Murray Hunter
An Uncomfortable Truth: Israel Among Us in Southeast Asia
By Samirul Ariff Othman
Feb 27, 2025
If you think Israel is isolated in Southeast Asia, think again. The reality is far more complex. While Malaysia and Brunei continue their firm policy of non-recognition and Indonesia keeps an official distance, the broader ASEAN landscape tells a different story—one of quiet pragmatism and strategic engagement.
Seven out of ten ASEAN nations maintain formal diplomatic ties with Israel, and even Timor-Leste, a future ASEAN member, has established relations. And it’s not just about embassies. It’s about economics, defense, and technology—things that shape the future, not just rhetoric.
Look at Israel’s diplomatic footprint. It has ambassadors stationed in Bangkok, Hanoi, Manila, Singapore, and Yangon. And in a shrewd piece of diplomatic efficiency, its envoy to Vietnam is also accredited to Laos, while its representative in Thailand covers Cambodia. In other words, even in countries without resident embassies, official ties exist. But the real story isn’t in the cocktail receptions at embassies; it’s in the defense deals and tech transfers happening behind closed doors.
Six ASEAN nations—Indonesia, the Philippines, Myanmar, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam—purchase Israeli-made defense equipment.
And don’t let official statements fool you. Indonesia, despite its strong public stance against Israel, secretly acquired 32 A-4 Skyhawk fighter jets in 1979 under Operation Alpha, a covert deal engineered by Indonesian intelligence chief Benny Moerdani with U.S. cover documentation. Fast forward to today, and Jakarta is still quietly sourcing Israeli military tech, including UAVs. Meanwhile, the Philippines integrates Israeli radars into its FA-50 fighter jets, deploys Israeli-made SPYDER-MR air defense missiles, and relies on Israeli UAVs for surveillance. The message is clear: Israel is already in Southeast Asia, shaping its security landscape.
And that raises a critical question for Malaysia: Just how vulnerable is it to Israeli intelligence operations?
If you think the country is shielded from Israeli espionage, think again. As International Affairs Analyst Pravin Menon highlighted one glaring example. The recent civilian flight from Seletar to Subang, which overflew Putrajaya, serves as a hypothetical case study—demonstrating how easy it would be for Israel to gather intelligence using civilian aircraft operating from friendly neighboring countries like Singapore. Israel doesn’t need direct access to Malaysia to keep tabs on it. It has plenty of staging grounds—Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam, Myanmar, and even India, one of its closest defense partners.
Thailand, for instance, has maintained diplomatic relations with Israel since 1954 and actively collaborates on military technology, including SPIKE missiles. The Royal Thai Air Force’s F-5 Super Tigris jets are equipped with Israeli Elbit and Rafael systems. With Thailand’s Wing 56 in Hat Yai just minutes from Malaysia’s northern border, low-level helicopter insertions or high-altitude military parachute drops (HAHO/HALO) are not far-fetched scenarios. As International Affairs commentator Pravin Menon reminds us that this is the same country whose air defense let MH370 disappear for hours without intervention. If Malaysia struggled to track its own passenger jet, how confident can it be in detecting covert infiltration?
Then there’s Israel’s submarine capability. This isn’t theoretical—this is how the British inserted intelligence operatives into Malaya during World War II, using the mangrove-covered Perak coastline. If Israel ever needed to deploy special forces in Malaysia, it wouldn’t require large-scale operations—it would simply borrow a page from history.
And let’s not forget Israel’s regional intelligence network. With embassies in almost every ASEAN country, it has secure bases for operations, diplomatic immunity for agents, and access to local assets. The Philippines, a long-time ally, has imported more than $4.2 million in Israeli defense technology in just one year. Vietnam, too, has growing military ties with Israel, having established diplomatic relations in 1993. Even Laos and Cambodia, often overlooked in regional geopolitics, provide potential safe havens. Myanmar, despite its pro-China leanings, was the first Southeast Asian nation to recognize Israel in the 1950s and has maintained relations ever since.
And then there’s India—arguably Israel’s strongest strategic partner in the region. Since the 1990s, New Delhi and Tel Aviv have built a deep military and intelligence-sharing relationship. The Indian Air Force’s Su-30MKI fighters are outfitted with Israeli sub-systems, jamming pods, and missile technology. Every time Malaysia’s Sukhois train with India in Exercise Udara Shakti, Israel indirectly gains insights into Malaysia’s tactics, countermeasures, and electronic warfare capabilities. When an Australian F-35 trains with Malaysia’s Sukhois, the data is networked across every other F-35 operator in the world—including Israel.
This is why active Mossad missions in Malaysia never made sense. Israel has no need to take unnecessary risks when it has allies better positioned to gather intelligence. The U.S., UK, Australia, and Singapore all maintain close defense ties with Israel, and intelligence-sharing arrangements are well-established. Need information on Malaysian security protocols? Just ask a Five Eyes partner.
But if Israel did choose to run an operation inside Malaysia, it would be far from impossible. This is a country that assassinated a Hamas leader in the heart of Tehran—something no major superpower has pulled off. It has eliminated multiple Hezbollah commanders inside Lebanon, conducted 2,000-mile bombing raids, and executed surgical strikes deep inside enemy territory—all while avoiding detection.
Meanwhile, the Gulf states—particularly the UAE and Bahrain—have moved on. They’ve realized that the future isn’t about slogans; it’s about securing economic growth, defense partnerships, and technological advancement. The Abraham Accords weren’t just about shaking hands—they were about getting ahead. The UAE and Bahrain have leveraged ties with Israel to gain access to cutting-edge technology, cybersecurity expertise, and military hardware. Israel’s know-how in agriculture, AI, and water management isn’t just a nice-to-have—it’s a game-changer in a world where resources, not ideology, will determine power. The UAE, for example, normalized ties not just for diplomatic prestige but to secure trade deals and deepen military cooperation with the U.S., gaining access to advanced weaponry like the F-35 fighter jets. Although to be fair, the UAE opted for the Rafale instead. In essence, while some nations are still debating the past, others are already writing the future.
The reality is this: pragmatism is overtaking ideology. The Gulf states have proven that you can support Palestine while still engaging with Israel where national interests align. Malaysia, however, risks locking itself into an outdated “for or against” framework at a time when the world is moving toward strategic flexibility. If Malaysia truly wants to be a leader in the Muslim world, if it genuinely wants to help the Palestinian cause, it must rethink its approach. Having a seat at the table with all players—including Israel—offers far greater leverage than standing on the sidelines, clinging to old battle lines.
The future will belong to those who know when to hold their ground—and when to pivot.
——————————————————————
Economist Samirul Ariff Othman is an international relations analyst. He completed his graduate studies at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. The views in this OpEd piece are entirely his own.
Feb 27, 2025
If you think Israel is isolated in Southeast Asia, think again. The reality is far more complex. While Malaysia and Brunei continue their firm policy of non-recognition and Indonesia keeps an official distance, the broader ASEAN landscape tells a different story—one of quiet pragmatism and strategic engagement.
Seven out of ten ASEAN nations maintain formal diplomatic ties with Israel, and even Timor-Leste, a future ASEAN member, has established relations. And it’s not just about embassies. It’s about economics, defense, and technology—things that shape the future, not just rhetoric.
Look at Israel’s diplomatic footprint. It has ambassadors stationed in Bangkok, Hanoi, Manila, Singapore, and Yangon. And in a shrewd piece of diplomatic efficiency, its envoy to Vietnam is also accredited to Laos, while its representative in Thailand covers Cambodia. In other words, even in countries without resident embassies, official ties exist. But the real story isn’t in the cocktail receptions at embassies; it’s in the defense deals and tech transfers happening behind closed doors.
Six ASEAN nations—Indonesia, the Philippines, Myanmar, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam—purchase Israeli-made defense equipment.
And don’t let official statements fool you. Indonesia, despite its strong public stance against Israel, secretly acquired 32 A-4 Skyhawk fighter jets in 1979 under Operation Alpha, a covert deal engineered by Indonesian intelligence chief Benny Moerdani with U.S. cover documentation. Fast forward to today, and Jakarta is still quietly sourcing Israeli military tech, including UAVs. Meanwhile, the Philippines integrates Israeli radars into its FA-50 fighter jets, deploys Israeli-made SPYDER-MR air defense missiles, and relies on Israeli UAVs for surveillance. The message is clear: Israel is already in Southeast Asia, shaping its security landscape.
And that raises a critical question for Malaysia: Just how vulnerable is it to Israeli intelligence operations?
If you think the country is shielded from Israeli espionage, think again. As International Affairs Analyst Pravin Menon highlighted one glaring example. The recent civilian flight from Seletar to Subang, which overflew Putrajaya, serves as a hypothetical case study—demonstrating how easy it would be for Israel to gather intelligence using civilian aircraft operating from friendly neighboring countries like Singapore. Israel doesn’t need direct access to Malaysia to keep tabs on it. It has plenty of staging grounds—Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam, Myanmar, and even India, one of its closest defense partners.
Thailand, for instance, has maintained diplomatic relations with Israel since 1954 and actively collaborates on military technology, including SPIKE missiles. The Royal Thai Air Force’s F-5 Super Tigris jets are equipped with Israeli Elbit and Rafael systems. With Thailand’s Wing 56 in Hat Yai just minutes from Malaysia’s northern border, low-level helicopter insertions or high-altitude military parachute drops (HAHO/HALO) are not far-fetched scenarios. As International Affairs commentator Pravin Menon reminds us that this is the same country whose air defense let MH370 disappear for hours without intervention. If Malaysia struggled to track its own passenger jet, how confident can it be in detecting covert infiltration?
Then there’s Israel’s submarine capability. This isn’t theoretical—this is how the British inserted intelligence operatives into Malaya during World War II, using the mangrove-covered Perak coastline. If Israel ever needed to deploy special forces in Malaysia, it wouldn’t require large-scale operations—it would simply borrow a page from history.
And let’s not forget Israel’s regional intelligence network. With embassies in almost every ASEAN country, it has secure bases for operations, diplomatic immunity for agents, and access to local assets. The Philippines, a long-time ally, has imported more than $4.2 million in Israeli defense technology in just one year. Vietnam, too, has growing military ties with Israel, having established diplomatic relations in 1993. Even Laos and Cambodia, often overlooked in regional geopolitics, provide potential safe havens. Myanmar, despite its pro-China leanings, was the first Southeast Asian nation to recognize Israel in the 1950s and has maintained relations ever since.
And then there’s India—arguably Israel’s strongest strategic partner in the region. Since the 1990s, New Delhi and Tel Aviv have built a deep military and intelligence-sharing relationship. The Indian Air Force’s Su-30MKI fighters are outfitted with Israeli sub-systems, jamming pods, and missile technology. Every time Malaysia’s Sukhois train with India in Exercise Udara Shakti, Israel indirectly gains insights into Malaysia’s tactics, countermeasures, and electronic warfare capabilities. When an Australian F-35 trains with Malaysia’s Sukhois, the data is networked across every other F-35 operator in the world—including Israel.
This is why active Mossad missions in Malaysia never made sense. Israel has no need to take unnecessary risks when it has allies better positioned to gather intelligence. The U.S., UK, Australia, and Singapore all maintain close defense ties with Israel, and intelligence-sharing arrangements are well-established. Need information on Malaysian security protocols? Just ask a Five Eyes partner.
But if Israel did choose to run an operation inside Malaysia, it would be far from impossible. This is a country that assassinated a Hamas leader in the heart of Tehran—something no major superpower has pulled off. It has eliminated multiple Hezbollah commanders inside Lebanon, conducted 2,000-mile bombing raids, and executed surgical strikes deep inside enemy territory—all while avoiding detection.
Meanwhile, the Gulf states—particularly the UAE and Bahrain—have moved on. They’ve realized that the future isn’t about slogans; it’s about securing economic growth, defense partnerships, and technological advancement. The Abraham Accords weren’t just about shaking hands—they were about getting ahead. The UAE and Bahrain have leveraged ties with Israel to gain access to cutting-edge technology, cybersecurity expertise, and military hardware. Israel’s know-how in agriculture, AI, and water management isn’t just a nice-to-have—it’s a game-changer in a world where resources, not ideology, will determine power. The UAE, for example, normalized ties not just for diplomatic prestige but to secure trade deals and deepen military cooperation with the U.S., gaining access to advanced weaponry like the F-35 fighter jets. Although to be fair, the UAE opted for the Rafale instead. In essence, while some nations are still debating the past, others are already writing the future.
The reality is this: pragmatism is overtaking ideology. The Gulf states have proven that you can support Palestine while still engaging with Israel where national interests align. Malaysia, however, risks locking itself into an outdated “for or against” framework at a time when the world is moving toward strategic flexibility. If Malaysia truly wants to be a leader in the Muslim world, if it genuinely wants to help the Palestinian cause, it must rethink its approach. Having a seat at the table with all players—including Israel—offers far greater leverage than standing on the sidelines, clinging to old battle lines.
The future will belong to those who know when to hold their ground—and when to pivot.
——————————————————————
Economist Samirul Ariff Othman is an international relations analyst. He completed his graduate studies at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. The views in this OpEd piece are entirely his own.
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