31 May 2023 • 2:00 PM MYT
Credit Image: Twitter
If you ask any Malaysian today who is likely going to be the next Prime Minister of Malaysia in 10 years’ time, the most likely answer you will receive is Khairy Jamaluddin.
Khairy Jamaluddin is the only name in our list of potential PMs who look like they can bring about a much-needed change. Every other name in the list belongs leaders who will likely keep us firmly stuck in the past. We have seen what Muhyiddin, Zahid Hamidi, Mahathir or Ismail Sabri have to offer. If they return to power, we are either going to be stuck exactly where we are right now or we might even find ourselves treading backwards.
The irony, however, is that although Khairy is the only potential leader that can promise us a future, currently, Khairy not only does not have a political post, he also doesn’t belong in any political party. The man, for lack of a better word, is in a state of exile. He is making the best of his state of political limbo by moonlighting as radio DJ, but he cannot afford to be having fun forever. As Peja advised him recently, time waits for no man. By my estimate, Khairy has less than a year make a move. If Khairy deliberates for longer than that, he might go down in history as something that could have been but never was.
Going by precedent, Khairy is likely going to face an uphill battle climbing to the number 1 spot. One of the biggest problems in the culture of Malaysian politics is that we have no place for the old number 1’s. Because of that, not only do our serving number 1’s cannot accept being replaced, they also regularly see the most promising next-in-line as a threat.
In Malaysian history, every next generation of leader of caliber from Musa Hitam to Razaleigh Hamzah to Anwar Ibrahim had their careers abruptly cut short, sometimes in the most humiliating fashion possible, by a jittery and suspicious number 1 .
Muhyiddin had recently offered Khairy opportunities and position if he joins Bersatu, but Muhyiddin likely only sees Khairy as an asset because Muhyiddin himself is in a position of disadvantage. Muhyiddin needs Khairy to join him to improve PN's prospect of winning. With Khairy by his side, Muhyiddin will have more than just racial and religious rhetoric to offer Malaysians.
The problem, however, is that if Khairy joins Bersatu and helps Bersatu wins, it is doubtful whether Bersatu and PN will still see him as an asset. Khairy is ill-matched in PN. If Khairy joins PN, Khairy will strengthen PN's prospects, but PN will dim Khairy's prospect.
The second option for Khairy to pave a path to the number 1 position is through Umno. Umno might be eviscerated now, but Umno is a powerful brand name, and a thing with a powerful name can always be rejuvenated again in the future, if the condition is right. If Khairy returns to Umno and take Umno’s helm, there is a likelihood that he can bring about the condition that can make Umno a tour-de-force once again.
With Umno behind him, Khairy will not have to worry about any external power viewing him as a potential threat. A rejuvenated Umno can and will provide him with all the protection he needs as he trains his gun on the top spot.
The problem with this option is that for Khairy to return to Umno, Umno has to lose badly in the upcoming 6 state elections. After it loses, an internal rebellion needs to be fostered within Umno to ouster Zahid Hamidi. After Ahmad Zahidi falls, Khairy will have to choose the correct warlord to support. Every Umno warlord from Tok Mat to Hishamuddin will gun for the top spot once Zahid Hamidi is toppled, and Khairy needs to choose the winning one if he is ever going to find a way to make it to the top someday. Even if he bets on the right warlord, there is still no telling as to whether the warlord he backs will back Khairy's rise to the top spot. With so many ifs' underlining the Umno option, Khairy might not be able to sleep in peace for years or decades if he opts for the Umno option.
The third option for Khairy is to seek the patronage of Anwar Ibrahim, the current prime minister. Anwar has shown that he is not shy of appointing dark horses to position of importance. If Anwar can appoint the tainted Zahid Hamidi as his DPM and his daughter Nurul Izzah as his senior economic and finance adviser, he certainly will have no problem electing Khairy to a position of importance.
Unlike the appointments of Zahid Hamidi and Nurul Izzah, Khairy's appointment will likely not be met with vehement protests. In all likelihood, it might even be received with a substantial amount of support.
Appointing Khairy will be a win-win situation for Khairy and Anwar. By having the most promising next-in-line leader of the country on his side, Anwar will secure his rule. If Khairy secures an important position in Anwar’s administration, he will also have a good shot of taking the number 1 position at some point in the future.
The age difference between Khairy and Anwar is also just right. Anwar is 75. It is unlikely that he will reign for more than 10 years. In 10 year's time, Khairy will only be 57. 57 is a good age to take charge as a leader of a nation.
The only problem with this option is that Ahmad Zahidi and Rafizi Ramli will likely object to Anwar raising the profile of Khairy.
Of the two, Ahmad Zahidi is the lesser problem. As long as Anwar elects Khairy to a position that is no higher than Ahmad Zahidi's position, Ahmad Zahidi will likely not register a very strong objection. Ahmad Zahidi also clearly has no prime ministerial ambition. He is unlikely to see Khairy as a threat when they do not share the same ambition.
The bigger problem for Khairy is likely Rafizi Ramli. Though both Rafizi and Khairy are friends, career-wise, they are competitors. If Rafizi has any ambition of being the prime minister, his prospects will dim as soon as Khairy is aligned with Anwar.
Between Khairy and Rafizi, Khairy is clearly seen as the better option by most Malaysians. Whatever Rafizi can do, Khairy also can do, but not everything Khairy can do, Rafizi can do. Rafizi and Khairy are also both around the same age. While Rafizi and Khairy can maintain a friendship when they are both on different sides, their friendship will likely suffer when both of them find themselves on the same side.
These are three options that Khairy has. Each of them present's its own set of dilemmas.
If he chooses Bersatu, his prospects will improve in the short run, but it will suffer in the long run. If he chooses Umno, he will probably need sleeping pills to help him sleep for years if not decades to come. If he chooses Anwar, he will likely lose a friend.
Let us see how Khairy decides. My gut instinct is that Khairy is close to making a decision, and we will find out his decision in the very near future.
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If you ask any Malaysian today who is likely going to be the next Prime Minister of Malaysia in 10 years’ time, the most likely answer you will receive is Khairy Jamaluddin.
Khairy Jamaluddin is the only name in our list of potential PMs who look like they can bring about a much-needed change. Every other name in the list belongs leaders who will likely keep us firmly stuck in the past. We have seen what Muhyiddin, Zahid Hamidi, Mahathir or Ismail Sabri have to offer. If they return to power, we are either going to be stuck exactly where we are right now or we might even find ourselves treading backwards.
The irony, however, is that although Khairy is the only potential leader that can promise us a future, currently, Khairy not only does not have a political post, he also doesn’t belong in any political party. The man, for lack of a better word, is in a state of exile. He is making the best of his state of political limbo by moonlighting as radio DJ, but he cannot afford to be having fun forever. As Peja advised him recently, time waits for no man. By my estimate, Khairy has less than a year make a move. If Khairy deliberates for longer than that, he might go down in history as something that could have been but never was.
Going by precedent, Khairy is likely going to face an uphill battle climbing to the number 1 spot. One of the biggest problems in the culture of Malaysian politics is that we have no place for the old number 1’s. Because of that, not only do our serving number 1’s cannot accept being replaced, they also regularly see the most promising next-in-line as a threat.
In Malaysian history, every next generation of leader of caliber from Musa Hitam to Razaleigh Hamzah to Anwar Ibrahim had their careers abruptly cut short, sometimes in the most humiliating fashion possible, by a jittery and suspicious number 1 .
Muhyiddin had recently offered Khairy opportunities and position if he joins Bersatu, but Muhyiddin likely only sees Khairy as an asset because Muhyiddin himself is in a position of disadvantage. Muhyiddin needs Khairy to join him to improve PN's prospect of winning. With Khairy by his side, Muhyiddin will have more than just racial and religious rhetoric to offer Malaysians.
The problem, however, is that if Khairy joins Bersatu and helps Bersatu wins, it is doubtful whether Bersatu and PN will still see him as an asset. Khairy is ill-matched in PN. If Khairy joins PN, Khairy will strengthen PN's prospects, but PN will dim Khairy's prospect.
The second option for Khairy to pave a path to the number 1 position is through Umno. Umno might be eviscerated now, but Umno is a powerful brand name, and a thing with a powerful name can always be rejuvenated again in the future, if the condition is right. If Khairy returns to Umno and take Umno’s helm, there is a likelihood that he can bring about the condition that can make Umno a tour-de-force once again.
With Umno behind him, Khairy will not have to worry about any external power viewing him as a potential threat. A rejuvenated Umno can and will provide him with all the protection he needs as he trains his gun on the top spot.
The problem with this option is that for Khairy to return to Umno, Umno has to lose badly in the upcoming 6 state elections. After it loses, an internal rebellion needs to be fostered within Umno to ouster Zahid Hamidi. After Ahmad Zahidi falls, Khairy will have to choose the correct warlord to support. Every Umno warlord from Tok Mat to Hishamuddin will gun for the top spot once Zahid Hamidi is toppled, and Khairy needs to choose the winning one if he is ever going to find a way to make it to the top someday. Even if he bets on the right warlord, there is still no telling as to whether the warlord he backs will back Khairy's rise to the top spot. With so many ifs' underlining the Umno option, Khairy might not be able to sleep in peace for years or decades if he opts for the Umno option.
The third option for Khairy is to seek the patronage of Anwar Ibrahim, the current prime minister. Anwar has shown that he is not shy of appointing dark horses to position of importance. If Anwar can appoint the tainted Zahid Hamidi as his DPM and his daughter Nurul Izzah as his senior economic and finance adviser, he certainly will have no problem electing Khairy to a position of importance.
Unlike the appointments of Zahid Hamidi and Nurul Izzah, Khairy's appointment will likely not be met with vehement protests. In all likelihood, it might even be received with a substantial amount of support.
Appointing Khairy will be a win-win situation for Khairy and Anwar. By having the most promising next-in-line leader of the country on his side, Anwar will secure his rule. If Khairy secures an important position in Anwar’s administration, he will also have a good shot of taking the number 1 position at some point in the future.
The age difference between Khairy and Anwar is also just right. Anwar is 75. It is unlikely that he will reign for more than 10 years. In 10 year's time, Khairy will only be 57. 57 is a good age to take charge as a leader of a nation.
The only problem with this option is that Ahmad Zahidi and Rafizi Ramli will likely object to Anwar raising the profile of Khairy.
Of the two, Ahmad Zahidi is the lesser problem. As long as Anwar elects Khairy to a position that is no higher than Ahmad Zahidi's position, Ahmad Zahidi will likely not register a very strong objection. Ahmad Zahidi also clearly has no prime ministerial ambition. He is unlikely to see Khairy as a threat when they do not share the same ambition.
The bigger problem for Khairy is likely Rafizi Ramli. Though both Rafizi and Khairy are friends, career-wise, they are competitors. If Rafizi has any ambition of being the prime minister, his prospects will dim as soon as Khairy is aligned with Anwar.
Between Khairy and Rafizi, Khairy is clearly seen as the better option by most Malaysians. Whatever Rafizi can do, Khairy also can do, but not everything Khairy can do, Rafizi can do. Rafizi and Khairy are also both around the same age. While Rafizi and Khairy can maintain a friendship when they are both on different sides, their friendship will likely suffer when both of them find themselves on the same side.
These are three options that Khairy has. Each of them present's its own set of dilemmas.
If he chooses Bersatu, his prospects will improve in the short run, but it will suffer in the long run. If he chooses Umno, he will probably need sleeping pills to help him sleep for years if not decades to come. If he chooses Anwar, he will likely lose a friend.
Let us see how Khairy decides. My gut instinct is that Khairy is close to making a decision, and we will find out his decision in the very near future.
My guess is KJ will join Bersatu
ReplyDeleteKind of least bad fit.