
OPINION | Can Azmin Ali Rise?
22 Feb 2026 • 12:00 PM MYT

TheRealNehruism
An award-winning Newswav creator, Bebas News columnist & ex-FMT columnist

Image credit: Yahoo
After the 2018 general election, Azmin Ali was appointed Economic Affairs Minister. At that time, Anwar Ibrahim had just been released from prison and held no position in government.
Although Anwar’s wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, as Deputy Prime Minister, was the highest-ranking Pakatan Harapan figure in the Pakatan 1.0 administration, it was arguably Azmin who was seen by many — friend and foe alike — as the most prominent political figure within Pakatan, save for Anwar himself.
During that period, I remember watching Azmin deliver a speech on screen. There was something in the way he carried himself — measured, confident, deliberate — that projected what I can only describe as a prime ministerial aura. It was subtle, but unmistakable.
At that time, I was not yet a columnist or political writer. I merely left a comment on the Facebook page of the media portal that carried the news, observing that such overt projection of prime ministerial energy might prove dangerous to his political future. In Malaysian politics, ambition — when seen too clearly — can be costly.
Not long after that, a leaked video surfaced and began circulating widely. Whether by coincidence or design, the episode severely damaged Azmin’s prospects of ever ascending to the premiership. To this day, nobody truly knows who was responsible for leaking it. But in politics, leaks rarely happen without intent — and rarely without beneficiaries.
Soon after, Azmin, together with Muhyiddin Yassin, would engineer what later became known as the Sheraton Move — a political realignment that saw them leave PKR and Pakatan Harapan, triggering the collapse of the PH government and paving the way for Perikatan Nasional to assume power.
Since then, Azmin has remained a loyalist to Muhyiddin. And in the current internal struggle within Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), he has firmly aligned himself with Muhyiddin against Hamzah Zainudin.
After the 2018 general election, Azmin Ali was appointed Economic Affairs Minister. At that time, Anwar Ibrahim had just been released from prison and held no position in government.
Although Anwar’s wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, as Deputy Prime Minister, was the highest-ranking Pakatan Harapan figure in the Pakatan 1.0 administration, it was arguably Azmin who was seen by many — friend and foe alike — as the most prominent political figure within Pakatan, save for Anwar himself.
During that period, I remember watching Azmin deliver a speech on screen. There was something in the way he carried himself — measured, confident, deliberate — that projected what I can only describe as a prime ministerial aura. It was subtle, but unmistakable.
At that time, I was not yet a columnist or political writer. I merely left a comment on the Facebook page of the media portal that carried the news, observing that such overt projection of prime ministerial energy might prove dangerous to his political future. In Malaysian politics, ambition — when seen too clearly — can be costly.
Not long after that, a leaked video surfaced and began circulating widely. Whether by coincidence or design, the episode severely damaged Azmin’s prospects of ever ascending to the premiership. To this day, nobody truly knows who was responsible for leaking it. But in politics, leaks rarely happen without intent — and rarely without beneficiaries.
Soon after, Azmin, together with Muhyiddin Yassin, would engineer what later became known as the Sheraton Move — a political realignment that saw them leave PKR and Pakatan Harapan, triggering the collapse of the PH government and paving the way for Perikatan Nasional to assume power.
Since then, Azmin has remained a loyalist to Muhyiddin. And in the current internal struggle within Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), he has firmly aligned himself with Muhyiddin against Hamzah Zainudin.
The Shifting Power Structure in Bersatu
For months, Muhyiddin and Hamzah have been locked in a leadership tussle. That conflict culminated recently in Hamzah and 16 other leaders being sacked from Bersatu — a move that has dramatically reshaped the party’s internal hierarchy.
According to Hisomudin Bakar of Ilham Centre, Hamzah’s removal has effectively cleared the pathway for Azmin. With the deputy presidency now vacated, Azmin’s route to the top appears more structured, more organised — and notably, less obstructed.
Over the past year, Azmin has played his cards carefully. He has positioned himself as disciplined, patient, and consistently loyal to Muhyiddin, even as tensions between the president and his former deputy escalated. Hisomudin notes that in politics, loyalty and patience are often the determinants of survival.
Azmin’s public messaging has been measured. He has avoided open confrontation. He has defended the leadership line. In doing so, he has demonstrated a deep understanding of Bersatu’s internal culture and power structure. That is not accidental. That is strategic.
But Can He Replace Muhyiddin?
Before asking whether Azmin can challenge Hamzah, we must first ask a more immediate question: can he replace Muhyiddin?
Despite speculation that Muhyiddin’s influence within Bersatu is waning, it is far from clear that he is ready to relinquish the presidency. As political analyst Azmi Hassan notes, Muhyiddin’s desire to remain Bersatu president is closely tied to his position as chairman of Perikatan Nasional. Control of Bersatu strengthens his claim to the coalition leadership.
Muhyiddin also understands the arithmetic. If he were to step aside prematurely, PAS could push its own candidate — a move that might not sit well with coalition partners such as Gerakan or MIPP. From his perspective, stepping down could unravel more than just his party position.
In other words, Muhyiddin has strong incentives to hold on.
And considering the lengths he has gone to in neutralising Hamzah — including sacking him — it is difficult to imagine that he would simply hand over the presidency to Azmin without resistance.
A Long Game Strategy?
Hisomudin suggests that Azmin may be playing the long game. There is no immediate pressure for transition if Muhyiddin intends to lead Bersatu into the next general election — which many believe could be his final contest as party president.
If that is the case, Azmin’s strategy becomes clearer. Rather than confronting Muhyiddin, he may be positioning himself as the natural, orderly successor — someone who ensures stability rather than rupture.
That approach fits Azmin’s recent conduct. He has warned party members against attending meetings organised by those expelled by the disciplinary board, signalling alignment with the official leadership structure. He is consolidating legitimacy within the formal apparatus of the party.
The Hamzah Factor
Yet, the story does not end there.
Awang Azman Pawi of Universiti Malaya cautions that a majority of Bersatu MPs are believed to support Hamzah. If that assessment is accurate, then even with Hamzah formally removed, his influence may linger beneath the surface.
Should Azmin eventually take over the presidency, he may inherit a party structurally intact but politically divided. Leading a weakened party into a general election would not automatically translate into a viable pathway to Putrajaya.
And that brings us back to the original question:
Will Azmin Rise?
His prospects are undeniably stronger today than they were a week ago. Hamzah’s sacking has reshuffled the deck. The immediate internal obstacle standing between Azmin and the deputy presidency has been removed.
Among Muhyiddin’s loyalists, Azmin is arguably the only figure with sufficient weight, experience, and ambition to mount a serious claim to the top job. He is disciplined. He is patient. And he understands the mechanics of power.
But his ascent depends on two variables beyond his control:
- Whether Muhyiddin is willing — or forced — to step aside.
- Whether the internal support base within Bersatu can be consolidated under him without fragmentation.
If Azmin succeeds in replacing Muhyiddin through an orderly transition, then the next phase begins: consolidating Bersatu, stabilising Perikatan Nasional, leading the opposition effectively, and rebuilding his long-damaged national image.
Only then can we speak seriously of a pathway toward the premiership.
For now, the question is not whether Azmin can defeat Hamzah.
The real question is whether he can outlast Muhyiddin.
If he can, then perhaps the prime ministerial aura I once glimpsed years ago was not imagination — but premonition.
***
I reckon there's no one in Malaysian politics more devious, cunning and Machiavellian than Ass-min. Zaid Ibrahim (when in PKR) was a victims of his intra-party manipulations, wakakaka. Muhyiddin will not be safe from such a plotter. Yes, even Anwar was/is in fact scared of him.
Sadly, for Ass-min, the appearance (and soon to be a definite re-appearance-s-s-s) of a video clip has been a mighty thorn in his side, and will continue to be so - thus his prime ministerial prospects look rather dubious.
.
No comments:
Post a Comment