Most importantly, an effective, culturally sensitive, and mutually inclusive education system must be built on reality and facts rather than myth, writes Dr. Boo Cheng Hau. - Bernama file pic, February 15, 2026
Is it only about UEC or a broader reformed mindset on education? – Dr. Boo Cheng Hau
If national unity is genuinely the concern, UEC should be recognised alongside other benchmarks such as IGCSE and Tahfiz examinations for public university admission
Updated 5 hours ago
15 February, 2026
2:26 PM MYT
Education is a vital apparatus for social mobility. It provides individuals with opportunities to move from lower social strata to higher ones and, when systemically designed based on reality, facts, and evidence-based education research, it can foster social integration by reducing income disparity and ethnic polarisation.
In some countries, political establishments restrict women’s access to education or discriminate against certain ethnic groups in school and university enrolment. This is often because education empowers citizens to be better informed, independent, and less susceptible to political hegemony, which imposes a risk of dissidence to their authoritarian rules.
Nevertheless, universal suffrage alone does not guarantee genuine democracy, particularly when the electorate is poorly informed or inadequately educated.
Democracy functions effectively only when citizens are educated and aware not only of their rights and privileges but, more importantly, of their social responsibilities and duties to the nation. In culturally diverse societies, the education system must therefore be inclusive—one that converges all cultures and education streams toward a shared civic end, while safeguarding each citizen’s right to preserve their cultural identity and cultivating mutual cultural sensitivity.
Historically, Malaysia has always been culturally diverse, despite the Malay-Muslim majority. It is a myth to believe that any multiracial nation can be monolingual, cosmopolitan, and united if its education system fails to embrace multiculturalism and diversity.
Most importantly, an effective, culturally sensitive, and mutually inclusive education system must be built on reality and facts rather than myth. During the height of the Malaccan Sultanate as an international trading centre, historians recorded that as many as 110 languages were spoken in Malacca, with the Malay language naturally functioning as the lingua franca.
Acceptance of multiculturalism and multilingualism at that time was arguably more progressive than in modern days, consolidating Malacca’s status as a global trading hub.
A major stumbling block to deeper education reform lies in the fact that many policymakers were themselves indoctrinated by entrenched myths. There remains a belief that coercive assimilation—based on one culture, one language, and one religion—can achieve national unity. In reality, such approaches generate polarisation, division, and conflict in culturally diverse societies.
Consequently, the recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) continues to face resistance because it necessitates revamping a statically dogmatic education system into a more pragmatic and reality-based one. There is an urgent need for a culturally inclusive and technologically savvy education system grounded in scientific research evidence.
A far-sighted education system is a critical apparatus for propelling Malaysia toward advanced-nation status.
In The Malay Dilemma, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad misconstrued several facts to support his “one-language, one-nation” vision.
He cited the United States as an example, claiming that English is the sole official language and the only permitted language of instruction in schools, thereby forging national unity. This assertion is constitutionally inaccurate.
The US Constitution never entrenched English as the official language. Only in 2005 was English designated for federal government documentation and proceedings, and even then, the law does not apply to education, healthcare, or civil rights.
During the 1980s, the United States experienced a peak in the bilingual education movement led by Hispanic Americans, who championed both patriotism and bilingualism. Spanish and English were used as languages of instruction not only to integrate Hispanic Americans into mainstream society but also to expose English-speaking Americans to cultural inclusivity and sensitivity.
It is crucial to recognise the dual realities that a common official language is necessary for governance, while multiculturalism and multilingualism bring significant socioeconomic benefits. Policymakers must therefore defend a pragmatic and progressive education framework.
Despite his immense influence on Malaysia’s social policies, Dr. Mahathir has not kept pace with developments in a rapidly globalised world or with the historical patterns of the rise and fall of civilisations.
China’s rise, for instance, was predictable to many informed academics and technology researchers in the West. In the 1980s, several of my former American university professors were intrigued by my ability to master three languages, as they explored ways to develop a more inclusive and forward-looking education system to sustain US leadership in high technology and talent development.
When I shared my experience of studying mathematics and science in English, Mandarin, and Malay to prepare for examinations such as SPM, UEC, and SAT, Chinese Independent Secondary Schools were already experimenting with multilingual teaching approaches. These practices reflected the realities of a multicultural society and the inevitability of globalisation.
Contrary to myths and prejudiced narratives propagated in The Malay Dilemma, Malaysia’s race-based, nationalist-oriented education system has created a new dilemma—undermining the competitiveness of not only Malays but Malaysia as a whole.
Other Southeast Asian nations, parts of West Asia, and Latin American countries have moved forward by recognising Mandarin as a key language of trade and technology, introducing it as a compulsory school subject.
Many remain misled by the myth that the United States is monolingual. Since the 1980s, numerous US states have introduced Asian languages such as Mandarin, Cantonese, Indonesian, Korean, and Japanese alongside European languages. Some have adopted these languages as mediums of instruction in state-run immersion schools, which are so popular that admission is often determined by lottery.
An effective education system must be inclusive, open to experimentation, informed by contemporary education research, and responsive to societal realities. Systems founded on myth, prejudice, and misinformation are unsustainable and incapable of advancing an emerging economy like Malaysia toward developed-nation status.
There is considerable prejudice against the UEC, despite the fact that it is conducted in three languages—English, Malay, and Chinese—allowing candidates to choose based on subject needs.
A positive step would be for UEC authorities and the Ministry of Education to agree on recognising UEC for public university admission, with Bahasa Malaysia and History at SPM level as pegged requirements, acknowledging that UEC academic standards are comparable to STPM and matriculation programmes.
UEC is widely accepted by private and overseas universities and has been studied by advanced countries as a model for multilingual education. It also provides a community-run, non-profit alternative that complements public education and profit-driven private institutions.
Independent Chinese Secondary Schools (ICSS) are not Chinese chauvinist institutions, despite politicisation by certain quarters. Funded largely through Chinese community donations, they are open to non-Chinese students.
Islamic NGOs seeking non-profit, community-supported education models have even engaged ICSS to exchange ideas on the form of community-run affordable education.
Non-Chinese students in ICSS receive free tuition and scholarships. During my tenure as a state assemblyman, I had recommended several Malay students for such opportunities. Beyond demanding STEM learning, these students benefited from better discipline and multilingual exposure, which contributed to their personal and intellectual growth.
As T20 and upper M40 families—including affluent Malays—opt for English-medium international schools due to discipline concerns in some national schools, community-subsidised ICSS, SJKC, and Tahfiz schools increasingly serve as alternatives for B40 and lower M40 families seeking better prospects for their children.
If national unity is genuinely the concern, UEC should be recognised alongside other benchmarks such as IGCSE and Tahfiz examinations for public university admission.
Expectedly, there would be more Malays and other non-Chinese students becoming UEC holders who would need its official recognition to enter local universities. Pegging with SPM Bahasa Malaysia and History is a reasonable requirement to admit students from these alternative streams.
Alienation and discrimination in education cultivate polarisation, whereas inclusiveness promotes unity through convergence—the ultimate goal of a nation-building education system.
This would broaden the spectrum of the nation’s talent pool. In conclusion, overzealous race-based nationalism should not be allowed to obstruct efforts to integrate students from all backgrounds into mainstream public tertiary institutions. National unity cannot be built on myth, but on facts, evidence, and real data. – February 15, 2026
Is it only about UEC or a broader reformed mindset on education? – Dr. Boo Cheng Hau
If national unity is genuinely the concern, UEC should be recognised alongside other benchmarks such as IGCSE and Tahfiz examinations for public university admission
Updated 5 hours ago
15 February, 2026
2:26 PM MYT
Education is a vital apparatus for social mobility. It provides individuals with opportunities to move from lower social strata to higher ones and, when systemically designed based on reality, facts, and evidence-based education research, it can foster social integration by reducing income disparity and ethnic polarisation.
In some countries, political establishments restrict women’s access to education or discriminate against certain ethnic groups in school and university enrolment. This is often because education empowers citizens to be better informed, independent, and less susceptible to political hegemony, which imposes a risk of dissidence to their authoritarian rules.
Nevertheless, universal suffrage alone does not guarantee genuine democracy, particularly when the electorate is poorly informed or inadequately educated.
Democracy functions effectively only when citizens are educated and aware not only of their rights and privileges but, more importantly, of their social responsibilities and duties to the nation. In culturally diverse societies, the education system must therefore be inclusive—one that converges all cultures and education streams toward a shared civic end, while safeguarding each citizen’s right to preserve their cultural identity and cultivating mutual cultural sensitivity.
Historically, Malaysia has always been culturally diverse, despite the Malay-Muslim majority. It is a myth to believe that any multiracial nation can be monolingual, cosmopolitan, and united if its education system fails to embrace multiculturalism and diversity.
Most importantly, an effective, culturally sensitive, and mutually inclusive education system must be built on reality and facts rather than myth. During the height of the Malaccan Sultanate as an international trading centre, historians recorded that as many as 110 languages were spoken in Malacca, with the Malay language naturally functioning as the lingua franca.
Acceptance of multiculturalism and multilingualism at that time was arguably more progressive than in modern days, consolidating Malacca’s status as a global trading hub.
A major stumbling block to deeper education reform lies in the fact that many policymakers were themselves indoctrinated by entrenched myths. There remains a belief that coercive assimilation—based on one culture, one language, and one religion—can achieve national unity. In reality, such approaches generate polarisation, division, and conflict in culturally diverse societies.
Consequently, the recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) continues to face resistance because it necessitates revamping a statically dogmatic education system into a more pragmatic and reality-based one. There is an urgent need for a culturally inclusive and technologically savvy education system grounded in scientific research evidence.
A far-sighted education system is a critical apparatus for propelling Malaysia toward advanced-nation status.
In The Malay Dilemma, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad misconstrued several facts to support his “one-language, one-nation” vision.
He cited the United States as an example, claiming that English is the sole official language and the only permitted language of instruction in schools, thereby forging national unity. This assertion is constitutionally inaccurate.
The US Constitution never entrenched English as the official language. Only in 2005 was English designated for federal government documentation and proceedings, and even then, the law does not apply to education, healthcare, or civil rights.
During the 1980s, the United States experienced a peak in the bilingual education movement led by Hispanic Americans, who championed both patriotism and bilingualism. Spanish and English were used as languages of instruction not only to integrate Hispanic Americans into mainstream society but also to expose English-speaking Americans to cultural inclusivity and sensitivity.
It is crucial to recognise the dual realities that a common official language is necessary for governance, while multiculturalism and multilingualism bring significant socioeconomic benefits. Policymakers must therefore defend a pragmatic and progressive education framework.
Despite his immense influence on Malaysia’s social policies, Dr. Mahathir has not kept pace with developments in a rapidly globalised world or with the historical patterns of the rise and fall of civilisations.
China’s rise, for instance, was predictable to many informed academics and technology researchers in the West. In the 1980s, several of my former American university professors were intrigued by my ability to master three languages, as they explored ways to develop a more inclusive and forward-looking education system to sustain US leadership in high technology and talent development.
When I shared my experience of studying mathematics and science in English, Mandarin, and Malay to prepare for examinations such as SPM, UEC, and SAT, Chinese Independent Secondary Schools were already experimenting with multilingual teaching approaches. These practices reflected the realities of a multicultural society and the inevitability of globalisation.
Contrary to myths and prejudiced narratives propagated in The Malay Dilemma, Malaysia’s race-based, nationalist-oriented education system has created a new dilemma—undermining the competitiveness of not only Malays but Malaysia as a whole.
Other Southeast Asian nations, parts of West Asia, and Latin American countries have moved forward by recognising Mandarin as a key language of trade and technology, introducing it as a compulsory school subject.
Many remain misled by the myth that the United States is monolingual. Since the 1980s, numerous US states have introduced Asian languages such as Mandarin, Cantonese, Indonesian, Korean, and Japanese alongside European languages. Some have adopted these languages as mediums of instruction in state-run immersion schools, which are so popular that admission is often determined by lottery.
An effective education system must be inclusive, open to experimentation, informed by contemporary education research, and responsive to societal realities. Systems founded on myth, prejudice, and misinformation are unsustainable and incapable of advancing an emerging economy like Malaysia toward developed-nation status.
There is considerable prejudice against the UEC, despite the fact that it is conducted in three languages—English, Malay, and Chinese—allowing candidates to choose based on subject needs.
A positive step would be for UEC authorities and the Ministry of Education to agree on recognising UEC for public university admission, with Bahasa Malaysia and History at SPM level as pegged requirements, acknowledging that UEC academic standards are comparable to STPM and matriculation programmes.
UEC is widely accepted by private and overseas universities and has been studied by advanced countries as a model for multilingual education. It also provides a community-run, non-profit alternative that complements public education and profit-driven private institutions.
Independent Chinese Secondary Schools (ICSS) are not Chinese chauvinist institutions, despite politicisation by certain quarters. Funded largely through Chinese community donations, they are open to non-Chinese students.
Islamic NGOs seeking non-profit, community-supported education models have even engaged ICSS to exchange ideas on the form of community-run affordable education.
Non-Chinese students in ICSS receive free tuition and scholarships. During my tenure as a state assemblyman, I had recommended several Malay students for such opportunities. Beyond demanding STEM learning, these students benefited from better discipline and multilingual exposure, which contributed to their personal and intellectual growth.
As T20 and upper M40 families—including affluent Malays—opt for English-medium international schools due to discipline concerns in some national schools, community-subsidised ICSS, SJKC, and Tahfiz schools increasingly serve as alternatives for B40 and lower M40 families seeking better prospects for their children.
If national unity is genuinely the concern, UEC should be recognised alongside other benchmarks such as IGCSE and Tahfiz examinations for public university admission.
Expectedly, there would be more Malays and other non-Chinese students becoming UEC holders who would need its official recognition to enter local universities. Pegging with SPM Bahasa Malaysia and History is a reasonable requirement to admit students from these alternative streams.
Alienation and discrimination in education cultivate polarisation, whereas inclusiveness promotes unity through convergence—the ultimate goal of a nation-building education system.
This would broaden the spectrum of the nation’s talent pool. In conclusion, overzealous race-based nationalism should not be allowed to obstruct efforts to integrate students from all backgrounds into mainstream public tertiary institutions. National unity cannot be built on myth, but on facts, evidence, and real data. – February 15, 2026
Dr. Boo Cheng Hau is Democratic Action Party’s Taman Ungku Tun Aminah Branch publicity secretary
No comments:
Post a Comment