Bridget Welsh
Published: Mar 18, 2025 12:00 PM
Updated: 8:01 PM
COMMENT | The results of the DAP election are as most expected, as those in office, many of them state warlords with large numbers of branches, joined forces against those who lacked government positions through the use of circulated lists.
Those that rose to the top were on multiple lists, while those on the bottom third fell in rankings.
This piece looks at the results and argues that to understand the outcome, one must see how the heightened role of personal competition and betrayals have been an integral part of the DAP as it has expanded its national role.
Many would say this is “just politics” - and this is true. Yet the dynamic also speaks to a broader shift taking place in DAP, where the driver within the party is increasingly about winning and retaining power for positions - personal standing - rather than standing for principled positions.
Power - attaining it and using it - was on display in the DAP’s CEC elections, a power takeover.
Winners and losers
Those that topped the list were those that crossed the various political camps. Analysis has identified two different camps - those in favour and against Lim Guan Eng. The reality is more complex as there are different factions and alliances within those who oppose Lim.
The biggest winner in the election was Anthony Loke, as it is those close to him who secured the most positions.
Published: Mar 18, 2025 12:00 PM
Updated: 8:01 PM
COMMENT | The results of the DAP election are as most expected, as those in office, many of them state warlords with large numbers of branches, joined forces against those who lacked government positions through the use of circulated lists.
Those that rose to the top were on multiple lists, while those on the bottom third fell in rankings.
This piece looks at the results and argues that to understand the outcome, one must see how the heightened role of personal competition and betrayals have been an integral part of the DAP as it has expanded its national role.
Many would say this is “just politics” - and this is true. Yet the dynamic also speaks to a broader shift taking place in DAP, where the driver within the party is increasingly about winning and retaining power for positions - personal standing - rather than standing for principled positions.
Power - attaining it and using it - was on display in the DAP’s CEC elections, a power takeover.
Winners and losers
Those that topped the list were those that crossed the various political camps. Analysis has identified two different camps - those in favour and against Lim Guan Eng. The reality is more complex as there are different factions and alliances within those who oppose Lim.
The biggest winner in the election was Anthony Loke, as it is those close to him who secured the most positions.
DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke
This is followed by those close to Nga Kor Ming and Steven Sim. Yet of the latter, some close associates lost, as their pull alone was not enough to secure a position in the CEC.
The low position of Nga’s cousin, Ngeh Koo Ham, and the loss of V Sivakumar are illustrative, as is the loss of Sim’s political secretary Kelvin Yii.
The biggest losers were those tied to Guan Eng, as while he made it through into the CEC, those associated closely with him lost, including his sister Lim Hui Ying (by 11 votes), Lim Lip Eng, Teresa Kok, and RSN Rayer, among others.
Yet a loss may be a victory; Guan Eng’s new “adviser” role will give him more freedom to speak out on issues, although he continues to face the uncertainty of his outstanding legal case remains unresolved, like that of so many others in politics.
The DAP polls, over time, show changes in political fortunes are common.
A different election
Few appreciate that the 2025 party election outcome was an extension of the contestation in the last polls.
In the 2022 DAP party election, there was another push to remove Guan Eng, coinciding with the retirement of his father Lim Kit Siang from politics.
This is followed by those close to Nga Kor Ming and Steven Sim. Yet of the latter, some close associates lost, as their pull alone was not enough to secure a position in the CEC.
The low position of Nga’s cousin, Ngeh Koo Ham, and the loss of V Sivakumar are illustrative, as is the loss of Sim’s political secretary Kelvin Yii.
The biggest losers were those tied to Guan Eng, as while he made it through into the CEC, those associated closely with him lost, including his sister Lim Hui Ying (by 11 votes), Lim Lip Eng, Teresa Kok, and RSN Rayer, among others.
Yet a loss may be a victory; Guan Eng’s new “adviser” role will give him more freedom to speak out on issues, although he continues to face the uncertainty of his outstanding legal case remains unresolved, like that of so many others in politics.
The DAP polls, over time, show changes in political fortunes are common.
A different election
Few appreciate that the 2025 party election outcome was an extension of the contestation in the last polls.
In the 2022 DAP party election, there was another push to remove Guan Eng, coinciding with the retirement of his father Lim Kit Siang from politics.
Lim Guan Eng
The 2022 putsch against the Lim family failed, as Guan Eng teamed up with different factions in different states to win a position in the CEC easily. Some of those who joined the putsch attempt to oust Lim Guan Eng lost in the CEC polls and subsequently resigned.
The new alliances and heightened contest for leadership at that time brought many new faces into the 2022 CEC.
In 2025, beyond the decline of the Lim family, the story is one of incumbents holding onto and consolidating power - reinforcing the takeover by those in power.
Those who entered politics in 2008 onwards now dominate the party. While this curtails the ability to raise issues in the old “opposition” mode, it does bring greater experience into the government.
Yesterday’s 2025 party election led to a different result than 2022, a product of different circumstances. This year, some opted to change their loyalty from Guan Eng, as a few “old timers” chose not to contest. Personal acrimony was evident, despite the smiling faces.
The biggest shift in this party polls, however, is the increase in delegates, which had increased from over a third in 2022, where the highest vote share received by now DAP chairperson Gobind Singh Deo was only 1,781 votes. This time round, he secured 2,785.
The number of delegates in 2025 reached a record high of 4,203, with 1,650 branches reported.
Guan Eng’s vote share in 2022 was 1,311 and increased to 1,719 this round, but he did not win high support among many of the new delegates.
The registration of new branches and change in the composition of the delegates made an impact on the result, a process administered by those in the party’s office, some of whom were clearly opposed to Guan Eng’s continued leadership of the party.
The new alliances and heightened contest for leadership at that time brought many new faces into the 2022 CEC.
In 2025, beyond the decline of the Lim family, the story is one of incumbents holding onto and consolidating power - reinforcing the takeover by those in power.
Those who entered politics in 2008 onwards now dominate the party. While this curtails the ability to raise issues in the old “opposition” mode, it does bring greater experience into the government.
Yesterday’s 2025 party election led to a different result than 2022, a product of different circumstances. This year, some opted to change their loyalty from Guan Eng, as a few “old timers” chose not to contest. Personal acrimony was evident, despite the smiling faces.
The biggest shift in this party polls, however, is the increase in delegates, which had increased from over a third in 2022, where the highest vote share received by now DAP chairperson Gobind Singh Deo was only 1,781 votes. This time round, he secured 2,785.
The number of delegates in 2025 reached a record high of 4,203, with 1,650 branches reported.
Guan Eng’s vote share in 2022 was 1,311 and increased to 1,719 this round, but he did not win high support among many of the new delegates.
The registration of new branches and change in the composition of the delegates made an impact on the result, a process administered by those in the party’s office, some of whom were clearly opposed to Guan Eng’s continued leadership of the party.
Keep in mind that there had been a moratorium on the creation of new branches in DAP until 2019, and in the last five years, there has been a building of the base of the party through the creation of new branches and increased membership as older branches have been removed and new ones created.
From a membership point of view, the party is not the same as it once was, with many joining the party as it is in government and for access to those in power.
The price of winning
Many others have written about the challenges the DAP faces as a party, from dynastic politics to the limits of electoral support as its traditional political base of support - Chinese voters - is declining in the overall electorate.
In my first piece on the polls, I highlighted the ongoing party’s changing identity - the base of its legitimacy, its style of political engagement, increasing disconnections from its traditional political base, and difficulties with relations/positions within the Madani government.
READ MORE: COMMENT | A battle for the party: DAP 2025 polls - Part 1
No question, the party has to navigate a difficult balance between maintaining its Chinese core and reaching out across communities. As the inclusion of Malay representatives has only modestly increased Malay electoral support, alliances remain the chosen vehicle to stay politically and electorally strong.
This comes with costs. It is clear that the DAP continues to wrestle with its role in an alliance with Umno and with parties that have adopted many of the practices of Umno.
To be a part of a political cartel - the Madani cartel - involves compromises. The DAP has implicitly been asked to be less vocal and prominent, not to overshadow others, and to engage politically behind the scenes, despite having the most parliamentary seats in the government.
This is difficult to navigate for any party, especially for one whose political legitimacy originally came from calling attention to governance problems.
So far, in terms of navigating the relations within the government, most of the differences have been either kept to a minimum publicly or swallowed, as the level of cordiality among those in power in the government is high.
This has allowed individuals in government to focus on governing, yet it has also led to a disconnect with the voters who supported the party.
What is important is that the 2025 party congress, however, provided very little on what the party has accomplished in the Madani government, showcasing Anwar Ibrahim and Madani rather than the party’s accomplishments and contributions.
An exception to this was Loke’s mention of the party’s opposition to the proposed removal of foundling’s legal right to automatically become Malaysians in the citizenship bill.
What was not mentioned were the other regressive measures in the bill that went through, including a tightening of the process to apply for citizenship.
The DAP faces the challenge of bringing out to the open what it has fought and is fighting for behind the scenes, especially when they are so chummy with its new political allies.
The costs of this are potential further erosion of the principles base of the party and a weakening of its legitimacy as standing for democratic reform.
Asserting that they are still holding onto its values is different than showing concretely it has done so, especially when the DAP light is expected to be dimmed.
Defending legacies
Much has been made of the end of the Lim legacy, but the results suggest otherwise. From political secretaries to the Lim family to the promotion of individuals, well over half of the individuals elected hold their positions with the support of the Lim family.
Examples include Syahredzan Johan and Khoo Poay Tiong, who were both elected rather than co-opted in the CEC this round. The Lim legacy lives on from both the father and the son.
Much has also been made of DAP becoming MCA. Both parties have different social bases and histories, with the DAP traditionally tied more to social democratic values and MCA tied to business elites, with ground representation in communities around education and service.
MCA lost its support because it was no longer seen as serving the interests of Chinese Malaysians and became superfluous in BN.
Unlike DAP, however, the MCA made a point of publicising what it did for the Chinese community and the failures to deliver eroded its support.
Questions remain about what DAP has delivered, questions that were raised implicitly in the party congress and will persist afterwards. The need to deliver to the political base is more pressing than ever.
DAP is struggling to find a new form of legitimacy to strengthen its political engagement and identity or it risks falling under the Madani umbrella.
Ironically, trying not to become MCA is not the challenge but losing itself to the identity of others is.
The steps to reform the leadership of the party through new offices that disaggregate ministers from parliamentarians may give the party more space to push for the issues it long fought for. The operative word is “may”.
The election shows that dynastic issues remain in the party, with a new dominant dynasty around the Singh family holding the chairperson position.
Today, Karpal Singh’s legacy calling for fairness, inclusion, and justice is more important than ever as the DAP faces the temptation of corruption, spoils of power, and deepening political Islamisation. A commitment to this legacy will be tested under DAP’s new leadership.
DAP is like other parties in Malaysia, where family dynasties are prevalent. If the 2022 election is any indication - and the 2024 Selangor DAP election - dynasties can be weakened, as the desire for displacement and willingness to abandon old loyalties for new ones emerge.
The 2025 battle is only foreshadowing other personalistic struggles to come. The history of DAP shows that the political fortunes of individuals change over time. This party election shows how easily leaders can fall.
As the saying goes, politics is always dangerous - a lesson that Guan Eng and his loyalists were taught and others in the party may learn as well.
BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute, a senior research associate at Hu Fu Centre for East Asia Democratic Studies, and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com
No comments:
Post a Comment