FMT:
In Terengganu, they are tired of ‘PAS Palsu’
A small vote swing may be all it takes to change the state’s fortunes, but do PMX and Umno know what to do?
I left Marang for Kuala Terengganu with mixed feelings about PAS and the current state government.
I was sad for Pok Heng, and had a lot of sympathy for my friend, Pok Di.
Pok Heng deserves a better boat building yard. That would help keep that local economic sector going and take Terengganu’s boat building tradition and industry to the next level.
He could do with a generous grant to train more locals and install more mechanical and electrical equipment which would improve efficiency and productivity.
I imagined a sunset river cruise with dinner served onboard a big wooden dhow similar to the ones used in Dubai but locally built by Poh Heng. That would surely draw in the tourists, I thought.
My imagination started to run wild, until it was cut short by something Pok Di said. Where will the tourists come from, he asked.
I never thought the PAS state leadership could be so poor. How could they be so naive as to neglect their own voters, especially those in the constituency of Marang?
Had they become complacent, even arrogant, after having won so many votes in both the 2018 and 2022 parliamentary elections? Or is it really the case of them simply not knowing what to do?
State election
My next conversation with two Terengganu Muda leaders shed more light on how support for PAS was waning.
I had not met Hazrul or Arifin previously. They were polite, well-educated, ambitious and politically conscious young men, passionately living and working in Terengganu, despite PAS ruling the state.
We met at a riverside cafe in Chinatown, a quiet area overlooking the drawbridge across Sungai Terengganu. After a brief introduction, we ordered drinks which quickly fired up our conversation.
Hazrul began by sharing some statistics he put together from the 2018 state election results. Meanwhile, Arifin, known to local folk as Ripeng, pulled out several data tables on his laptop screen.
Out of the 32 state seats in Terengganu, PAS had won 22 (up from 14 in the previous general election). Umno, meanwhile, won only 10 seats (down from 17 when they were governing). PH lost the only seat it won in GE13 ten years ago.
PAS had won 313,503 (50.5%) of the votes cast, Umno secured 261,653 (42.2%), while PH obtained 45,429 (7.3%).
Interestingly, now that Umno has combined forces with PH, the total votes based on previous GE statistics, is split almost 50:50 between PAS and PH-BN.
There were other tables showing voting patterns for each seat contested – winners and losers – with all statistics and percentages already worked out. I was impressed both by the presentation and the information.
Marginal swing
Bersatu does not feature much in Terengganu. “They’re just riding on PAS,” said Ripeng.
“From our calculations, Umno/PH needs only a small vote swing to win Terengganu back, but they must use the correct strategy,” said Hazrul.
“What would that strategy involve,” I asked.
“PM Anwar is very popular here in Terengganu,” he explained.
“Many voters, especially those from the older generation, women and fence sitters, sympathise with him over what he had to endure during Mahathir’s two terms in power.”
“A lot of people here, including PAS supporters, are surprised that PAS leaders, despite claiming to be Islamic, failed to show any sympathy towards Anwar,” Ripeng chimed in.
It was a dimension I had not seen myself.
‘Poster Boy’
“So, are you saying that Anwar should be the ‘poster boy’ for Terengganu,” I asked.
“Yes, most definitely,” answered Hazrul.
“But he must also show that the unity between Umno, PKR, Amanah and Muda is real and workable. That is what is needed to win over voters who feel betrayed by PAS.”
However, that unity was something Terengganuans have yet to see, he added.
“On top of that, the Umno leadership is weak and lacks the right talent and professionals,” said Hazrul.
“They cannot be putting an Umno ustaz to challenge a PAS ustaz. That won’t work. They must move away from superficial politics. There is no need for Umno to appear more religious than PAS,” added Ripeng.
“What should Umno do then,” I asked. “Contest under PH led by Anwar?”
That may be the answer, said Ripeng, although he believes it is unlikely to happen.
“Umno has a big ego here. All the veterans still want to contest. They don’t have young and able second or third liners as potential candidates. It’s the same old faces that keep popping up,” explained Hazrul.
He thinks Umno should contest 22 seats and target winning 18 of them.
“The rest should be divided between PKR, Amanah and maybe even Muda,” he said.
Both think the campaign issues should centre on PAS’ failure to govern the state.
“PAS is failing miserably. Everyone here knows that the state government is not functioning. It is what locals call ‘Kerajaan Palsu’ – a fake government,” said Hazrul.
“PAS is losing ground here and they know it,” said Ripeng.
Malay culture
“Umno, PKR, Amanah and Muda need to regroup and mount a campaign with one voice to expose PAS’ gimmicks and their weaknesses,” said Hazrul.
It is something PH and Umno have failed to exploit so far, he adds.
“Bring back investment and the cinemas. Encourage sports for both boys and girls. Restore our lost Malay culture, traditions and heritage.
“These are matters which are dear to us, but no one is taking PAS to task about them,” said Hazrul.
“Everyone is afraid of being branded un-Islamic by PAS,” Ripeng said, laughing.
“What is there to be scared off,” Hazrul asked.
“We should bring back the best of Terengganu, the craft, the food, tourism products and investment. Tourism and culture can go together – just look at Bali!”
Local economy
Hazrul said the local economy had suffered over the last five years of PAS’ rule.
“Jana Wibawa never got into the hands of Terengganu contractors – and that was despite PAS then being part of the federal government. Even the ECRL has bypassed local contractors,” said Hazrul.
Ripeng thinks campaigning along these lines will easily sway at least 10% of the electorate. He recalls how PAS was booted out in 2004 after just one term of office.
Hazrul also remembers the day well, despite being a mere 12 years old.
“I was only 10,” said a laughing Ripeng, who turned to me, expecting that I, too, would reveal my age.
“Yes, I remember that night, too,” I said, assuring myself that I was doing them and myself a favour by ignoring the prompt.
After all, the 10% vote swing was a far more important number to dwell on.
To be continued:
I was sad for Pok Heng, and had a lot of sympathy for my friend, Pok Di.
Pok Heng deserves a better boat building yard. That would help keep that local economic sector going and take Terengganu’s boat building tradition and industry to the next level.
He could do with a generous grant to train more locals and install more mechanical and electrical equipment which would improve efficiency and productivity.
I imagined a sunset river cruise with dinner served onboard a big wooden dhow similar to the ones used in Dubai but locally built by Poh Heng. That would surely draw in the tourists, I thought.
My imagination started to run wild, until it was cut short by something Pok Di said. Where will the tourists come from, he asked.
I never thought the PAS state leadership could be so poor. How could they be so naive as to neglect their own voters, especially those in the constituency of Marang?
Had they become complacent, even arrogant, after having won so many votes in both the 2018 and 2022 parliamentary elections? Or is it really the case of them simply not knowing what to do?
State election
My next conversation with two Terengganu Muda leaders shed more light on how support for PAS was waning.
I had not met Hazrul or Arifin previously. They were polite, well-educated, ambitious and politically conscious young men, passionately living and working in Terengganu, despite PAS ruling the state.
We met at a riverside cafe in Chinatown, a quiet area overlooking the drawbridge across Sungai Terengganu. After a brief introduction, we ordered drinks which quickly fired up our conversation.
Hazrul began by sharing some statistics he put together from the 2018 state election results. Meanwhile, Arifin, known to local folk as Ripeng, pulled out several data tables on his laptop screen.
Out of the 32 state seats in Terengganu, PAS had won 22 (up from 14 in the previous general election). Umno, meanwhile, won only 10 seats (down from 17 when they were governing). PH lost the only seat it won in GE13 ten years ago.
PAS had won 313,503 (50.5%) of the votes cast, Umno secured 261,653 (42.2%), while PH obtained 45,429 (7.3%).
Interestingly, now that Umno has combined forces with PH, the total votes based on previous GE statistics, is split almost 50:50 between PAS and PH-BN.
There were other tables showing voting patterns for each seat contested – winners and losers – with all statistics and percentages already worked out. I was impressed both by the presentation and the information.
Marginal swing
Bersatu does not feature much in Terengganu. “They’re just riding on PAS,” said Ripeng.
“From our calculations, Umno/PH needs only a small vote swing to win Terengganu back, but they must use the correct strategy,” said Hazrul.
“What would that strategy involve,” I asked.
“PM Anwar is very popular here in Terengganu,” he explained.
“Many voters, especially those from the older generation, women and fence sitters, sympathise with him over what he had to endure during Mahathir’s two terms in power.”
“A lot of people here, including PAS supporters, are surprised that PAS leaders, despite claiming to be Islamic, failed to show any sympathy towards Anwar,” Ripeng chimed in.
It was a dimension I had not seen myself.
‘Poster Boy’
“So, are you saying that Anwar should be the ‘poster boy’ for Terengganu,” I asked.
“Yes, most definitely,” answered Hazrul.
“But he must also show that the unity between Umno, PKR, Amanah and Muda is real and workable. That is what is needed to win over voters who feel betrayed by PAS.”
However, that unity was something Terengganuans have yet to see, he added.
“On top of that, the Umno leadership is weak and lacks the right talent and professionals,” said Hazrul.
“They cannot be putting an Umno ustaz to challenge a PAS ustaz. That won’t work. They must move away from superficial politics. There is no need for Umno to appear more religious than PAS,” added Ripeng.
“What should Umno do then,” I asked. “Contest under PH led by Anwar?”
That may be the answer, said Ripeng, although he believes it is unlikely to happen.
“Umno has a big ego here. All the veterans still want to contest. They don’t have young and able second or third liners as potential candidates. It’s the same old faces that keep popping up,” explained Hazrul.
He thinks Umno should contest 22 seats and target winning 18 of them.
“The rest should be divided between PKR, Amanah and maybe even Muda,” he said.
Both think the campaign issues should centre on PAS’ failure to govern the state.
“PAS is failing miserably. Everyone here knows that the state government is not functioning. It is what locals call ‘Kerajaan Palsu’ – a fake government,” said Hazrul.
“PAS is losing ground here and they know it,” said Ripeng.
Malay culture
“Umno, PKR, Amanah and Muda need to regroup and mount a campaign with one voice to expose PAS’ gimmicks and their weaknesses,” said Hazrul.
It is something PH and Umno have failed to exploit so far, he adds.
“Bring back investment and the cinemas. Encourage sports for both boys and girls. Restore our lost Malay culture, traditions and heritage.
“These are matters which are dear to us, but no one is taking PAS to task about them,” said Hazrul.
“Everyone is afraid of being branded un-Islamic by PAS,” Ripeng said, laughing.
“What is there to be scared off,” Hazrul asked.
“We should bring back the best of Terengganu, the craft, the food, tourism products and investment. Tourism and culture can go together – just look at Bali!”
Local economy
Hazrul said the local economy had suffered over the last five years of PAS’ rule.
“Jana Wibawa never got into the hands of Terengganu contractors – and that was despite PAS then being part of the federal government. Even the ECRL has bypassed local contractors,” said Hazrul.
Ripeng thinks campaigning along these lines will easily sway at least 10% of the electorate. He recalls how PAS was booted out in 2004 after just one term of office.
Hazrul also remembers the day well, despite being a mere 12 years old.
“I was only 10,” said a laughing Ripeng, who turned to me, expecting that I, too, would reveal my age.
“Yes, I remember that night, too,” I said, assuring myself that I was doing them and myself a favour by ignoring the prompt.
After all, the 10% vote swing was a far more important number to dwell on.
To be continued:
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