Mahathir Mohd Rais
Published: Jun 9, 2026 10:56 AM
Updated: 1:35 PM
COMMENT | When Johor caretaker menteri besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi says he would rather step aside than govern with DAP, it should not come as a surprise.
Umno and DAP have never been natural partners. For decades, they defined themselves in opposition to each other. That did not suddenly disappear after the last general election.
The current cooperation exists because of necessity, not alignment.
After a hung Parliament, political stability became the priority. On the advice of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, parties that once opposed each other formed a government. It was a practical decision to avoid prolonged uncertainty.
Practicality does not erase history.
BN did not enter this arrangement out of ideological agreement. It entered to remain relevant, to retain access to power, and to keep its political machinery alive. That is how seasoned political parties operate.
Published: Jun 9, 2026 10:56 AM
Updated: 1:35 PM
COMMENT | When Johor caretaker menteri besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi says he would rather step aside than govern with DAP, it should not come as a surprise.
Umno and DAP have never been natural partners. For decades, they defined themselves in opposition to each other. That did not suddenly disappear after the last general election.
The current cooperation exists because of necessity, not alignment.
After a hung Parliament, political stability became the priority. On the advice of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, parties that once opposed each other formed a government. It was a practical decision to avoid prolonged uncertainty.
Practicality does not erase history.
BN did not enter this arrangement out of ideological agreement. It entered to remain relevant, to retain access to power, and to keep its political machinery alive. That is how seasoned political parties operate.
Wanita Umno exco Nurul Hidayah Ahmad Zahid takes a selfie with Selangor state exco from DAP, Jamaliah Jamaluddin, during the Unity Government National Convention circa 2023
The expectation that this relationship would evolve into something deeper was always misplaced.
Harapan ended decades of BN dominance in 2018, on a platform that framed BN as corrupt, unfit to govern, and associated with kleptocrats.
That narrative defined its rise. Harapan built its identity in direct opposition to BN. Long-term loyalty from a rival of that scale was never a given.
BN is not new to power politics. It has operated at the centre of government for generations. Even in defeat, it repositions. Within the current arrangement, it retains influence, rebuilds its networks, and stabilises its base.
Harapan ended decades of BN dominance in 2018, on a platform that framed BN as corrupt, unfit to govern, and associated with kleptocrats.
That narrative defined its rise. Harapan built its identity in direct opposition to BN. Long-term loyalty from a rival of that scale was never a given.
BN is not new to power politics. It has operated at the centre of government for generations. Even in defeat, it repositions. Within the current arrangement, it retains influence, rebuilds its networks, and stabilises its base.
Anger concentrates on those in charge
Public dissatisfaction with government policies rarely falls on BN. It falls on the leadership of the government, which is Harapan. That is the equation.
Small and medium enterprises are being squeezed from all sides. Costs keep rising, margins keep shrinking. E-hailing drivers are still asking for fairer fares, but nothing moves.
Diesel prices go up. Food prices go up. Daily expenses go up. Wages have increased, but not enough to keep pace with the cost of living. On the ground, it changes little for most.
Sabah students burn a drawing of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in June 2025
At the same time, businesses are dealing with higher wage bills and tighter cash flow. They are expected to absorb both sides, and many are already frustrated.
External factors like global conflict may explain part of the pressure, but that explanation does not always reach the ground.
What people experience is immediate, not theoretical. These decisions are made collectively within the government, but public anger is rarely distributed evenly. It concentrates on those in charge.
Even when policies are agreed across parties, the burden does not spread equally. The face of government carries it. The prime minister takes the hit, while others remain shielded.
The logic of realpolitik
When Onn and other BN state leaders speak with confidence, especially after moving to dissolve the state assembly, it reflects their position. They know exactly where they stand in the political structure.
Whether others recognise this reality is unlikely.
Statements that project desperation or surprise weaken a coalition. They suggest dependence.
Political partnerships require clarity, not illusion. Cooperation does not mean alignment. Support does not mean loyalty.
BN is acting in its own interest.
At the same time, businesses are dealing with higher wage bills and tighter cash flow. They are expected to absorb both sides, and many are already frustrated.
External factors like global conflict may explain part of the pressure, but that explanation does not always reach the ground.
What people experience is immediate, not theoretical. These decisions are made collectively within the government, but public anger is rarely distributed evenly. It concentrates on those in charge.
Even when policies are agreed across parties, the burden does not spread equally. The face of government carries it. The prime minister takes the hit, while others remain shielded.
The logic of realpolitik
When Onn and other BN state leaders speak with confidence, especially after moving to dissolve the state assembly, it reflects their position. They know exactly where they stand in the political structure.
Whether others recognise this reality is unlikely.
Statements that project desperation or surprise weaken a coalition. They suggest dependence.
Political partnerships require clarity, not illusion. Cooperation does not mean alignment. Support does not mean loyalty.
BN is acting in its own interest.
Screenshot during the Umno General Assembly in 2021
The real question is whether Harapan is playing the same game at all.
Long-term strength does not come from relying on a partner that has already defined its position. It comes from consolidating its own base, communicating its own direction, and standing on its own political footing.
The current situation is not new. It reflects how Malaysian politics has long operated.
This is not a breakdown of the system. It is the system working as intended. Power is shared. Blame is not.
Those who understand it adapt. Those who misread it react. In politics, reaction is not strategy.
The real question is whether Harapan is playing the same game at all.
Long-term strength does not come from relying on a partner that has already defined its position. It comes from consolidating its own base, communicating its own direction, and standing on its own political footing.
The current situation is not new. It reflects how Malaysian politics has long operated.
This is not a breakdown of the system. It is the system working as intended. Power is shared. Blame is not.
Those who understand it adapt. Those who misread it react. In politics, reaction is not strategy.
MAHATHIR MOHD RAIS is a former Federal Territories Bersatu and Perikatan Nasional secretary. He is now a PKR member.
The Malaysian economy has actually been pretty good at creating good jobs in the last 3 years,(not denying cost of living issues) but PH gets NONE of the credit.
ReplyDeleteJohore and Penang, for different reasons, have been great job creators.
My own organisation continues to hire at a healthy rate at all levels, from operators to tech staff to professional management, though constantly watching out for international risks.
BN seems to be claiming, and getting the credit in Johore, even among Chinese.
While in Penang, the Malay voters are mostly still determined to support PAS and Bersatu. Ill will towards DAP is deeply entrenched in that electorate.