From the FB page of:
Betty Teh
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As Perikatan Nasional (PN) repositions itself in 2025, the question of leadership has become increasingly salient. With PAS clearly the dominant electoral force within the coalition, it is reasonable to ask whether PN should also become formally PAS led.
Within this discussion, Terengganu Menteri Besar Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar has emerged as a plausible name and yet one that appears to generate quiet unease in some quarters. It is possible that this hesitation reflects structural and cultural considerations rather than objections to Samsuri personally.
PAS’ claim to leadership is grounded in performance. It possesses the most disciplined grassroots machinery and has consistently delivered electoral results. From this perspective, a PAS headed PN would reflect existing power realities.
However, coalition leadership imposes different demands from party dominance. It requires managing partners, moderating ideological impulses, and projecting reassurance beyond the core base.
Several PAS figures fit the traditional mould. Abdul Hadi Awang remains the party’s ultimate authority, but age, health, and polarising perceptions likely limit his viability as a coalition face. Federal leaders such as Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man or Takiyuddin Hassan offer experience and procedural competence, yet appear to lack broader momentum. Samsuri stands out precisely because he departs from this pattern.
Samsuri’s appeal lies in his technocratic profile. As Menteri Besar, he has cultivated an image of administrative competence, low key professionalism, and policy focus. He is not strongly associated with hardline rhetoric and appears more palatable to Bersatu and to voters who prioritise governance over ideology.
From a purely strategic standpoint, he could help PN balance dominance with reassurance.
Yet it is possible that the very qualities that make Samsuri attractive externally create discomfort internally particularly within PAS’ highest authority, the Majlis Syura Ulama.
The Syura Council occupies a unique position as PAS’ ultimate authority, shaping legitimacy and longterm direction. Leadership within PAS has traditionally been anchored in religious seniority and clerical standing. Samsuri’s authority, by contrast, derives largely from executive performance and professional competence.
One possible concern is precedent. Elevating a non ulama technocrat to a national leadership role could be interpreted as shifting PAS’ leadership logic. Over time, this might blur the distinction between clerical authority and managerial legitimacy, raising questions about future succession norms. Such implications may invite caution rather than outright opposition.
There may also be strategic uncertainty.
Samsuri’s success has been concentrated at the state level, within a PAS stronghold. While this demonstrates governance capability, it does not necessarily confirm readiness for the complexities of federal coalition leadership, which involves constant negotiation, ideological balancing, and political arbitration.
The resistance to Samsuri if it exists may reflect a deeper tension rather than a rejection of the man himself. The question confronting PAS is whether leading PN requires the party to adapt its leadership logic, or whether coalition leadership should conform to PAS’ existing hierarchy. Samsuri embodies that dilemma.
Whether PAS chooses to elevate him will signal not just a leadership preference, but how far the party is prepared to evolve in order to lead a national coalition.

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