Monday, February 16, 2026

Selangor Bans Pig Farming – But Sarawak Becomes Largest Hub





Selangor Bans Pig Farming – But Sarawak Becomes Largest Hub


February 15th, 2026 by financetwitter



Facing the risk of losing the next 16th General Election, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has started his campaign to appease angry ethnic Chinese – the core vote bank that put him in power after the Nov 2022 national polls. From visiting TAR UMT to announce a 10-year income tax exemption for the university and presenting a RM40 million matching grant to giving an extra RM20 million for Chinese schools, Anwar is desperate.

Equally desperate was an ally of Anwar-led Pakatan Harapan coalition – Democratic Action Party (DAP). It’s secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook is facing a new problem after his weak leadership saw DAP was annihilated in the Sabah state election last year. Under Anwar administration and Loke’s leadership, Selangor is cracking down on pig-farming and the Chinese community is furious.

Loke has sought to reassure the Chinese Malaysian community amid the pig farming crisis in Selangor that there is sufficient supply of roast pork for every Chinese New Year reunion dinner. But he dares not talk about the future of 114 pig farms in the state. The Transport Minister only urged the Chinese not to believe information about possible pork shortage, despite escalating pork prices. But it’s a different story in Sarawak.




The delicious braised pork served at many Singapore reunion dinners this Chinese New Year may have travelled two days by sea from Malaysian Borneo. Sarawak-based Green Breeder, located about 700km away from Singapore, is currently the only farm in Malaysia licensed to export live pigs to the Republic – and the East Malaysian state wants to send many more.

On a recent sunny day, a drove of pigs was being loaded on the docks at Kuching port. White-clad workers guided the squealing animals into cages for a Singapore-bound vessel. Green Breeder ships up to 3,000 live pigs weekly to Singapore. In 2024, the farm sent 121,685 pigs, or 13,385 tonnes of pork, to Singapore, accounting for 8.2% of the Republic’s pork imports.


“Fortune tellers read pig livers to tell the future. A pig must be slaughtered before a VIP can enter the longhouse. We treasure pigs the most. So it’s easy for us to encourage people to make a living from them,” – Sarawak’s Minister for Food Industry, Commodity and Regional Development Stephen Rundi Utom told The Straits Times on Jan 20.




Rundi, who is of Iban heritage, said the porcine creatures have been a familiar presence in his longhouse “since the day I opened my eyes to the world”. A longhouse is a traditional communal home for some indigenous groups in East Malaysia. The Iban ethnic group constitutes 30% of Sarawak’s population. But ethnic Malay in West Malaysia may not know this fact.

Sarawak aims to more than double the state’s annual pig production, from 350,000 animals in 2025 to 860,000 by 2030, targeting RM1 billion worth of exports for that year. The push would cement the East Malaysian state as the country’s pork-producing hub at a time when disease outbreaks and land-use pressures are reshaping the industry elsewhere.

The state’s demographics have contributed to the growth of the pig-rearing industry, which is located away from residential areas and operates using modern methods with strict hygiene standards. This is different from Selangor, Malaysia’s so-called most developed state located across the South China Sea, which is now cracking down on pig farming due largely to anti-Chinese political sentiment.




Pork consumption is deeply embedded in Sarawak’s cultural landscape. About three-quarters of the state’s population – including indigenous Iban and Bidayuh communities, and ethnic Chinese – consume pork. Muslims make up around 20% of the population. However, Muslims here are more open compared to fellow Muslims from Peninsular, whom mostly are more conservative and radical.



“We have adopted better technology after visits to Denmark, China and Japan to learn best practices, particularly in pig farming,” – said Dr Rundi. The state successfully contained an African swine fever (ASF) outbreak in 2022 and has since eradicated foot-and-mouth disease, he added, bolstering confidence in its systems and processes.

Trade in live pigs between Malaysia and Singapore was halted in 1999. In 1998, the Nipah virus outbreak devastated pig farms in the peninsula, killing 105 people and forcing the culling of more than one million pigs. In March the following year, an outbreak that occurred among abattoir workers in Singapore who handled live pigs imported from Malaysia led to 11 reported cases of human transmission, and the death of an abattoir worker in the Republic.




Singapore resumed live pig imports only in November 2017 – and exclusively from Sarawak. Since then, the East Malaysian state has shipped more than 675,000 animals, valued at RM742.5 million in total, to the Republic. Meanwhile, the Singapore authorities are looking to resume live pig imports from Pulau Bulan, Indonesia, after these were paused in April 2023 following the detection of ASF in a consignment of pigs from the island.

Singapore imported 133,600 tonnes of pork products – live pigs, chilled and frozen meat – in 2024 alone. Its top three sources of chilled and frozen pork were Australia, Brazil and Germany. Viruses like Nipah and ASF remain the pig farming industry’s biggest threats. Though harmless to humans, ASF can wipe out entire herds and force farms to cull infected stock.


{ Raising A Stink }

Besides Sarawak, there are fewer than 300 pig farms operating in the states of Perak, Penang and Selangor. In Peninsular Malaysia, pig farming has been reshaped by land competition and disease outbreaks. Selangor – once one of the country’s major pork producers – recently saw relocation plans for pig farms stalled amid environmental concerns.




While Sarawak eyes expansion, local residents, civic and Muslim advocacy groups in West Malaysia continue to raise a stink over the persistent odour and hygiene issues of traditional, open-air pig farms. It didn’t help that pig farms are a contentious issue in the Muslim-majority peninsula. The animals are considered unclean, according to the tenets of Islam, and consumption of their meat is haram, or unlawful, for Muslims.

Moves to accelerate the closure of pig farms in Selangor have intensified in 2026, driven by a directive from the Selangor ruler to address environmental pollution, particularly in the Tanjung Sepat and Sepang areas. On Feb 10, Sultan Sharafuddin of Selangor stated that he would “not consent to pig-rearing activities in any Selangor district” due to pollution concerns and limited land resources, following an audience with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

Two days later, the state government announced it would stop issuing pig-farming licences and aims to close all existing breeding farms in the state as soon as possible. No compensation will be given to the farmers, except in cases of ASF-related culling, Selangor agriculture executive council member Izham Hisham told the local media on Feb 14. He indicated that the shuttering process would take six months.




Elsewhere, there have been protests against pig farms in 2025 in Malay-majority areas in Penang and Perak, with residents and opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) citing odour and water pollution issues. Federal Deputy Minister of Agriculture and Food Security Chan Foong Hin noted that the growing opposition to pig farming in the state is partly due to competition for land use on the developed West Coast of Peninsular Malaysia.

“Some say Tanjung Sepat is better suited for tourism. How can that mix with pig farming? It’s a competition between industry and agriculture on limited land,” – he said. Tanjung Sepat is a coastal town in Selangor, a popular weekend getaway known for its fresh seafood and agricultural attractions, particularly dragon fruit farms and coffee.

To stabilise prices ahead of Chinese New Year, in anticipation of surging demand before the major festive season, the Malaysian government has given the go-ahead for chilled and frozen pork imports from 70 abattoirs in 10 countries. Discounts of up to 20% are available at 50 retail outlets across Malaysia as the government urges sellers to keep pork prices affordable.




Nationwide ASF outbreaks in the past few years have also driven pork imports higher. Malaysia imported 74,513 tonnes of pork in 2025, up fivefold from 2021. About one-third of the country’s pork supply is now imported.


{ Quarantine, Disinfection Measures }

Green Breeder, the anchor farm of Sarawak’s 804ha pig farming area, introduced strict biosecurity measures following an ASF outbreak in neighbouring Sabah in 2021. The farm is located 105km from state capital Kuching, and is a 1½-hour drive from there.


Visitors must undergo a 48-hour quarantine after arriving in Kuching and avoid other pig farms before entry. Vehicles pass through disinfectant pools and spray bays. Workers and guests shower and change into scrub suits before stepping into production areas that can house around 143,000 pigs at any one time.




Bars of soap and disinfectant footbaths for shoes are placed at the entrance and exit of each enclosure, requiring everyone to scrub in and out. “We have an exclusive wash centre just for our lorries. No other hog lorries are allowed (there) to prevent cross-contamination,” – said 62-year-old farm’s co-founder Veronica Chew.

Fruit trees are not allowed around the farm to prevent attracting bats, which can carry the Nipah virus, she added. The main surprise was the smell – or rather, the lack of it. Instead of the choking stench in a pig farm, here there was only a lingering muskiness in the air that brought to mind wet animal fur. Unlike traditional open-air farms that produce strong odours, Green Breeder uses modern farming methods to minimise unpleasant smells.

The closed-house system is equipped with water curtains and ventilation fans to maintain a temperature of 28 degree-C, which is comfortable for growing weaners (piglets that have been separated from their mothers and transitioned from milk to a solid diet, between four and eight weeks of age) and butcher hogs raised specifically for meat production and usually slaughtered between six months and one year old. The hogs’ manure is collected for biogas production.





{ Floating Pig Pen, Danish Piglets }

Green Breeder was founded in 1994 by Ms Chew and her late husband Gregory Ng. “He (Dr Ng) said chilled pork has a short shelf life of seven days. Transportation alone would take two days. Why not send live pigs instead?” – recalled Ms Chew. The couple purchased their first ship, Bintang Liberty 1, converting it into a temperature-controlled floating pig pen for the first shipment to Singapore in 2017.

To boost productivity, Green Breeder imported 759 breeder pigs from Denmark in 2023. Denmark remains free of ASF, supported by strict livestock transport controls and a 70km wild boar fence along its border with Germany – measures Sarawak officials say offer lessons in disease prevention.

“The Nordic breed has some of the best genetics available,” – said Dr Ng Yong Han, Ms Chew’s younger son, who is a veterinary doctor and director of the farm. Piglet production has already improved from 23 to 25 piglets per sow per year (PSY), and is expected to rise further over three generations.




Danish sows now average 35 piglets PSY, up from 24 in 2003, said Mr Jens Munk Ebbesen, director of food and veterinary issues at the Danish Agriculture & Food Council. He was visiting Kuala Lumpur in early February on a trade mission. “Top herds reach 40 to 42 PSY, but the national average is 35. This allows farmers to maintain production with fewer sows, reducing housing space and feed use,” – said Mr Ebbesen.

Denmark was the world’s sixth-largest pork exporter in 2024, with pork exports valued at US$2.73 billion. The country, with a population of around six million, is well known for having twice as many pigs as humans. While pig farming requires adherence to a strict biosecurity regime and hard work aplenty, Ms Chew does not regret leaving her civil engineering job in 1994 to rear swine.

She believes Sarawak’s future lies firmly in modern agriculture and farming methods – and in pigs raised to high, export-grade standards. “I don’t think it’s (a) dirty (business). In the early days, I even helped a sow give birth. Piglets are cute and never complain – unlike my stressful days in construction, stuck between clients and contractors,” she said with a laugh.





Happy Chinese New Year to all Malaysians

 



Wishing all my friends and visitors a blessed, happy, wealthy and safe Year of the Horse 💖💖💖👍👍👍😁




Are police still probing Pamela Ling's abduction, family lawyer asks










Are police still probing Pamela Ling's abduction, family lawyer asks


Hariz Mohd
Published: Feb 16, 2026 4:30 PM
Updated: 7:37 PM




The family of Pamela Ling wants to know if the police are still investigating her abduction on April 9 last year.

Their lawyer, Sangeet Kaur Deo, said the last time the police gave an update on the case was in the middle of last year.

Calling it unfortunate, Sangeet wondered “if investigations were still ongoing as claimed in the past."

"I would like to know what has been investigated since the last public update," she told Malaysiakini.

Ling’s brother Simon said he also last heard about the status of the probe last year.

He added that police would only reach out to their lawyer to provide developments into the case if any.


Kuala Lumpur police chief Fadil Marsus


When contacted, Kuala Lumpur police chief Fadil Marsus said that the police investigation into the case has “never stopped", however, there has been no new development thus far.


Taken while en route to MACC

Ten months ago, Ling was on her way to meet MACC investigators when she was abducted before she could reach her destination.

Her Grab driver that day claimed that individuals wearing police uniforms stopped his vehicle, forced Ling to exit and allegedly forced him to mark the ride as "completed".

On May 8, 2025 then Kuala Lumpur police chief Rusdi Isa said investigators had obtained CCTV recordings from the scene, which showed at least eight individuals involved, including two wearing police vests.

He said the suspects were believed to be impersonating police officers. Investigators also produced a photofit of one suspect, but Rusdi admitted it was of poor quality.

Police arrested Ling’s husband several days later, on May 15, to assist in investigations. However, he was released the next day after police failed to secure a remand order.

In July, police said they were having difficulty identifying the suspects because the vehicle used to abduct Ling had a false plate and chassis number.


Bersatu collecting info on gathering attended by Hamzah, says Azmin


FMT:

Bersatu collecting info on gathering attended by Hamzah, says Azmin


3 hours ago
Elill Easwaran

Bersatu secretary-general previously warned that action could be taken against anyone who attended meetings organised by former members


Selangor PN chief Azmin Ali said he is grateful to serve in Selangor due to the strong ties between Bersatu and PAS in the state.


PETALING JAYA: Bersatu secretary-general Azmin Ali today said the party is compiling information on a gathering last Saturday featuring recently sacked deputy president Hamzah Zainudin.

“The party is collecting facts and evidence of a programme held at the Persatuan Alumni Universiti Malaya Clubhouse, which was organised by certain parties to support an individual who has declared the president his number one enemy,” he said in a text message.

Azmin said the information would be submitted to the party’s political bureau for further action.



The text message in question is currently making the rounds on social media.

Hamzah launched a blistering attack on party president Muhyiddin Yassin on Saturday after being sacked by the disciplinary board.



He was reported as saying that he was once Muhyiddin’s number one supporter, but was now “his number one enemy”.

The former home minister was among 17 Bersatu leaders sacked from the party amid a leadership tussle between him and Muhyiddin.

Azmin had warned party members against participating in meetings organised by those who were expelled.

He said it was an offence to conspire with those acting against the party’s constitution, or to make “abusive remarks” that could tarnish Bersatu’s reputation.


“Any violation of these provisions may result in disciplinary action,” he was quoted as saying.

The same message in which Azmin spoke about collecting information also said that Masjid Tanah MP Mas Ermieyati Samsudin had been removed from the party’s Supreme Council WhatsApp group.

Mas Ermieyati, the Wanita Bersatu chief, was present at Saturday’s gathering.

Bersatu associate wing chief Dr Chong Fat Full said he was informed that Mas Ermieyati had indeed been kicked out of the WhatsApp group.

“I was removed from the group earlier but I still have friends in the group,” he said when contacted.

FMT has reached out to Mas Ermieyati and Azmin for comment.


Defence Ministry in talks with Finance over frozen MAF funds, Khaled assures readiness intact





Defence Ministry in talks with Finance over frozen MAF funds, Khaled assures readiness intact



Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin speaks at a press conference after launching Rapid Rail Squadron 50 of the Railway Specialist Regiment, Royal Engineer Regiment (RAJD) Territorial Army (AW) at Dewan Tan Sri Jamaludin Ibrahim, Menara Prasarana, Petaling Jaya, February 16, 2026. — Bernama pic

Monday, 16 Feb 2026 1:08 PM MYT


PETALING JAYA, Feb 16 — The Defence Ministry is in discussions with the Finance Ministry (MoF) regarding the status of previously frozen procurement funds for the Malaysian Armed Forces (MAF).

Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin said the discussions are aimed at ensuring that critical matters receive immediate attention so that MAF operations and readiness are not affected.

“So, we (Defence Ministry) are currently engaging with the Ministry of Finance on this issue.

“Nevertheless, I give my assurance that operations are running smoothly and effectively, and that the readiness of the MAF continues to be maintained,” he told reporters after the launch of the Rapid Rail Squadron 50 of the Railway Specialist Regiment, Royal Engineer Regiment of the Territorial Army at Menara Prasarana here today.


Also present were Chief of Defence Force General Datuk Malek Razak Sulaiman, Army Chief General Datuk Azhan Md Othman, Air Force Chief General Datuk Seri Muhamad Norazlan Aris, and Prasarana Malaysia Berhad Group President and Chief Executive Officer Lieutenant Colonel Amir Hamdan.

On January 16, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim directed that all MAF and Royal Malaysia Police procurement decisions linked to corruption issues be temporarily frozen until procurement processes are fully complied with.

The freeze followed controversies involving the MAF related to corruption and abuse of power allegations implicating several former top military leaders.


In this regard, Mohamed Khaled said the ministry would also examine the details of the implementation in line with the prevailing governance framework, financial regulations and legal provisions. — Bernama


Fahmi: Rafizi ‘has the right’ to attend Azam Baki rally, police report no unrest





Fahmi: Rafizi ‘has the right’ to attend Azam Baki rally, police report no unrest



Communications Minister Datuk Fahmi Fadzil delivers a speech at the launch of Jelajah Ramadan 2026 Edisi Ke-14 at Pasar Tani Kekal Datin Halimah, Larkin, Johor Bahru, February 16, 2026. — Bernama pic

Monday, 16 Feb 2026 1:36 PM MYT


JOHOR BAHRU, Feb 16 — The government has entrusted a special committee to investigate the issue of share ownership involving Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) Chief Commissioner Tan Sri Azam Baki.

Madani Government spokesperson and Communications Minister Datuk Fahmi Fadzil said the Cabinet had conveyed its response on the matter through the decision to establish the special committee.

“For us (the Cabinet), we are leaving it to the committee to carry out the investigation, to conduct a full investigation, and Tan Sri Azam himself has been very open in stating that he is prepared to be investigated,” he told reporters after launching the Ramadan Tour 2026, 14th Edition, here today.

Also present were Communications Ministry secretary-general Datuk Abdul Halim Hamzah and Broadcasting director-general Datuk Suhaimi Sulaiman.


Recently, the Government announced that Attorney General Tan Sri Mohd Dusuki Mokhtar has been appointed chairman of the Special Investigation Committee on the issue of share ownership involving Azam.

Chief Secretary to the Government Tan Sri Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar said the committee would carry out a detailed investigation to ensure due justice for the individual under investigation.

Bloomberg had previously reported that Azam owned shares in a financial services company based on corporate filings.


However, Azam, at a recent press conference, stressed that his shareholding worth RM800,000 in a financial services company was conducted transparently and in accordance with established procedures.

On a gathering related to the MACC Chief Commissioner issue attended by Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli, Fahmi said the former PKR deputy president has the right to participate in the gathering.

“He (Rafizi) has the right to do what he feels he wants to do. Under the Constitution, Malaysians do have the right to assemble.

“Yesterday, we heard the Kuala Lumpur police chief say that around 150 to 200 people were present and that there were no incidents that caused alarm or disrupted security,” he said.

Asked whether Rafizi could face disciplinary action by the party, Fahmi said that, in general, there is no issue with assembling, but any decision would be left to the party should there be complaints against Rafizi.

“We leave it to the party if there are any complaints (against Rafizi). So far, the Secretary-General has not informed us of receiving any complaints.

“Those who gathered have a right to do so, and it does not pose any problem from a legal perspective,” he said.

Yesterday, Kuala Lumpur police chief Datuk Fadil Marsus said police would continue investigations into the gathering to ensure there were no elements touching on race, religion and royalty (3R).

He said the police would examine all aspects of the gathering and, if any elements involving 3R issues were found, an investigation paper would be opened for further action. — Bernama


Malaysian Bar sues to quash Terrirudin’s JAC appointment over seniority




Malaysian Bar sues to quash Terrirudin’s JAC appointment over seniority



Tan Sri Ahmad Terrirudin Mohd Salleh is pictured during the Opening of the Legal Year 2024 at the Putrajaya International Convention Centre in Putrajaya on January 15, 2024. — Picture by Shafwan Zaidon

Monday, 16 Feb 2026 12:57 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 15 — The Malaysian Bar has applied for judicial review, seeking to quash the appointment of Federal Court judge Tan Sri Ahmad Terrirudin Salleh to the Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC), arguing that it departs from established constitutional norms.

The statutory body, which represents about 24,000 lawyers in Peninsular Malaysia, contends that the appointment of Terrirudin, a former attorney-general who was only elevated to the Federal Court in November 2024, breaks the long-standing convention of assigning a senior apex court judge to the influential position.

In its application, the Bar is seeking a declaration that the prime minister's decision was unlawful, null, and void, and an order of certiorari to quash the appointment, Free Malaysia Today reported.

It is also requesting a stay on the appointment pending the outcome of the legal challenge and an order of prohibition to restrain Terrirudin from being appointed to any other judicial office-bearer position.


The Bar has named Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Terrirudin himself, the JAC, and the government as respondents in the suit.

The application additionally seeks a mandamus order to compel the establishment of a Royal Commission of Inquiry to investigate unspecified allegations against Terrirudin and to make the findings public.

The JAC, established in 2009, plays a crucial role in the judiciary by recommending suitable candidates for appointment as judges to the prime minister.


The legal challenge comes amid broader concerns about the judiciary.

Two months ago, it was reported that a police probe into allegations of judicial interference by an unnamed Federal Court judge had been closed due to insufficient evidence.

The High Court has fixed March 16 to hear the Bar's application for leave to commence the judicial review.

Hamzah weighing Umno return after Bersatu sacking?





Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin is believed to be considering a return to Umno following his recent expulsion from Bersatu. – Scoop file pic, February 16, 2026


Hamzah weighing Umno return after Bersatu sacking?


Former home minister’s next move could come amid Umno’s push to widen Malay support


Scoop Reporters
Updated 7 seconds ago
16 February, 2026
8:30 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR – Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin is believed to be considering a return to Umno following his recent expulsion from Bersatu.

Reports have indicated that informal discussions have taken place between Hamzah and Umno president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, including a meeting overseas last year.

Malaysia’s anti-hopping law prevents MPs from switching parties without vacating their seats, but political observers say some form of cooperation or realignment ahead of the next general election remains possible.

Any move is seen in the context of Zahid’s “Rumah Bangsa” proposal, which aims to bring former Umno members and other Malay leaders back into the party’s fold. The idea was highlighted at the recent Umno general assembly as part of efforts to rebuild and widen Malay support.

Hamzah left Umno after Barisan Nasional’s defeat in 2018, joined Bersatu under Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, and later aligned with Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin during the Sheraton Move that led to a change in the federal government.

His standing within Bersatu had, however, appeared uncertain in recent months. Once among its senior leaders, he served as home minister and later as deputy president under Muhyiddin. His sacking followed claims of internal manoeuvring within the party.

Speculation has grown that other Bersatu leaders could also review their positions depending on Hamzah’s next step. Within Umno, however, views are mixed. Some leaders see experience and added strength, while others remain cautious about readmitting former defectors.

No formal application has been announced and neither party has confirmed any arrangement. Even so, the episode highlights continued shifts within Malay politics as parties position themselves ahead of the next polls. – February 16, 2026


Nurul Izzah, Saifuddin urged to remind Anwar of 'Kita Lawan' momentum










Nurul Izzah, Saifuddin urged to remind Anwar of 'Kita Lawan' momentum


Published: Feb 16, 2026 9:20 AM
Updated: 12:20 PM



Rafizi Ramli has cautioned Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and the Madani administration against underestimating public sentiment, drawing parallels with the “Kita Lawan” protests in 2015.

The Pandan MP made the remark after attending the “Tangkap Azam Baki 2.0” rally in Kuala Lumpur yesterday, which saw several hundred people take to the streets over the latest shareholding allegations against MACC chief commissioner Azam Baki and to demand an independent investigation.

Describing the turnout as encouraging despite the short notice, Rafizi said it reminded him of the “Kita Lawan” series of demonstrations that began in February 2015 in response to the 1MDB scandal.

“If I were (PKR deputy president) Nurul Izzah (Anwar) or (Home Minister) Saifuddin Nasution (Ismail) - those who can whisper directly to Anwar - I would share the story of the Kita Lawan series with him.

“He was in prison at the time, so perhaps he doesn’t know,” he added in a Facebook post.

According to Rafizi, the lesson from “Kita Lawan” is to never underestimate the resolve of a small group of citizens, especially young people, when they believe their cause is just and free of personal interest.

“Eventually, their voices will be echoed by the wider public,” he added.


Ex-minister Rafizi Ramli at the protest against MACC chief Azam Baki yesterday


Recalling events in 2015, Rafizi noted that PAS had distanced itself from the opposition coalition at the time, and Pakatan Rakyat, the predecessor to Pakatan Harapan, was fracturing.

Without PAS, he said, even the leadership of Bersih 2.0 doubted that any demonstration would draw a sizeable crowd.

“Within PKR, the leadership had come under the control of the group aligned with (former deputy president) Azmin Ali, who had little interest in organising demonstrations or raising issues such as 1MDB and government corruption,” he added.


Starting small

Rafizi, who was PKR vice-president and secretary-general at the time, said that together with then PKR Youth chief Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, they resolved that even if only 10 people turned up, a series of demonstrations had to be organised to keep the spotlight on the 1MDB scandal.


Kita Lawan rally circa March 2015


“It’s true. The first Kita Lawan demonstration had fewer than 50 people. I couldn’t attend because I had been arrested two days before the protest.

“After that, Nik Nazmi, Chan Lih Kang (now a minister), (Tan) Kar Hing (Gopeng MP), (Lee) Chean Chung (Petaling Jaya MP), (Chua) Wei Kiat (Rawang assemblyperson), Akmal Nasir (now a minister), and the younger activists carried on organising the subsequent rallies.

“Nik, Chan and Tan even got a taste of wearing lock-up attire as protest organisers.

“After several rounds, by March 2015, the #KitaLawan demonstrations saw good turnout and strengthened our confidence that the people would continue to support a cause if the issue truly resonated with their hearts,” he added.

Rafizi cautioned that the integrity issue involving Azam fits all those characteristics.


Lessons from Thailand's election










Bridget Welsh
Published: Feb 15, 2026 2:07 PM
Updated: 5:12 PM




COMMENT | Last Sunday, 53 million Thais had the opportunity to vote, with 65 percent doing so. The results have been characterised as a “surprise” victory for the conservative Bhumjaithai party led by incumbent prime minister Anutin Charnvirakul.

The progressive party People’s Party (renamed from Move Forward and Future Forward) and the battered Pheu Thai, controlled by former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, lost significant electoral ground.

Bhumjaithai’s victory showcases a decisive conservative electoral victory in terms of seat share, the first of its kind in this century for Thailand.

Lacking an outright majority, Anutin will still need to form a coalition government and is expected to do so by April. He has already announced that he will form a coalition with Pheu Thai.

Bhumjaithai’s electoral gains echo a parallel win by the conservative Liberal Democratic Party in Japan led by PM Sanae Takaichi on polls held the same day – raising the spectre of growing electoral power of the right after conservative winners in Singapore last year, Indonesia in 2024 and in terms of the most electoral gains by PAS-Perikatan Nasional in Malaysia in 2023 and 2022.


Incumbent Thai PM Anutin Charnvirakul


While Thailand has its unique political conditions, there are lessons that this election offers for Malaysia. Similar conditions of entrenched political polarisation and expedient elite political coalitions bringing together former political opponents have evolved into the emergence of new political configurations.

It is useful to look closely at relevant factors shaping the outcome. Here are four:


Primacy of the local/candidate


Political scientist and US speaker of the House Tip O'Neill famously said, “all politics is local” – an axiom that was true in the Thai polls.

Of the 500 seats up for grabs in Thailand’s election, 400 of these were constituency races. It is also where Bhumjaithai placed its efforts, building a base from the local government election in February 2025, when it won leadership in 14 provinces.

This year, it secured 174 of its 193 seats from local candidates in constituency contests. The systematic focus on building party machinery, allying with local “big houses or Baan Yai networks” (locally prominent families or dynasties) and relying on patronage and heavy spending had an impact; to become a national powerhouse, the strategy was local.

A key feature was the defection of Baan Yai candidates to Bhumjaithai, primarily from the Democrat and Pheu Thai parties, giving Anutin a significant boost in constituency seats.




Malaysian political parties are less locally grounded than in the past as grassroots ties have weakened, with perhaps PAS as the exception in its core states.

Yet ties to local communities matter more than ever, as this was the advantage that Gabungan Rakyat Sabah had in Sabah in securing the most seats in state polls last November.


Walk the talk/deliverables

In Thailand, Anutin centred his campaign around deliverables. He brought in high-profile technocrats to improve policy delivery, especially on the economy – and he allowed them, the team, to have prominence in doing their jobs.

He campaigned on subsidies, low-interest loans, and cash handouts, aiming to reduce household debt.

While Thailand’s economy remains among the region’s poorest performers, the effect of Anutin’s leadership was to turn around perceptions as he advocated for a pro-business, stable, and fiscally reserved economy while simultaneously recognising the challenges faced by ordinary citizens.

Ordinary Thais are hurting economically, as in Malaysia.

This worked – in part due to the fact that he had only a short tenure, calling for an election less than 100 days in office – a pattern that Takaichi also did to secure her stronger mandate.

Anwar Ibrahim’s governance echoes many of the same features of Anutin, the mix of pro-business, stability and populist measures, yet he has a longer tenure that will be judged and, unlike Anutin, came to power promising political reforms, which remain outstanding.


Anwar Ibrahim


Nevertheless, the need to deliver – performance legitimacy – is critical and to be able to showcase this meaningfully in everyday lives in an era where affordability and household debt are serious challenges.

A key obstacle for the Madani government remains effective political communication, which Anutin and Takaichi mastered – at least for the recent elections. Critical will be perceptions of ordinary citizens that their future shows promise.


Unifying identity politics


Much of the attention of analysts has focused on Anutin’s use of Thai nationalism in its conflict with Cambodia. No question, the role that nationalism played impacted the outcome, as the positive results for his party from outside of Bangkok clearly show, including along the border areas.

Yet, what is not fully appreciated is the ability of Anutin to connect the conflict with the everyday lives of Thais, especially the negative impact of scams on ordinary Thais and the economy as a whole, notably on tourism.

With almost everyone knowing a victim of scams, the threat was personal, and he promised to address it. At the same time, Anutin forged a broader unifying “Thai” identity, one that worked to his favour electorally as he was able to tap into emotions of aspiration and bring groups together.

Perhaps where Malaysia most differs from Thailand is how identity politics are configured. While Thailand’s political polarisation has been ideological, with some overtones of regional identity, in Malaysia, political polarisation has been closely tied to ethnic voting along racial or religious lines, with ideology secondary.




The nationalism that has gained traction in Malaysia has been an ultra-Malay nationalism, exclusively forging ethnic nationalism and Islamism, in a pattern that divides rather than unifies Malaysians.

The “enemy” is inside rather than outside. Increasingly, parties are pandering to this divisive discourse as a means to gain electorally, with little appreciation of the impact on the nation’s social fabric and negative electoral consequences in Malaysia’s multi-ethnic, regionally diverse society.

For Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan coalition, which has relied on non-Malay support, an electoral erosion has been evident and increasing. In contrast, Anutin created a new inclusive identity politics narrative, winning because of it.


Reformers go soft

If there was also another new identity, it was that of Thailand’s progressives, the People’s Party. Making a Faustian agreement or a convenient political deal with Anutin to call for an early election and push for constitutional reform last backfired on the party, especially among its core ideological base.

Limits on discussions of lèse-majesté laws and the role of the military also undercut the People’s Party’s reform narrative.

The effect is that the People’s Party lost some of its reform momentum. That the party leadership has had to face repeated charges, disqualifications and restrictions as part of what is known as “lawfare” did not help.

Voters recognised that the system “fix” was unlikely to allow them to govern. They lost significant ground in the popular party list vote, down almost a third to 10 million votes from 14.4 million in 2023.

Yet, importantly, those who voted for them did so despite knowing they would likely not be able to govern, a testimony to the strength of the reform call.




The other “opposition” party Pheu Thai faced even more serious erosion of support, perceived as ineffective in its management of the economy while in office after 2023, compromised in politically deal-making and on the receiving end of “lawfare” decisions resulting in leaders imprisoned and removed.

The most “popular” party for nearly two decades, Pheu Thai won only 74 seats, down almost by half from the 141 in the 2023 polls.

Malaysian parties touting reform may face similar potential consequences for failing to deliver meaningfully on reform. A two-term PM or a “task force” on entrenched mafia-like corruption is not going to cut it after decades of promising “change”.

Unlike in Thailand, there are arguably fewer structural constraints on implementing reforms, with a strong majority in parliament to pass legislation. The main obstacle is political will, raising questions about whether calls for reform were a means to power rather than a goal.


Power of change

In both Thailand's and Japan’s recent polls, the victors promised change and used a combination of campaign strategies to win significant victories.

Demands for change have been a main electoral force in the region for some time.

Yet, the electoral tide is turning toward more conservative parties, who are taking advantage of dissatisfaction and preparing for polls by building local support and calibrating unifying nationalist narratives.

While at first glance, Anutin’s victory as an incumbent may have offered some optimism to those in power in Malaysia who remain confident of securing a second term for the prime minister, a closer look at the drivers of the outcome suggests they should look again, and, importantly, recognise that with more informed and demanding electorates a “surprise” cannot be ruled out.



BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute, a senior research associate at Hu Fu Centre for East Asia Democratic Studies, and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com


200 Penang families moved for waterfront redevelopment


FMT:

200 Penang families moved for waterfront redevelopment


The families, who have lived for more than three generations at a reclamation site at Weld Quay, have been relocated to a new apartment building for a major redevelopment project


Penang chief minister Chow Kon Yeow (centre) with a display of the proposed redevelopment of a site at Weld Quay in George Town. (Facebook pic)



PETALING JAYA: More than 200 squatter families who have lived for three generations at Weld Quay in George Town, Penang, have been moved to make way for a major redevelopment covering about 5.26 hectares.

The families were relocated from their homes at Weld Quay to the newly built Cecil Residency, an apartment complex built by a subsidiary of the Penang Development Corporation on Gat Lebuh Cecil, Bernama reported.

Cecil Residency is a 24-storey apartment block designed to provide 348 affordable homes for local people displaced by urban renewal.

Chief minister Chow Kon Yeow said the Weld Quay site is now being prepared for a mixed development that will take five years to complete. Of this total, about 4.9 hectares are state land, while the remaining land belongs to PDC, according to Buletin Mutiara.

In an engagement session in Bayan Lepas, he said the relocation was carried out by PDC, and the developer appointed to redevelop the site would have to pay back the costs of relocation to PDC.

Chow said this would be an advantage for any firm that won the contract, as they would not have to manage the moving process themselves.

Four companies have already bought tender documents for the project, priced at RM5,000 each. Local and international firms have until March 26 to submit their final bids for the land.

Chow encouraged bidders to offer more than the minimum price for the land set by PDC, including extra guaranteed payments, to raise the project’s overall value.

He also said the site falls within the Unesco World Heritage Site, which means strict rules will apply to any new buildings, such as a height limit of 18m to ensure the city’s historic skyline is protected.

The development will be connected to the city centre and Penang Bridge, with a new LRT station planned for the area.


Playing deputy sheriff on Taiwan comes with costs Australia will wear


Pearls and Irritations
John Menadue's Public Policy Journal





Playing deputy sheriff on Taiwan comes with costs Australia will wear


February 16, 2026


Calls for Australia to take a more forward-leaning stance on Taiwan repeat a familiar pattern – moral symbolism paired with strategic vagueness. Past experience suggests the applause is loud, but the economic consequences are real and largely borne alone.

Another report, another invitation to play deputy sheriff – with the risks written in transparent ink.

Australia, according to the latest report cited by the ABC from the United States Studies Centre, must deepen its defence and diplomatic ties with its 12th-largest trading partner – worth about 3 per cent of total trade – even if this provokes its largest, which accounts for over 35 per cent of Australian exports, delivers a healthy trade surplus, and underpins everything from iron ore royalties to lobster farms.

The report urges Canberra to take a “more forward-leaning posture” on Taiwan. That means attaching defence officials to Taipei, removing longstanding diplomatic guardrails, and stepping closer to what Beijing considers a red line – all in the name of deterrence, values, and middle-power responsibility.

What the ABC story doesn’t include is what Australia should do after the chestnut is pulled from the fire.

What would retaliation look like?

Which sectors would be first to suffer?

What’s the plan for insulating exporters?

No. Just the usual nod to “short-term risks” before the gaze lifts heroically toward the horizon of shared values.

It’s stirring stuff, until you remember we’ve done this before – and the burn scars are still visible.

The ABC report breathes heavily on the importance of our trade relationship with Taiwan.


“While Taiwan is one of Australia’s top trading partners, the federal government is constrained by its decades-old One China policy, which recognises the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as the legal government of China and ‘acknowledges’, without necessarily conceding, Beijing’s position that Taiwan belongs to the PRC.”

Yes, that’s the direct quote. Interestingly, while calling Taiwan one of our “top” trading partners, it never mentions that Australia exports over $325 billion worth of goods and services to China each year, counting hundreds of thousands of jobs.

And Taiwan, with all respect, accounts for barely one-tenth of that.

One is our economic lifeline.

The other is a valued partner – yes – but not one with the capacity to replace the scale or structure of our dependence on the Chinese market.

And yet, we’re told, we should consider risking the former to cultivate the latter, and this is presented not as provocation, but as diversification.

A similar story produced by The Age also indicated Taiwan’s semiconductors could be Australia’s next great opportunity. The implication is that Australia could gain access to supply chains – possibly even forge a tech alliance.

What’s left unsaid is that Australia doesn’t make chips. We don’t fabricate them. We don’t have the ecosystem for advanced manufacturing. We’re consumers, not producers.

Meanwhile, China dominates the sectors where Australia does operate: critical minerals processing, solar panels, green hydrogen inputs, EV battery precursors. Want to lead a clean energy transition? Best not burn your industrial bridges with the world’s largest supplier.

The thing about strategic courage is that someone always has to go first.

In 2021, that someone was Lithuania.

Vilnius allowed Taiwan to open a representative office using the name “Taiwan” instead of the diplomatic fig leaf “Chinese Taipei”. It was framed as a gesture of democratic solidarity. A small nation standing tall.

China responded quickly with trade sanctions. Lithuanian exports cratered. The EU filed a WTO case then quietly dropped it. Supply chains adjusted. The applause faded. The semiconductor industry promised by Taiwan never happened. And Lithuania’s prime minister and president found themselves regretting that they “really jumped in front of a train and lost”, and publicly asking Beijing for reconciliation.

No backup. No bailout. Just the quiet realisation that being brave only matters if someone else is willing to stand beside you when the music stops.

The same thing happened in 2020 – right here, right on top of us.

Tariffs, bans, and “technical barriers” followed. Barley, wine, lobster, beef, coal, timber – all hit. Billions lost.

And what did we get in return?

Praise. Solidarity.

And a surge in American beef and Canadian lobster exports to China.

Allies cheered us on – from the other side of our lost market share.

No one sold us out.

They just sold.

That’s how international trade works when speeches meet spreadsheets.

The report argues that Australian actions can help “deter” conflict in the Taiwan Strait.

That’s a big claim – resting on a much smaller reality.

Australia is not geographically close to Taiwan.

It is not a primary actor in the cross-strait balance.

Its military, though capable, is not decisive.

Its logistics footprint in the region is negligible.

Sending a defence attaché to Taipei, hosting Track 2 dialogues, maybe offering logistical support – none of that shifts Beijing’s strategic calculus.

But it might shift Beijing’s impression of ours.

That’s the problem with symbolic escalation: you still get the reaction, you just don’t get the leverage.

Even one of the report’s own contributors, former DFAT Secretary Peter Varghese, rejected the central proposal.

Defence-to-defence ties with Taiwan, he said, would carry serious costs without sufficient benefit.

When your most senior expert taps the brakes, maybe the rest of us should listen.

What will Canberra do? Likely nothing. Not out of cowardice – but memory.

It took quite some time for the Albanese Government to clean up the mess and stabilise our China relation, and hopefully both sides of the parliament have learned that moral applause doesn’t pay exporters.

That allies are excellent at issuing statements, less so at underwriting consequences.

That being first to jump is only admirable if you’re not also first to fall.

So are we really going to reach out for that chestnut again – beating our chest like a nut in the process?

Do we genuinely believe that symbolism will save us from sanctions, that the same markets we rely on won’t notice, or that applause will insulate jobs in Port Hedland, Griffith, Margaret River?

Or – here’s a thought – we could do something radical.

We could politely nod, shelve the think tank report quietly, and save everyone’s time, money, and job.

Let the panel sessions run. Let the think pieces flow. Let the authors brief whoever they like.

And trust the adults in Canberra remember the simple rule of national interest:

The monkey gets the chestnut. The cat gets the burns.

And this time, we don’t have to be the cat.


Eleven killed in Israeli strikes on Gaza, rescuers say




Eleven killed in Israeli strikes on Gaza, rescuers say


52 minutes ago
Joel Gunter, in Jerusalem and
Fiona Nimoni

Getty
Hamas and Israel have both repeatedly accused each other of breaching a ceasefire agreement


Eleven people were killed in Israeli strikes in Gaza on Sunday morning, according to Palestinian civil defence and health officials.


The Palestinian Red Crescent said a strike on a tent encampment in northern Gaza killed at least six people, while another strike in the south of the strip killed five.


The Israel Defense Forces said it had struck terror targets in response to ceasefire violations by Hamas, and that militants had been killed after emerging from a tunnel into the area of the strip controlled by the Israeli military.


Both Israel and Hamas have accused each other of near-daily violations of the ceasefire agreement since it took effect on 10 October.



Gaza's Civil Defence said 11 people had been killed in the strikes, while staff at the Al-Shifa hospital said a 12th person was killed in an exchange of gunfire, separate from the air strikes.


The Hamas-run Gaza health ministry has said at least 600 people have been killed since the ceasefire went into effect.


At least 32 people were killed in a wave of Israeli air strikes across Gaza earlier this month, according to local officials.


The latest strikes came as the preparations continued for the implementation of the second phase of a US-brokered ceasefire agreement.


Last month, US President Donald Trump announced a new body called the Board of Peace, which has a mandate from the United Nations Security Council to establish an international force tasked with securing border areas in Gaza, and overseeing the disarmament of Hamas.


The board, which was due to have its first meeting in Washington on 19 February, will also oversee the formation of a new technocratic Palestinian government in Gaza and post-war reconstruction.


Last week it was announced that Indonesia, a Board of Peace member, would deploy 8,000 soldiers to Gaza as part of phase two of the ceasefire agreement.


The war was triggered by the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel on 7 October 2023, in which about 1,200 people were killed and 251 others were taken hostage.


Israel responded to the attack by launching a military campaign in Gaza, during which more than 71,820 people have been killed, according to the territory's health ministry.


Elsewhere, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu travelled to Washington on Wednesday to meet US President Donald Trump, where they discussed ways to curb Iran's nuclear programme - which Tehran has always insisted is for purely civilian purposes.


Netanyahu was expected to press Trump to pursue an agreement that would halt Iran's uranium enrichment, as well as cutting its ballistic missile programme.


However, Trump later said there was "nothing definitive reached" and that talks with Iran would continue.


Iran's deputy foreign minister told BBC News further talks would take place in Geneva on Tuesday. An unnamed US official confirmed the date to Reuters news agency.



Sunday, February 15, 2026

Ancestral Temples, Modern Laws: rethinking justice for estate-era Hindu shrines in Malaysia – SM Vivekananda





The aim is to preserve harmony and ensure all communities can live with dignity and mutual respect. - Scoop file pic, February 12, 2026


Ancestral Temples, Modern Laws: rethinking justice for estate-era Hindu shrines in Malaysia – SM Vivekananda


What are now urban neighbourhoods were once rubber estates where Indian labourers built their temples. Today, those same temples face eviction, reopening old wounds about displacement and recognition


Updated 3 days ago
12 February, 2026
5:39 PM MYT


To start, let us as Malaysians agree that no one ought to break the law, as respect for its sanctity ensures peaceful coexistence among our diverse communities.

This must remain one of the foundations of our nation, as expressed in the fourth principle of the
Rukun Negara, Kedaulatan Undang-Undang. However, to understand the predicament faced by many unregistered Hindu temples that do not own the land they occupy, one must look back at the history of the plantation workers in Malaysia.

For historical context, the South Indian community, particularly the Tamil and the Telegu communities, came to Malaya primarily to labour in the rubber plantations.

From as early as the period before and after the First World War, the British brought in millions of Tamil and Telugu workers to clear jungles and cultivate rubber, which was later replaced in many areas by oil palm. Now, if you have any intelligence, you would appreciate that except for the coastal and river banks, only the indigenous people of Malaya resided in these jungles.

The rubber estates were large and often divided into several divisions. These were virgin jungles, not cities and towns nor housing estates and government land that exists today. The British, in order to enslave the Indians, placed their living quarters deep in the plantations with no roads or other transportation to go to the town or nearby temples.

This was done deliberately to ensure that they were cut off from other Indians in neighbouring divisions, as there were several divisions in one estate. The quarters were equipped with a provision shop with ample liquor and a Buku 555, which entrenched dependence on the estate and reinforced
conditions of indentured servitude.

The British permitted the workers to reside on the estates, rear animals, and cultivate their own vegetables and fruit.

After the land was cleared, it was plentiful and held little commercial or industrial value at the time the labourers lived there. Each settlement was allowed a Tamil primary school (usually a shack), a provision cum toddy shop (often run by a Chinese) and a field to play games and watch movies (screened using
a projector).

Many workers erected shrines to their guardian gods, as they began work before dawn and tapped rubber in darkness. With wild animals and snakes present in the surroundings, workers would pray before setting out to work.

The temples and these settlements were their world. They had little or no interaction other than with the white master and their mandors. Generations lived and worked in these estates. Independence came in 1957, yet many effectively remained in conditions resembling indentured labour.

European estate ownership gave way to Malaysian businessmen, but the daily realities for workers changed little. The Indian community continued to work in the estates and to pray at their temples. Over time, small towns expanded into cities, and development reached the plantations.

Land that had once been agricultural became valuable and was converted into housing. The
National Land Code was enacted, yet provisions such as adverse possession or overriding interests were not incorporated.

The Indian legislators were either ignorant or corrupt enough to ignore the existence of the temples in these new housing estates.

When estates were fragmented for development, the state EXCO didn’t pay any interest to these temples and allowed the development to take place without addressing these temples at all.

The workers were retrenched or summarily dismissed without compensation and many moved to ‘setinggan’ as dwellers. They were jobless, resulting to gangsterism and loafing, or maybe even robbery just to feed their families.

Almost all of these temples are decades if not centuries old.

Certainly, there are instances where newer structures have been built and claimed ownership of the land but that isn’t the majority of the temples. I agree that we can combine several temples into one but that is a mechanism for the community leaders to undertake. A drive along the recently opened WCE would reveal a temple or a shrine amongst the palm oil trees.

Often a tall tree would be adjacent or within the compound clearly demarcating that the tree was not removed by the plantation owners, and that it was built with the consent of the owners. This reality should be borne in mind before concluding that these temples appeared only later or lack historical roots in their present locations.

Yet public discourse sometimes proceeds as if the temples emerged only after subsequent communities arrived.

With this in mind, it is worth reflecting on the history of the areas we live in today. What is now Setia Alam was once the North Hummock Estate, where the population comprised of the white man and Indian labourers.

Likewise, the towns we know today as Shah Alam, Elmina and Bukit Jelutong were formerly plantation estates. When these estates were developed, the Indians were displaced, but their temples and
schools remained.

In present times, questions are sometimes raised: if demographics have changed and former estate workers are no longer concentrated in these areas, does that alone make the continued presence of their longstanding religious sites unfair or unreasonable? Some even argue that such temples should be relocated elsewhere.

Over time, many of these structures are labeled illegal and deemed squatters. Evenpro-communist new settlers were recognised and given land ownership where they resided, but not the Indians.

They were out of a job and asked to vacate the quarters and expected to demolish their ancestral temples. This raises difficult but valid questions.

Is such an outcome morally defensible? Can legality alone settle matters that carry deep historical and spiritual meaning? Should not the law also be guided by principles of equity and compassion? Are we children of a lesser God?

Malaysians are quick to defend foreigners whose ancestral rights are transgressed by bigots yet spit
at us when we say “Brothers, that’s our ancestral prayer halls and temples”. I share this with a prayer that someone, somewhere, looks at Malaysian Hindus as humans too.

It’s our Kula Theivam Temples so stop insulting us by calling it haram. Instead, seek a reasonable solution by administering them under a State Endowment Board.

As for the Hindu Community, let us start by offering a reasonable solution to this problem that is unnecessarily tearing the fabric of society. Ultimately, the aim must be to preserve harmony and ensure that all communities can live with dignity and mutual respect. – February 12, 2026


SM Vivekananda is a Scoop reader


***


The destruction of the Hindu Shrine (Sri Madurai Veeran) near the Alor Setar Railway Station in July 2020 was an idiotic case of arrogant exhibition of authoritative powers, where the Shrine sitting there for more than a century and minding its own business without hindrance to modern progress or development, was ruthlessly and mindlessly demolished OVERNIGHT (virtually by stealth) and turned into an unnecessary bicycle parking lot.

What for if nothing other than an obsessive urge to strike with impunity (and indeed, probably with hatred too) on a sacred shrine of ANOTHER religion, perhaps endowing the persecutor with a despicable sense of superiority - and superiority over what???

And it was not as if the Hindu followers did not make attempts to register the small shrine with the Register of Societies but those were denied without rhyme nor reason. There was no mutual respect at all.







Is it only about UEC or a broader reformed mindset on education? – Dr. Boo Cheng Hau





Most importantly, an effective, culturally sensitive, and mutually inclusive education system must be built on reality and facts rather than myth, writes Dr. Boo Cheng Hau. - Bernama file pic, February 15, 2026


Is it only about UEC or a broader reformed mindset on education? – Dr. Boo Cheng Hau


If national unity is genuinely the concern, UEC should be recognised alongside other benchmarks such as IGCSE and Tahfiz examinations for public university admission


Updated 5 hours ago
15 February, 2026
2:26 PM MYT



Education is a vital apparatus for social mobility. It provides individuals with opportunities to move from lower social strata to higher ones and, when systemically designed based on reality, facts, and evidence-based education research, it can foster social integration by reducing income disparity and ethnic polarisation.

In some countries, political establishments restrict women’s access to education or discriminate against certain ethnic groups in school and university enrolment. This is often because education empowers citizens to be better informed, independent, and less susceptible to political hegemony, which imposes a risk of dissidence to their authoritarian rules.

Nevertheless, universal suffrage alone does not guarantee genuine democracy, particularly when the electorate is poorly informed or inadequately educated.

Democracy functions effectively only when citizens are educated and aware not only of their rights and privileges but, more importantly, of their social responsibilities and duties to the nation. In culturally diverse societies, the education system must therefore be inclusive—one that converges all cultures and education streams toward a shared civic end, while safeguarding each citizen’s right to preserve their cultural identity and cultivating mutual cultural sensitivity.

Historically, Malaysia has always been culturally diverse, despite the Malay-Muslim majority. It is a myth to believe that any multiracial nation can be monolingual, cosmopolitan, and united if its education system fails to embrace multiculturalism and diversity.

Most importantly, an effective, culturally sensitive, and mutually inclusive education system must be built on reality and facts rather than myth. During the height of the Malaccan Sultanate as an international trading centre, historians recorded that as many as 110 languages were spoken in Malacca, with the Malay language naturally functioning as the lingua franca.

Acceptance of multiculturalism and multilingualism at that time was arguably more progressive than in modern days, consolidating Malacca’s status as a global trading hub.

A major stumbling block to deeper education reform lies in the fact that many policymakers were themselves indoctrinated by entrenched myths. There remains a belief that coercive assimilation—based on one culture, one language, and one religion—can achieve national unity. In reality, such approaches generate polarisation, division, and conflict in culturally diverse societies.

Consequently, the recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) continues to face resistance because it necessitates revamping a statically dogmatic education system into a more pragmatic and reality-based one. There is an urgent need for a culturally inclusive and technologically savvy education system grounded in scientific research evidence.

A far-sighted education system is a critical apparatus for propelling Malaysia toward advanced-nation status.

In The Malay Dilemma, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad misconstrued several facts to support his “one-language, one-nation” vision.

He cited the United States as an example, claiming that English is the sole official language and the only permitted language of instruction in schools, thereby forging national unity. This assertion is constitutionally inaccurate.

The US Constitution never entrenched English as the official language. Only in 2005 was English designated for federal government documentation and proceedings, and even then, the law does not apply to education, healthcare, or civil rights.

During the 1980s, the United States experienced a peak in the bilingual education movement led by Hispanic Americans, who championed both patriotism and bilingualism. Spanish and English were used as languages of instruction not only to integrate Hispanic Americans into mainstream society but also to expose English-speaking Americans to cultural inclusivity and sensitivity.

It is crucial to recognise the dual realities that a common official language is necessary for governance, while multiculturalism and multilingualism bring significant socioeconomic benefits. Policymakers must therefore defend a pragmatic and progressive education framework.

Despite his immense influence on Malaysia’s social policies, Dr. Mahathir has not kept pace with developments in a rapidly globalised world or with the historical patterns of the rise and fall of civilisations.

China’s rise, for instance, was predictable to many informed academics and technology researchers in the West. In the 1980s, several of my former American university professors were intrigued by my ability to master three languages, as they explored ways to develop a more inclusive and forward-looking education system to sustain US leadership in high technology and talent development.

When I shared my experience of studying mathematics and science in English, Mandarin, and Malay to prepare for examinations such as SPM, UEC, and SAT, Chinese Independent Secondary Schools were already experimenting with multilingual teaching approaches. These practices reflected the realities of a multicultural society and the inevitability of globalisation.

Contrary to myths and prejudiced narratives propagated in The Malay Dilemma, Malaysia’s race-based, nationalist-oriented education system has created a new dilemma—undermining the competitiveness of not only Malays but Malaysia as a whole.

Other Southeast Asian nations, parts of West Asia, and Latin American countries have moved forward by recognising Mandarin as a key language of trade and technology, introducing it as a compulsory school subject.

Many remain misled by the myth that the United States is monolingual. Since the 1980s, numerous US states have introduced Asian languages such as Mandarin, Cantonese, Indonesian, Korean, and Japanese alongside European languages. Some have adopted these languages as mediums of instruction in state-run immersion schools, which are so popular that admission is often determined by lottery.

An effective education system must be inclusive, open to experimentation, informed by contemporary education research, and responsive to societal realities. Systems founded on myth, prejudice, and misinformation are unsustainable and incapable of advancing an emerging economy like Malaysia toward developed-nation status.

There is considerable prejudice against the UEC, despite the fact that it is conducted in three languages—English, Malay, and Chinese—allowing candidates to choose based on subject needs.

A positive step would be for UEC authorities and the Ministry of Education to agree on recognising UEC for public university admission, with Bahasa Malaysia and History at SPM level as pegged requirements, acknowledging that UEC academic standards are comparable to STPM and matriculation programmes.

UEC is widely accepted by private and overseas universities and has been studied by advanced countries as a model for multilingual education. It also provides a community-run, non-profit alternative that complements public education and profit-driven private institutions.

Independent Chinese Secondary Schools (ICSS) are not Chinese chauvinist institutions, despite politicisation by certain quarters. Funded largely through Chinese community donations, they are open to non-Chinese students.

Islamic NGOs seeking non-profit, community-supported education models have even engaged ICSS to exchange ideas on the form of community-run affordable education.

Non-Chinese students in ICSS receive free tuition and scholarships. During my tenure as a state assemblyman, I had recommended several Malay students for such opportunities. Beyond demanding STEM learning, these students benefited from better discipline and multilingual exposure, which contributed to their personal and intellectual growth.

As T20 and upper M40 families—including affluent Malays—opt for English-medium international schools due to discipline concerns in some national schools, community-subsidised ICSS, SJKC, and Tahfiz schools increasingly serve as alternatives for B40 and lower M40 families seeking better prospects for their children.

If national unity is genuinely the concern, UEC should be recognised alongside other benchmarks such as IGCSE and Tahfiz examinations for public university admission.

Expectedly, there would be more Malays and other non-Chinese students becoming UEC holders who would need its official recognition to enter local universities. Pegging with SPM Bahasa Malaysia and History is a reasonable requirement to admit students from these alternative streams.

Alienation and discrimination in education cultivate polarisation, whereas inclusiveness promotes unity through convergence—the ultimate goal of a nation-building education system.

This would broaden the spectrum of the nation’s talent pool. In conclusion, overzealous race-based nationalism should not be allowed to obstruct efforts to integrate students from all backgrounds into mainstream public tertiary institutions. National unity cannot be built on myth, but on facts, evidence, and real data. – February 15, 2026



Dr. Boo Cheng Hau is Democratic Action Party’s Taman Ungku Tun Aminah Branch publicity secretary


BERSATU COMMITS SUICIDE, SEMB*RIT SUPPLIED THE TALI GANTUNG

 

Sunday, February 15, 2026



BERSATU COMMITS SUICIDE, SEMB*RIT SUPPLIED THE TALI GANTUNG

 





Click this link to listen to Hamzah Zainuddin speaking:

Hamzah: Muhyiddin is my number one enemy | The Star

  • Bersatu issued dismissal notices Friday to 17 members including Hamzah
  • Hamzah Zainudin declared Tan Sri Muhyiddin his “number one enemy”
  • saying that he is now a free man to continue his own political struggles

  • Bersatu vice-president Datuk Seri Ronald Kiandee, also present
  • Hamzah, who is Larut MP, said he is now focused on his duty as Opposition Leader.
  • “I have been sacked and I will leave the party. I will never submit an appeal.
  • “If the party no longer needs me, then farewell Bersatu.”
  • Hamzah regarded what had happened to him as a blessing in disguise.
  • continue being the Opposition Leader.
  • I have the support of 19 out of 25 Bersatu MPs
  • “There are 168 active Bersatu divisions and we have 118 with us now.
  • “What does that say for the support for Muhyiddin?” claimed Kiandee


The same day that Hamzah Zainuddin was fired from Bersatu, he was in Rusila Terengganu having lunch with Pas president Hadi Awang, YB Thakiyuddin and other Pas people (PICTURE ABOVE). Considering that Pas nominates the leader of the Opposition in Parliament (on account of their 40+ Parliamentary seats) the éndorsement' by Hadi Awang will ensure that Hamzah Zainuddin shall remain leader of the Opposition in Parliament.

This places Bersatu (with only SIX MPs on its side) in a quandary.  What does this mean? It means Bersatu has been 'kembiri'. Kembiri means they have had their cojones snipped off.  

Bersatu is an opposition party but the man they have just fired from the party will still continue to be the leader of the Opposition - speaking on behalf of Bersatu as well (in the Opposition bench).

Bersatu will have to get used to being 'kembiri' because in their midst there is a semb*rit fellow who has undue influence in the party. This escapade is being blamed on this semb*rit fellow.

Sadly  over the past 30 years Malay politics has seen an undue presence of semb*rits, pintu belakangs and lesbos - something which the community seems to tolerate. 

Back to Hamzah Zainuddin - he has a genuine following not only in Bersatu (his "former party") but that 19 Bersatu MPs who support Hamzah, plus other ADUNs represents real support.

Sad to say Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin does not have the same number. 

Dato Sri Hamzah is in a good position to form a new party - or take over an existing one. Those 118 active Bersatu divisions (out of 168) can easily flip and join a new party led by Hamzah Zainuddin. Plus those 19 MPs will give them  an instant presence in Parliament - not withstanding that really stupid Anti Hopping law.

Hamzah Zainuddin is known to think fast and act fast. Strike while the iron is still hot.