRC sentence is fully completed.



However, the burning question is why only now, after Najib successfully paid the RM50 million fine, that the AGC suddenly discovered that the case was so sophisticated and complicated that the entire house arrest episode has to be put on hold. Either A.G. Dusuki has been sleeping on the job, or he suddenly received a last-minute order from Anwar to delay Najib’s release.



Yes, it’s not rocket science that the AGC was acting on an instruction from the Prime Minister Office (PMO). The attorney general was supposed to be the legal eagle of the government. Even if Dusuki was highly incompetent and clueless, it does not make sense that the AGC would make such a stupid blunder at the eleventh hour just before Najib goes home.



Besides, A.G. Dusuki is a member of the Pardons Board advising King Sultan Ibrahim in pardoning Najib. In the same breath, Federal Territories Minister Hannah Yeoh, a lawmaker from Loke’s Democratic Action Party (DAP), was also in the same board. Unless the minutes of the Pardons Board meeting is made public to prove that the King had illegally bulldozed the release of Najib, Anwar government is toast.



To make matters worse, Home Affairs Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail – a lawmaker from Anwar’s own party – had already officially declared Najib Razak’s residence at No. 11, Jalan Langgak Duta, Taman Duta, Kuala Lumpur, as a designated prison. Heck, Najib has even been briefed on the Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) or conditions for his home confinement, but was told to keep ti secret.



The AGC stressed that the decision was “not intended to challenge or set aside” the King’s decree but to ensure the royal pardon and court orders were implemented in accordance with the law. Additionally, the AGC is also examining the legal implications of the High Court’s Nov 6 order directing Najib’s immediate release while requiring him to remain under house arrest until Aug 23, 2028, as well as the court’s Oct 14 rejection of an application to stay his 1MDB sentence.



On Saturday (November 7), however, the King issued a stern warning against questioning his conditional pardon order, declaring that it was “clear, explicit and unambiguous” and unrelated to Najib’s other cases. The unusually forceful royal intervention has brought the King’s constitutional power of pardon and the judiciary’s authority to interpret court orders into a bigger conflict.



While the Attorney-General’s Chambers (AGC) insists it is not challenging the King, the Palace’s reaction appears to be an angry retaliation to the AGC. If the Attorney General backed down and timidly reversed its own instruction to halt Najib’s house arrest transfer, it would be an admission of wrong legal interpretations, incompetency, and even abuse of power.



If the AGC refuses to back down, not only it could spark a new crisis, but also would increase political pressure on Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s government. Already, con artist Anwar has cowardly told the Attorney General to seek an audience with the King – most likely to seek forgiveness and agree to allow Najib goes home in order not to anger the monarch.



Either way, Anwar is royally screwed. The “royal hand kisser”, unlike former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, has no balls to confront the Palace when the Monarchs break the law or cross the red lines of judiciary. He only knows how to hide, bullies the weak, or tells critics to blindly respect the Sultans. In the case of A.G. Dusuki, the PM is ready to throw him under the bus after the Palace’s outburst.



Connecting the dots, it’s not hard to conclude that both Anwar and sidekick Ah Loke had not expected Najib to be able to pay RM50 million so quickly. They thought it would take many more months for the crook to raise the money, and they certainly did not expect UMNO to pay. Anwar can disagree for all he wants, but it is not illegal for UMNO – or even contractors – to help Najib pays his fines.



Both Anwar and Ah Loke thought by the time Najib is able to raise the RM50 million fine, at least the Melaka and Sarawak state elections would be over. It would be even better if it could be dragged till after the next 16th General Election. That explains why Loke confidently made a U-turn, arrogantly bragging that his resignation will take effect only the exact moment Najib Razak steps into his home.



Najib’s house arrest would be a huge victory to UMNO, whilst at the same time a terrible upset to Anwar’s Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and Loke’s DAP. Even if it’s a house arrest, PKR and DAP’s supporters would see it as Najib’s freedom. And they would punish Anwar-led Pakatan Harapan coalition for freeing the crook, despite Anwar’s fake cries of fighting corruption.



From the beginning, it was foolish for power-hungry Anwar Ibrahim to dance to the tune of UMNO. He single-handedly opened the floodgate of his own demise by reviving the Federal Territories portfolio during a Cabinet reshuffle in December 2023 just so that Dr Zaliha Mustafa could be appointed – a compulsory member of the Pardons Board to facilitate Najib’s royal pardon.



Now, Pakatan Harapan is going to pay the price. It would lose badly in the upcoming Melaka election because Najib’s freedom would be seen as Anwar’s betrayal. The more Anwar tries to pass the ball to the King and blames UMNO, the more he would insult the people’s intelligence. Ah Loke’s half-baked resignation would not be enough to appease the angry voters.


Why raise house arrest questions only now, Umno asks AGC

 


Why raise house arrest questions only now, Umno asks AGC

Why raise house arrest questions only now, Umno asks AGC

Party information chief Azalina Othman Said says it is fair that the attorney-general explain why the concerns were only raised after the fine was paid.

azalina othman
Umno information chief Azalina Othman Said said the party took the AGC’s concerns seriously, especially since Najib Razak’s residence had already been gazetted as a prison. (Bernama pic)
PETALING JAYA:
Umno has called on the attorney-general to say when his chambers identified the concerns it raised when it suggested the deferral of Najib Razak’s house arrest, given his role in the Federal Territories Pardons Board.

The party’s information chief Azalina Othman Said, who is also law and institutional reform minister, also said it was fair that the attorney-general explain why the Attorney-General’s Chambers raised its concerns only after the RM50 million fine had been paid and a court order had been issued.

“Umno respects the attorney-general’s position as the government’s primary legal adviser. The party urges the AGC to immediately explain the legal basis for delaying the implementation of house arrest,” she said in a statement today.

Azalina highlighted a statement issued by Najib’s lawyers and said Umno took the AGC’s concerns seriously, especially since Najib’s residence had already been gazetted as a prison.

“Umno upholds the Yang di-Pertuan Agong’s power of pardon under the Federal Constitution. The conditional pardon and the High Court’s order must be respected and given effect in accordance with the law,” she said.

Najib’s lawyers had earlier this evening questioned why the attorney-general had not raised the legal questions when he attended the pardons board meeting which advised the Yang di-Pertuan Agong on the pardon.

The lawyers said the AGC has no power to delay Najib’s house arrest and must take to court any question it has about the house arrest order.

The statement came in response to the AGC’s call earlier today for Najib to remain in prison and for his house arrest to be deferred pending a review of the conditional pardon and the Order of Discharge granted by the High Court after payment of a RM50 million fine.

Najib’s lawyers said it was not “open to the AGC to refuse to carry out the express terms of a royal pardon while it considered its position”.