Bridget Welsh
Published: Jan 28, 2025 3:20 PM
COMMENT | The Islamist party PAS has taken a more proactive approach to promoting itself in national politics in the past month.
The activities range from police reports on hosting Christmas gatherings in government ministries, “jihad” fundraising efforts to defend defamation and support for public caning in Terengganu to attending rallies on ex-premier Najib Abdul Razak’s house arrest addendum.
The most recent incident was Perak PAS commissioner Razman Zakaria seeking headlines in yet another attack on a DAP minister.
This has come amidst internal party calls within PAS for its ailing party president Abdul Hadi Awang to be the opposition’s presidential candidate.
Collectively, these actions reflect attempts by PAS to shore up its core political base - a base that remains strong as the party is projecting itself as a contender for national power.
There is, however, a too frequent prioritisation of political gamesmanship over principles. As such, PAS has become more like Umno in using opportunistic, attention-seeking political tactics.
At the same time, recent PAS activism showcases deep resistance by many within the party to genuinely embracing an inclusive nationalist role.
As the party faces an inevitable leadership transition, it is returning to what it is familiar with and in the process engaging in a series of miscalculations.
Allow me to explain.
Strategic reconnection
In its recent activity, PAS is trying to retake a more prominent role in the leadership of the opposition.
In part, this reflects discontent in the relationship with Bersatu and its position within Perikatan Nasional. It also is a product of pressure within PAS to reconnect with its grassroots and project itself nationally.
Published: Jan 28, 2025 3:20 PM
COMMENT | The Islamist party PAS has taken a more proactive approach to promoting itself in national politics in the past month.
The activities range from police reports on hosting Christmas gatherings in government ministries, “jihad” fundraising efforts to defend defamation and support for public caning in Terengganu to attending rallies on ex-premier Najib Abdul Razak’s house arrest addendum.
The most recent incident was Perak PAS commissioner Razman Zakaria seeking headlines in yet another attack on a DAP minister.
This has come amidst internal party calls within PAS for its ailing party president Abdul Hadi Awang to be the opposition’s presidential candidate.
Collectively, these actions reflect attempts by PAS to shore up its core political base - a base that remains strong as the party is projecting itself as a contender for national power.
There is, however, a too frequent prioritisation of political gamesmanship over principles. As such, PAS has become more like Umno in using opportunistic, attention-seeking political tactics.
At the same time, recent PAS activism showcases deep resistance by many within the party to genuinely embracing an inclusive nationalist role.
As the party faces an inevitable leadership transition, it is returning to what it is familiar with and in the process engaging in a series of miscalculations.
Allow me to explain.
Strategic reconnection
In its recent activity, PAS is trying to retake a more prominent role in the leadership of the opposition.
In part, this reflects discontent in the relationship with Bersatu and its position within Perikatan Nasional. It also is a product of pressure within PAS to reconnect with its grassroots and project itself nationally.
These activities modestly reverse PAS’ more passive/indirect two-year pattern of letting the Madani government’s own weaknesses impact its support and allowing Bersatu leaders to take on more prominent leadership roles in the opposition.
More broadly, this speaks to a key national political turning point, as attention is moving towards the coming state polls of Sabah, Sarawak and Malacca as well as the next general election.
With opposition efforts to topple the government through elite politicking failing to materialise, more attention is on reconnecting with the electorate. Many in PAS perceive the party as the best poised to garner national influence.
Thus, PAS is making what they believe are strategic moves.
Sowing division
The focal point of its reconnection is its core political base.
The “jihad” struggle to raise funds to defend Penang parliamentarian Siti Mastura Muhammad, found guilty last month for defamation, reflected an attempt to rally PAS supporters.
That her remarks were perceived as grossly defamatory, race-baiting and hate speech did not seem to matter.
Kepala Batas MP Siti Mastura Muhammad
The “jihad” reaffirmed the party’s support for pandering divisive politics tied to misinformation and lies, a label that has marked the party since the 2022 general election.
The MP – or PAS - has yet to apologise for or distance themselves from the remarks.
This came after a hurtful perceived attack on Christians, as PAS was seen to lead the charge in filing police reports against two DAP ministers holding an event to recognise Christmas - a holiday minimally celebrated by 9 percent of the country - and against a Youth and Sports Minister Hannah Yeoh who wrote about her faith as a force leading her into public service.
Yeoh came under attack again this week, when Razman incorrectly linked her to the YTL family based on the same surname rather than fact-checking.
He has apologised for his mistake, but not for the implicit unprovoked attack on a Chinese politician and prominent business on the eve of an important Chinese holiday.
The “jihad” reaffirmed the party’s support for pandering divisive politics tied to misinformation and lies, a label that has marked the party since the 2022 general election.
The MP – or PAS - has yet to apologise for or distance themselves from the remarks.
This came after a hurtful perceived attack on Christians, as PAS was seen to lead the charge in filing police reports against two DAP ministers holding an event to recognise Christmas - a holiday minimally celebrated by 9 percent of the country - and against a Youth and Sports Minister Hannah Yeoh who wrote about her faith as a force leading her into public service.
Yeoh came under attack again this week, when Razman incorrectly linked her to the YTL family based on the same surname rather than fact-checking.
He has apologised for his mistake, but not for the implicit unprovoked attack on a Chinese politician and prominent business on the eve of an important Chinese holiday.
Youth and Sports Minister Hannah Yeoh and Perak PAS commissioner Razman Zakaria
Some may see this as typical politicking between PAS and DAP, a long-standing toxic dynamic that is fed by both sides.
Yet, for PAS, it goes further as it reinforces divisive narratives against a minority community, and implicit anti-Chinese and anti-Christian sentiments. To be seen as targeting Christians during the Christmas season was especially insensitive. The recent criticisms before Chinese New Year are also inconsiderate.
Malaysia needs leadership that builds on her diversity, an important practice that many in PAS have yet to embrace.
Old politics
These actions were coupled with PAS support for public caning in Terengganu involving a khalwat (close proximity) case last month.
While the PAS government did not have anything directly to do with the Islamic court’s decision, the party embraced meting out the punishment in public and affirmed that the caning marked an effort to fully implement hudud laws under the syariah Penal Code.
Some may see this as typical politicking between PAS and DAP, a long-standing toxic dynamic that is fed by both sides.
Yet, for PAS, it goes further as it reinforces divisive narratives against a minority community, and implicit anti-Chinese and anti-Christian sentiments. To be seen as targeting Christians during the Christmas season was especially insensitive. The recent criticisms before Chinese New Year are also inconsiderate.
Malaysia needs leadership that builds on her diversity, an important practice that many in PAS have yet to embrace.
Old politics
These actions were coupled with PAS support for public caning in Terengganu involving a khalwat (close proximity) case last month.
While the PAS government did not have anything directly to do with the Islamic court’s decision, the party embraced meting out the punishment in public and affirmed that the caning marked an effort to fully implement hudud laws under the syariah Penal Code.
A 42-year-old khalwat offender being escorted to his public caning sentence on Dec 27, 2024 at a mosque in Terengganu
PAS continues to associate itself with the full implementation of syariah law, which conflicts with the Federal Constitution and international human rights standards.
The public caning is seen as heightening tensions over different interpretations of rights and faith.
Politically, the “jihad” defence of defamation, attacks on the “Chinese” DAP and celebration of public caning are part of PAS’ reconnecting appeal to its core supporters.
Simultaneously, these actions are alienating to its traditional detractors. For its critics, PAS has reactivated its connection to racialised rhetoric and extremism.
This pattern echoes old politics and reinforces a politics where PAS is feared and opposed in a national federal role.
Addendum opportunity
The decision for PAS to participate in the Najib house arrest addendum rally was slightly different.
PAS continues to associate itself with the full implementation of syariah law, which conflicts with the Federal Constitution and international human rights standards.
The public caning is seen as heightening tensions over different interpretations of rights and faith.
Politically, the “jihad” defence of defamation, attacks on the “Chinese” DAP and celebration of public caning are part of PAS’ reconnecting appeal to its core supporters.
Simultaneously, these actions are alienating to its traditional detractors. For its critics, PAS has reactivated its connection to racialised rhetoric and extremism.
This pattern echoes old politics and reinforces a politics where PAS is feared and opposed in a national federal role.
Addendum opportunity
The decision for PAS to participate in the Najib house arrest addendum rally was slightly different.
Ex-PM Najib Abdul Razak
It reflected a changed position for the party, which has largely opposed corruption and refrained from taking a strong position on the multi-billion 1MDB scandal.
This time, PAS leaders, along with others in Bersatu and Umno, came out to protest in favour of Najib’s house arrest release. PAS portrayed this move as support for transparency.
What was transparent is that PAS’ stance against corruption has taken a back seat to political calculations.
What was being prioritised was political alliances. PAS recognises that in this age of political fragmentation, alliances are the leading path to power.
Participating in the rally reaffirmed the connection between PAS and Najib - as well as his Umno supporters - as it was under Najib’s leadership that ties between PAS and Umno were fostered.
This time, PAS leaders, along with others in Bersatu and Umno, came out to protest in favour of Najib’s house arrest release. PAS portrayed this move as support for transparency.
What was transparent is that PAS’ stance against corruption has taken a back seat to political calculations.
What was being prioritised was political alliances. PAS recognises that in this age of political fragmentation, alliances are the leading path to power.
Participating in the rally reaffirmed the connection between PAS and Najib - as well as his Umno supporters - as it was under Najib’s leadership that ties between PAS and Umno were fostered.
A PAS supporter at the rally to show solidarity with Najib on Jan 6 in Putrajaya
PAS has in recent years under Hadi’s leadership failed to take a strong principled position on corruption as the party has been accused of the scourge and labelled vote buying as “charity”.
There are persistent concerns about governance in PAS states in handling lucrative licences and transparency in business deals is a nationwide problem.
The addendum rally decision can be seen as a strategic move by PAS to continue to win over Umno’s base, a trend that has been ongoing for some time.
It does, however, curtail support among those concerned with governance and arguably the majority of Malaysians based on voting in the 15th general election who want the country to move forward with accountability on the 1MDB scandal.
The move was quietly opposed by many within the party who saw the move as opportunistic rather than principled.
Ulama leadership
Recent political manoeuvres bring to the fore the difficult issues the party is facing internally. PAS will have party polls later this year as will DAP and PKR.
The PAS party president will decide whether he will remain in his position or take on the role of spiritual leader, subject to his health.
There are persistent concerns about governance in PAS states in handling lucrative licences and transparency in business deals is a nationwide problem.
The addendum rally decision can be seen as a strategic move by PAS to continue to win over Umno’s base, a trend that has been ongoing for some time.
It does, however, curtail support among those concerned with governance and arguably the majority of Malaysians based on voting in the 15th general election who want the country to move forward with accountability on the 1MDB scandal.
The move was quietly opposed by many within the party who saw the move as opportunistic rather than principled.
Ulama leadership
Recent political manoeuvres bring to the fore the difficult issues the party is facing internally. PAS will have party polls later this year as will DAP and PKR.
The PAS party president will decide whether he will remain in his position or take on the role of spiritual leader, subject to his health.
PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang
PAS is facing the challenge of a post-Hadi leadership with his health a persistent concern.
Hadi plays a pivotal role in holding different factions of PAS together and is also linked to important leaders within the party whose connection to power is seen to be tied to Hadi’s leadership.
The party is also grappling with the role of ulama in leadership, as non-ulama have assumed more prominent roles in three of the four states the party governs and it had promoted a non-ulama - Terengganu Menteri Besar Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar - as a possible PM candidate since the December 2023 Kemaman by-election. However, some in the party are not receptive to this.
Hadi plays a pivotal role in holding different factions of PAS together and is also linked to important leaders within the party whose connection to power is seen to be tied to Hadi’s leadership.
The party is also grappling with the role of ulama in leadership, as non-ulama have assumed more prominent roles in three of the four states the party governs and it had promoted a non-ulama - Terengganu Menteri Besar Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar - as a possible PM candidate since the December 2023 Kemaman by-election. However, some in the party are not receptive to this.
Terengganu Menteri Besar Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar
At the same time, other PAS leaders understand that any ulama as president would not likely garner the electoral support for the party nationally and would not be able to manage the country through the serious challenges it is facing in its economy and more uncertain geopolitical environment.
This is especially the case for Hadi, as he has been a polarising political figure, especially among non-Malays and in Borneo, and is facing health issues.
Yet, for the party faithful the sentiment of having their party leader at the helm is strong.
Electoral limitations
The desire to appeal to the party’s base is also strong. The more the party does this, the more it alienates the middle ground and limits its political expansion across the electorate.
PAS political calculations are being shaped by its past, what is knows and old and familiar practices.
Recent political calculations highlight that PAS is repeating narrow appeals to religiously conservative Malays with an increased use of toxic, race-based narratives, rather than national outreach.
It is these seasoned practices that are holding PAS to its past political position as the nation’s largest opposition party, a strong Islamist party in Malay areas – the strongest Malay-based party – but one that is unwilling, at least for now, to make the changes that garner electoral support across Malaysia and Malaysians.
BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute, a senior research associate at Hu Fu Center for East Asia Democratic Studies, and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com
This is especially the case for Hadi, as he has been a polarising political figure, especially among non-Malays and in Borneo, and is facing health issues.
Yet, for the party faithful the sentiment of having their party leader at the helm is strong.
Electoral limitations
The desire to appeal to the party’s base is also strong. The more the party does this, the more it alienates the middle ground and limits its political expansion across the electorate.
PAS political calculations are being shaped by its past, what is knows and old and familiar practices.
Recent political calculations highlight that PAS is repeating narrow appeals to religiously conservative Malays with an increased use of toxic, race-based narratives, rather than national outreach.
It is these seasoned practices that are holding PAS to its past political position as the nation’s largest opposition party, a strong Islamist party in Malay areas – the strongest Malay-based party – but one that is unwilling, at least for now, to make the changes that garner electoral support across Malaysia and Malaysians.
BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute, a senior research associate at Hu Fu Center for East Asia Democratic Studies, and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com
PAS will rule Malaysia.
ReplyDeleteIt is the wave of the future.
Will it?
DeleteOr mfer like u will will it!