Agong revokes Isa Samad’s ‘Tan Sri’ title

Agong revokes Isa Samad’s ‘Tan Sri’ title

Agong revokes Isa Samad’s ‘Tan Sri’ title


The Prime Minister’s Department says the title was revoked as the former politician is serving a prison sentence after being convicted of an offence

Former Felda chairman Isa Samad was convicted by the High Court of nine corruption charges involving RM3.09 million in 2021.

PETALING JAYA: The “Tan Sri” title conferred on former Felda chairman Isa Samad, who is serving a jail sentence for corruption, has been revoked by Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Ibrahim.

In a statement today, the Prime Minister’s Department said Sultan Ibrahim had consented to the withdrawal of Isa’s Panglima Setia Mahkota award, which carries the “Tan Sri” title, effective June 8.

“This is due to the fact that Isa is currently serving a prison sentence at Sungai Buloh prison after being convicted of an offence,” said the statement.


The Prime Minister’s Department also said the decision was in accordance with the statutes for the withdrawal of honours from recipients who have been convicted of criminal offences.

It said the move was in line with Sultan Ibrahim’s 2024 warning that he would withdraw federal awards, medals, and honours from any recipient who commits a crime or is convicted by the courts.


Isa, a former Negeri Sembilan menteri besar, was convicted by the High Court in 2021 of nine corruption charges involving RM3.09 million. He was sentenced to six years in jail and fined RM15.5 million.

Two years ago, a Court of Appeal bench allowed Isa’s appeal, quashing the conviction and sentence.

However, the Federal Court restored both conviction and sentence on Feb 10, ordering that Isa begin his jail term immediately.

The Federal Court has fixed June 26 to hear Isa’s application seeking leave to review its decision.

Iran says 18 US military targets struck in Kuwait, Bahrain

Iran says 18 US military targets struck in Kuwait, Bahrain


The IRGC claimed suicide drones were also launched at the US Fifth Fleet following American attacks on southern Iran

The Iranian military stated its forces were prepared to confront the enemy ‘until the last breath’ and would not retreat until it was punished. (EPA Images pic)

ISTANBUL: Iran said early Thursday that 18 major US military targets in Kuwait and Bahrain had come under attack amid rapidly escalating regional tensions, Anadolu Ajansi (AA) reported

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) said the targets included the Ali Al Salem and Ahmad Al Jaber bases in Kuwait, along with the Sheikh Isa base in Bahrain.

Separately, Iran’s military said it had targeted Patriot systems and communications facilities belonging to the US Fifth Fleet in Bahrain.


It also said suicide drones had been launched toward the US Fifth Fleet in response to what it described as American attacks on southern Iran.

The military added that Iranian forces are prepared to confront the enemy “until the last breath” and will not retreat until it is punished.


The developments came amid escalating tensions following US strikes on southern Iran and Iran’s subsequent attacks targeting US military assets across the region.

No PH-BN cooperation planned after state polls, says Amanah leader

No PH-BN cooperation planned after state polls, says Amanah leader


Amanah secretary-general Faiz Fadzil says PH’s current focus is on strengthening its position in preparation for any political developments that may arise after the elections

Amanah secretary-general Faiz Fadzil said the party is confident it will be allocated winnable seats in the state elections. (Facebook pic)

PETALING JAYA: Pakatan Harapan (PH) has no plans to cooperate with Barisan Nasional (BN) after the Johor and Negeri Sembilan elections, according to Amanah secretary-general Faiz Fadzil.

Faiz said PH’s current focus was on strengthening its position in preparation for any political developments that might arise after the elections, Utusan Malaysia reported.

“As of now, there are no plans for cooperation with BN after the Johor and Negeri Sembilan state elections,” he was quoted as saying.


He also said Amanah was confident it would be allocated winnable seats in the state elections, and that talks on PH seat distributions were proceeding smoothly.

Last week, BN chairman Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said the coalition was set for the Negeri Sembilan election and remained open to continuing its cooperation with PH to retain the unity government in the state.


However, Zahid said it was too early to hold formal discussions on electoral cooperation between the two coalitions.

In Johor, menteri besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi of Umno said he would rather give up his position than be part of a state government that includes DAP. His remarks drew criticism from political commentator Tajuddin Rasdi, who accused Onn Hafiz of displaying a “racist personality”.

DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook also mocked Onn Hafiz’s position, pointing out that BN and DAP leaders currently sit together in the federal Cabinet under the unity government.

Onn Hafiz rejected claims that his position was rooted in arrogance or racism, insisting that it was based on principle and respect for the mandate given to BN by voters.

He said BN’s cooperation with PH at the federal level arose from the political situation after the 15th general election, where no coalition secured a simple majority.

He said the situation was different in Johor as BN was given a clear mandate during the last state polls.

Tebrau PKR grassroots want party to contest Tiram

Tebrau PKR grassroots want party to contest Tiram


Division chief M Prakash says members believe the constituency has been developed through years of sustained efforts by PKR and its machinery

Tebrau PKR recently held a meeting with its members and grassroots supporters. (Facebook pic)

PETALING JAYA: Tebrau PKR says grassroots members want the party to contest the Tiram state seat in Johor, a position that has been conveyed to the division leadership.

In a statement, division chief M Prakash said the matter was discussed at a recent meeting with members and grassroots supporters.

“The message from grassroots members was clear: they want PKR to continue contesting the Tiram state seat, strengthen the party machinery, and ensure that members’ voices are always taken into account in decisions involving the party’s future,” he said.


Prakash also said division members believed the constituency was developed through years of sustained efforts by PKR members and its machinery, and that the party enjoyed strong support there.

Tiram is one of the state constituencies within the PKR-held Tebrau parliamentary constituency. The other state constituency is Puteri Wangsa, which was won by Muda.


In the 2022 state election, Barisan Nasional (BN) candidate Azizul Bachok won the Tiram seat with a majority of 5,281 votes over six other candidates, including Pakatan Harapan’s S Gopalakrishnan of PKR.

In the 2018 state polls, Gopalakrishnan won Tiram with a 8,098 vote majority against BN candidate Maulizan Bujang and Azman Atmin of Gagasan Sejahtera, which also included PAS.

Maulizan held the Tiram seat for three consecutive terms before 2018.

Tiram is also the seat that Johor DAP allegedly offered to Marina Ibrahim, the incumbent Skudai assemblyman, according to a letter that circulated on social media.


The offer was made during a discussion between Johor DAP chief Teo Nie Ching and Marina on May 17, according to the letter which was addressed to Teo from Marina.

The letter surfaced following Marina’s announcement that she would not defend her seat in the Johor polls and would step away from politics after serving as an elected representative for more than four years.

On Saturday, PH secretary-general Saifuddin Nasution Ismail said seat negotiations among component parties had been finalised for the Johor polls.

‘Why should I campaign for you again?’: At first meeting since MP resignation, Setiawangsa residents look to Nik Nazmi for answers

‘Why should I campaign for you again?’: At first meeting since MP resignation, Setiawangsa residents look to Nik Nazmi for answers



Former Setiawangsa MP Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad speaks during a dialogue session with residents in Setiawangsa, Kuala Lumpur, June 10, 2026. — Picture by Muhammad Yusry

Thursday, 11 Jun 2026 9:26 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, June 11 — In Setiawangsa last night, a resident stood up at a dialogue session to complain about abandoned cars in Seksyen 6, Wangsa Maju. Another wanted roads resurfaced. Others asked about a proposed development near Bukit Dinding.

For nearly an hour, the discussion sounded much like any meeting between voters and their elected representative.

There was only one difference.

Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad is no longer the MP for Setiawangsa.

Yet at his first dialogue with residents since resigning the seat last month, many in the audience still turned to him as though he remained the person responsible for solving their local problems.

The former natural resources and environmental sustainability minister listened patiently as residents raised the kind of complaints familiar to any constituency service centre, from abandoned vehicles left to rust along neighbourhood roads to patchy road surfaces and concerns over development near Bukit Dinding.

One resident, Razif from Seksyen 6, sought Nik Nazmi’s help over abandoned vehicles that he said had become an eyesore.


“Some of these vehicles have been there for so long that trees are growing out of them. There is a lorry, a Perodua Kancil and even a Mercedes among them,” he said.

Nik Nazmi responded much as he might have before stepping down, explaining the legal complications surrounding abandoned vehicles and promising that his office would follow up with Kuala Lumpur City Hall (DBKL) on the issues raised.

“To the people of Setiawangsa, my office in Sri Rampai remains open in the same location. We continue to handle issues involving DBKL, the Social Welfare Department, Baitulmal and other agencies. We still go down to the ground and engage with the community. The only difference is that I no longer hold the official status of an MP,” he said.

The scene captured the unusual position Nik Nazmi now finds himself in: no longer a lawmaker, no longer in government, but still trying to speak to the voters who had sent him to Parliament.

Three weeks ago, Nik Nazmi became one of two elected representatives — alongside Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli — to voluntarily vacate a parliamentary seat.

His resignation followed several eventful months.

In May last year, he failed to retain the PKR vice-president post, having already lost the Setiawangsa division chief position in the party elections a month earlier.

Shortly afterwards, he resigned from the Cabinet, saying he wanted to take responsibility for his defeat.

Almost a year later, Nik Nazmi left PKR altogether alongside former economy minister Rafizi. Both subsequently resigned their parliamentary seats, arguing that voters should be allowed to decide whether they still deserved a mandate after leaving the party under whose banner they had been elected.

The two have since joined Parti Bersama Malaysia, a political party positioning itself as an alternative to both the ruling coalition and the opposition bloc.

But last night’s session was less about party strategy than the immediate question now facing Nik Nazmi in Setiawangsa: whether voters who once saw him as their MP would still accept him as their representative without the title.

Some residents used the session to express disappointment over his decision to resign.

Tengku Syahrizal, a Setiawangsa resident, compared holding a parliamentary seat to raising a child.

“Holding the position of MP is like holding your own child. You shouldn’t let it go, but you did,” he told Nik Nazmi.

Another resident, Rozita, urged him not to repeat the move if he were re-elected in future.

“If you contest, win and become MP again, don’t resign. Unless the people themselves remove you.

“I am frustrated and disappointed that you resigned as the Setiawangsa MP. If you stand again and win, please do not resign,” she said.

Syahrizal told the former Selangor executive councillor that he had seen visible improvements in Setiawangsa during Nik Nazmi’s tenure and wanted to know what would convince him to campaign for the former MP again at the next election.

“I hope you will continue serving as our representative here, but what are the prospects? What would persuade me to campaign for you once more?” he asked.

In response, Nik Nazmi said his pitch to voters was straightforward.

“My proposition is simple: I want to pursue genuine reform and meaningful change at the national level. Am I idealistic? I don’t know. But since my youth, I have taken this path because of my ideals. If my goal had been wealth, power or luxury, I would never have chosen it.

“That is how I justify this decision to myself and how I sleep at night. It was not an easy decision, but I pray that it was the right one,” he said.

Not everyone in the room disagreed with the resignation.

One resident, who said he had lived in Setiawangsa for more than three decades, told the gathering that he supported Nik Nazmi’s decision, arguing that the former PKR leader had acted according to principle.

The resident said voters should focus less on party labels and more on whether an individual could carry out the responsibilities entrusted to them.

Still, much of the evening returned to the same question, asked in different ways: why leave the seat, and why should voters follow him again?

Nik Nazmi told residents that relinquishing the seat was not easy after two terms as Setiawangsa MP and two terms previously as a Selangor assemblyman.

But he said remaining in office after taking a fundamentally different position from the party under whose ticket he had been elected would have been difficult to justify.

“Had I remained in government, there would have been many constraints. It would have been like remaining married to someone you no longer trust. That would not have been fair, especially while continuing to draw a salary.

“So I chose to step away and present my own vision for the future and my agenda for the next phase.

“Ultimately, I leave it to the people of Setiawangsa to decide whether what I am fighting for remains relevant,” he said.

The former minister also used the session to explain the frustrations that eventually pushed him out of government.

While coalition politics inevitably involved compromise, he said some reforms had stalled not because of resistance from coalition partners but because of reluctance within his own political camp.

Among the issues he cited were judicial reform, institutional accountability and the separation of the attorney general’s and public prosecutor’s roles.

The discussion occasionally drifted beyond neighbourhood concerns.

Residents asked about his new political party, the country’s political direction and even the timing of the next general election.

When one attendee asked whether he knew when Malaysians would next head to the general polls, the room erupted in laughter.

“That one, I need to call Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim,” Nik Nazmi replied in jest.

It was one of several moments that lightened an otherwise pointed exchange between a former MP and residents still deciding whether to see him that way.

The dialogue session was the first of two town hall meetings Nik Nazmi is holding with Setiawangsa residents, with the second scheduled for next Wednesday in Sri Rampai.

Iran declares Strait of Hormuz closed, warns all passing ships will be targeted

Iran declares Strait of Hormuz closed, warns all passing ships will be targeted



Iranian media reported explosions across the country’s south near the Strait of Hormuz, the same area where US forces had already bombarded air defence, radar and other sites on Tuesday. — Reuters pic

Thursday, 11 Jun 2026 8:54 AM MYT


TEHRAN, June 11 — Iran’s military command said today it will target any ship transiting the Strait of Hormuz, after it struck two vessels attempting to pass through the strategic waterway, as talks to end the war faltered.

The United States launched a new wave of attacks against Iran yesterday, with President Donald Trump vowing to “hit them hard” after accusing Tehran’s negotiators of “playing us for suckers”.

The Khatam al-Anbiya command said todayday, “any vessel traffic through the Strait of Hormuz will be targeted” adding that the strait is now “completely closed to all types of vessel”, according to the Tasnim news agency.

Iran’s Revolutionary Guards navy, quoted by state television IRIB and the Mehr agency, said that “two ships attempting to illegally pass through the Strait of Hormuz were hit”.


“Following repeated violations of the ceasefire by the American enemy, the Strait of Hormuz will be closed until further notice,” it said.

“We warn that no vessel should leave its anchorage in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman. Approaching the Strait of Hormuz will be considered cooperation with the enemy.”


Iranian media reported explosions across the country’s south near the Strait of Hormuz, the same area where US forces had already bombarded air defence, radar and other sites on Tuesday. — AFP

Narrow wins, royal row will disadvantage Umno in Negeri Sembilan

Narrow wins, royal row will disadvantage Umno in Negeri Sembilan


3 hours ago
Minderjeet Kaur


Analysts expect PH to retain seats won comfortably in 2023, but say Umno may struggle to defend its constituencies due to their slim victory margins

Eight of Barisan Nasional’s 14 state assembly seats in Negeri Sembilan were secured with sub-700 vote majorities due to stiff competition from Perikatan Nasional. (Bernama pic)

PETALING JAYA: Umno faces an uphill battle in the upcoming Negeri Sembilan election, with analysts pointing to its many slim majority wins in 2023, and shifting Malay sentiment following a recent royal dispute in the state.

Syaza Shukri.

Syaza Shukri of the International Islamic University Malaysia said Umno appeared more exposed than its unity government partner, Pakatan Harapan, due to stiff competition faced from Perikatan Nasional previously.

“Umno is the one in trouble. Their majorities are small because they had to compete with PN for Malay votes,” she told FMT.


In contrast, Syaza said PH was better positioned to defend most of the seats it won at the state election three years ago. “Most of the seats that PH won in 2023 were secured with big majorities, especially by DAP.”


The Negeri Sembilan assembly was dissolved last Friday after Umno assemblymen withdrew support for menteri besar Aminuddin Harun over his handling of a royal dispute involving four chieftains seeking to remove Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir as Yang di‑Pertuan Besar.


On June 9, Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said Barisan Nasional will contest the Negeri Sembilan polls on its own, after PH announced its intention to vie for all 36 state assembly seats.

In the 2023 polls, PH and BN contested as allies, winning 17 and 14 seats, respectively. PN won five, with three secured by PAS and two by Bersatu.

However, eight of BN’s seats were secured with sub-700 vote majorities: Jeram Padang (693), Lenggeng (685), Senaling (662), Palong (564), Sungai Lui (535), Seri Menanti (370), Kota (135) and Juasseh (78).

In contrast, only two of PH’s 17 seats were the subject of narrow wins: Klawang (577) and Ampangan (329).


Syaza said BN’s seats, most of which are Malay-majority constituencies, are vulnerable even to modest swings in support, while Umno may be at a disadvantage due to the part it played in the royal row.

“The people, from my understanding and observations, are not happy with the crisis and blame has been put on Umno. So voters would want to punish Umno,” she said.


Royal fiasco generated sympathy

Mazlan Ali


Universiti Teknologi Malaysia’s Mazlan Ali said the royal dispute had generated sympathy for Tuanku Muhriz among Negeri Sembilan folk while creating negative perceptions of Umno among some voters.


“As a result, there could be political repercussions for Umno because there is a perception among the public that the party was not friendly towards the Yang di-Pertuan Besar,” he said.

However, Hisomuddin Bakar of Ilham Centre said the outcome of the state polls will ultimately depend on voter turnout and where they are concentrated.

Hisomuddin Bakar.


He said PH’s strength lies in urban, Chinese-majority and mixed constituencies, while Umno remains competitive in many Malay-majority seats backed by its longstanding grassroots networks.

Of the state’s 36 seats, 24 have Malay-majority electorates, making them key battlegrounds in the election, he added.

“Although BN and PH each have their own areas of strength, the real deciding factor in this state election lies in the 24 Malay-majority seats that will be contested in three-cornered fights.

“The ability of both coalitions to manage their campaign strategies, mobilise supporters to turn out and win over fence-sitters will be the key factors determining the final outcome,” he added.

Sivamurugan Pandian


Universiti Sains Malaysia’s Sivamurugan Pandian said PH remains the frontrunner to win the state polls thanks to the advantages of incumbency.

He said PKR and DAP’s established networks in Negeri Sembilan, coupled with Aminuddin’s leadership, placed the coalition in a relatively strong position.

Still, Sivamurugan cautioned that cost of living concerns and tensions between PH and BN supporters could influence voter behaviour.

“PH remains favourable, but not without risks,” he said.

Tread carefully with returning Noh Omar, Umno told

Tread carefully with returning Noh Omar, Umno told


2 hours ago
Nicholas Chung


Analysts say the ex-Selangor Umno chief can be a loose cannon at times and embodies the warlord-style politics that Umno must move away from

Noh Omar was sacked from Umno in January 2023 and joined Bersatu the following year. He announced his departure in February, following a mass sacking of party leaders.

PETALING JAYA: Umno has been advised to tread carefully in welcoming back former Selangor chief Noh Omar, who left the party less than two years ago for Bersatu.

Universiti Sains Malaysia’s Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid said Noh’s return may be motivated by a desire to contest under Umno’s banner in the next general election (GE16).

Ahmad Fauzi Abdul Hamid.


He questioned the Tanjong Karang MP’s stated reason of having been persuaded by Umno’s anti-DAP stance in Johor, calling it “foolish”.


“He comes from Selangor, where the partnership between Barisan Nasional-Umno and Pakatan Harapan-DAP is still on.

“And Johor Umno’s recent anti-DAP stand could easily be conceived as a pre-state election gimmick to secure hardline Malay nationalistic voters, without discounting the possibility of changes after the election,” he told FMT.


Syaza Shukri of the International Islamic University Malaysia said Umno could easily justify its ongoing partnership with PH as necessary for pragmatic purposes and political survival.

Syaza Shukri.


She also questioned Noh’s sincerity in championing Umno’s cause, saying he essentially left a sinking ship in Bersatu, having done the same after Umno’s worst ever electoral performance at the 15th general election (GE15) in 2022.

While he brings grassroots support and decades of political experience, Syaza said Umno must be wary of the warlord-style politics that Noh embodies, from which the party needs to move away.

“These warlords and traditional machinery may not be enough for Umno’s electoral success. We have moved to social media where national issues and narratives have become more important for voters.”


Fauzi warned that Noh may be a loose cannon of sorts, having previously made controversial remarks, such as that stealing was only wrong if one was caught.


He said Noh was also fiercely critical of Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi post-GE15, for which he was not fielded, and had called for Zahid to step down.

Fauzi warned against Umno using Noh in its election plans, even if only for campaigning, saying it could backfire on the party.

“Umno should watch out. Should the unexpected come out from Noh’s mouth during election campaigning, it may well damage Umno’s chances at the polls in a multiracial state like Selangor.”


Noh was sacked from Umno in January 2023 following a violation of party discipline during GE15. In July 2024, he confirmed that he had joined Bersatu, and was appointed to its Supreme Council in early 2025.

He resigned from the Bersatu leadership position in February following the sacking of 17 party leaders, including Hamzah Zainudin, expressing disappointment with the party’s decision.

However, unlike other current and former party leaders aligned with Hamzah, Noh chose not to be a part of the former Bersatu deputy president’s Reset movement, launched one day after his sacking.

On June 7, Noh revealed he had quit Bersatu and rejoined Umno under a special initiative designed to welcome back former members.

Syaza said Noh’s return could be interpreted as acknowledgment that Zahid made the correct strategic call by keeping Umno in power and working with DAP.

She said she does not expect Noh to pressure Zahid into pulling the plug on Umno’s support for the unity government, especially with the prospect of a snap GE16 looming.

“Why risk uncertainties when Umno is comfortably in federal power now?” she said.

 

Iran war: Tehran retaliates after US launches attacks across Iran

By Lyndal Rowlands and Zaid Sabah

Published On 11 Jun 202611 Jun 2026

• Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps says retaliatory strikes have been launched against US forces in the region, specifically mentioning bases in Kuwait and Bahrain, according to Iranian news reports.
• The United States military’s Central Command (CENTCOM) earlier launched attacks “against multiple targets in Iran”, calling the strikes “self-defense” and in response to “Iran’s unwarranted and continued aggression”.
• Iranian media reports the sound of explosions in several locations, including the port city of Bandar Abbas, Qeshm Island and the southern towns of Sirik and Minab. Air defences were also activated in western Tehran, according to reports.
• Iran’s Mehr news agency reports that Iran’s military has ordered the complete closure of the Hormuz Strait to all vessels, including oil tankers and commercial vessels.
• US President Donald Trump warned earlier that his military was preparing to strike Iran again, claiming: “They’ve taken too long to negotiate a deal that would have been great for them; now they will have to pay the price”.
• Israeli attacks on Lebanon continued on Wednesday with multiple reports of casualties in strikes on the south of the country and in the Bekaa Valley region, as the death toll since March from Israel’s bombardments reached 3,696.

• 13m ago

  (01:00 GMT)

  Trump tells US media outlets Tomahawk missiles hit targets close to Tehran

  Fox News is reporting that Trump said if Tehran doesn’t sign an agreement put forward by US negotiators, the US will again bomb “tomorrow night”, reportedly using an expletive.

  Trump also told the US news channel that “49 Tomahawk missiles were used to hit targets inside of Iran, some of them as close as 40 miles [64km] from the Iranian capital of Tehran”.

  “The president said the US fighter jets are also operating over the skies of Iran, taking out radar systems and air defence systems in the southwestern part of the country, close to the Persian Gulf,” Fox reported.

  According to the report, Trump also said that top Iranian officials called him and asked the US to stop bombing.
• 28m ago

  (00:45 GMT)

  

  Air raid sirens sound in Bahrain

  Bahrain’s Interior Ministry has told people to “remain calm and head to the nearest safe place”.

  We will bring you more updates as information emerges.
• 28m ago

  (00:45 GMT)

  Iran denies Trump phone call claim, Tehran warns of ‘crushing retaliation’

  

  By Mohamed Vall

  Reporting from Tehran, Iran

  This is what the Iranian media have been reporting over the last couple of hours.

  The claim by the American president of having direct discussions or phone calls with senior Iranian officials is categorically false.

  There has been no such communication between the two sides, and what is going on here right now in Iran is only in self-defence and preparations for a crushing retaliation against what the Americans have done over the last few hours.

  We have the Joint military Headquarters saying the armed forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran will deliver crushing and decisive responses to any aggression and mischief by the aggressive and terrorist American army in the region.

  There is an official statement from the IRGC about the total closure of the Strait of Hormuz,

  So, there is no mention here of talks, negotiations or phone calls between the Americans and the Iranians.

  There is only a mention of Iranians preparing for a crushing retaliation after those attacks tonight.

  We understand that several cities, several areas and locations have been hit in this wave of strikes, including Kish, Minab, Bandar Abbas and some areas in central Isfahan.

Onn Hafiz Insults DAP – Rather Quit Than Sit At Same Table

Onn Hafiz Insults DAP – Rather Quit Than Sit At Same Table


June 8th, 2026 by financetwitter



Claiming he was not arrogant or racist, Onn Hafiz has urged Johor voters to give Barisan Nasional (BN) a strong mandate in the upcoming state election to ensure DAP would not be part of the state government. Delivering a fiery address in his latest jab at the Democratic Action Party (DAP), the caretaker Johor Chief Minister said he would rather be without a position than sit at the same table with DAP.

“This is not arrogance. This is not about race. This is about principles, mandates and responsibilities to the people of Johor. This is Johor UMNO. This is Johor BN. This is Bangsa Johor,” – exclaimed Onn Hafiz till foaming at the mouth. Depending on who you ask, his statement could be seen as stunningly arrogant and racist, or incredibly brilliant and strategic.


Netflix Offers Sneak Peek at 2027 Live-Action 'Scooby-Doo' Series Spotlighting Beloved Canine Detective



In response, lame Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim – without mentioning Onn Hafiz – said it would be arrogant to deny any race or political party a role in government, especially after they had contested and won support through the democratic process. But why is the most powerful man so afraid that he dares not openly name and shame the Johor Chief Minister?

If the United States has TACO (Trump Always Chickens Out), it appears Malaysia too has its own version – NACO (Nuar Always Chickens Out). But at least Mr. Donald Trump fights first before chickens out when he is about to lose. Mr. Anwar Ibrahim, on the other hand, chickens out before he even starts fighting – a humiliation to not only his party PKR, but also Pakatan Harapan (PH) alliance.

DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook – forced to retaliate after Onn’s unexpected attack – could only dismiss Onn Hafiz’s stance, reminding him that his own UMNO president (Zahid Hamidi) and DAP leaders collaborate at the same table during weekly federal Cabinet meetings. Zahid must be struggling very hard not to fall off his chair laughing at Loke’s naivety.


Did weakling Loke realize that Onn would not be so daring, racist and arrogant without the green light from Zahid? Did Mr Loke also realize that Mr Zahid would similarly reject DAP the same way Onn does in the next 16th General Election, which could happen any time? Has Loke suddenly been infected with selective amnesia when Zahid furiously screamed “No Anwar, No DAP” not many moons ago?

In the same breath, did both Anwar and Loke also realize that Zahid had obviously given his blessing to Johor UMNO to “go solo”, contest all 56 seats in the next Johor state election, and leave no space for cooperation or negotiation with Premier Anwar Ibrahim’s ruling coalition – Pakatan Harapan? That’s why despite Anwar’s begging, he failed to convince Zahid to avoid a clash between BN and PH in Johor.

The Johor CEO’s remarks may smell horribly arrogant and racist, but it is also a necessary tactical and strategic political move to rally Malays to vote for UMNO by making DAP a punching bag – again. Either Anthony Loke is retarded or fabulously stupid to think UMNO has suddenly become DAP’s BFF after the Malay conservative party had been demonizing its traditional enemy for over 60 years.

After all, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), especially its Johor chapter, has always considered Pakatan Harapan its bitter enemy, even though UMNO president Zahid and PKR president Anwar sit next to each other in the Cabinet, whilst Loke and Zahid share silly jokes together. Just because BN and PH are part of the unity government at federal level does not mean UMNO treats PH as a friend in Johor.

From the beginning, it was PM-obsessed Anwar and power-hungry Loke who tried to appease, mollify, and assuage UMNO warlords out of fear of losing power at the federal level to the extent of turning a blind eye over UMNO’s bullying. This has emboldened and encouraged notorious racists and mobsters like UMNO Youth Chief Akmal Saleh to terrorize, bully, and threaten ethnic Chinese and Indians.



Now, it’s merely Onn Hafiz’s turn to insult DAP, knowing very well that neither the indecisive PM nor the coward DAP chief have the balls to escalate the hostility between BN and PH. In fact, the disgraced PM Anwar orders Pakatan Harapan leaders to “not burn bridges” as doing so may provoke UMNO to withdraw support for the Madani government.

DAP under the weak leadership of Loke should be grateful that Onn Hafiz Ghazi, who is the nephew of UMNO veteran Hishammuddin Hussein, did not threaten the Chinese community by unsheathing, kissing, and brandishing a “keris” (a traditional Malay dagger) the same way his uncle did. Such provocation would make Anthony Loke, who’s trying to be more Malay than UMNO-Malay, extremely panic and runs around like a headless chicken.

Worse, Onn Hafiz is just a “third-tier” UMNO leader. He was not UMNO’s poster boy, but rather the preferred choice of the Johor Palace for the position of Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) following the March 2022 state elections. His appointment was a surprise development as UMNO-led BN had campaigned with former incumbent Hasni Mohammad as their designated candidate for the top post.

His lack of political credentials is one of the reasons why he, the great-grandson of UMNO founder Onn Jaafar and the grandson of Malaysia’s third Prime Minister Hussein Onn, has taken a page from UMNO playbook with a “declaration of war” on DAP-Chinese to project himself as a “Malay champion”. It was a deliberate move to force“first-tier” PKR and DAP leaders to bend down and respond to his attacks.

Exactly what type of message Pakatan Harapan is sending when the Prime Minister and the Transport Minister fail to demonstrate courage in reprimanding a “third-tier” arrogant UMNO leader? Clearly, it leads to a stronger belief that both PKR and DAP are toothless tigers that could be pushed around, insulted, mocked, ridiculed, belittled, and disrespected even by a junior UMNO leader.




After DAP was insulted as an inferior second-class party that has no right to share the same table as UMNO, blind lemmings went berserk. Hilariously, these propagandists, bloggers, cyber troopers, YouTubers, and TikTokers are the same bunch of morons who had previously praised UMNO and Onn Hafiz Ghazi in the Mahkota by-election back in October 2024.

Yes, we previously published why the Chinese voters should boycott Mahkota by-election because a vote for BN is a vote for Akmal. However, some blind pro-Anwar and pro-DAP supporters who believed UMNO had turned a new leaf had chosen to not only campaign for UMNO, but also argued that it was sufficient to boycott only Akmal in Melaka. The idiots fantasized that UMNO-Malays would transfer their votes for PH.

Worse, under the pretext that Bangsa Johor are ideologically different and “intellectually superior”, some Chinese social media influencers even praised Onn Hafiz leadership for championing the multi-party unity coalition machinery for the Mahkota campaign – even though the Chief Minister has historically downplayed federal DAP partnerships within the state’s official administration.

Laughably, even till today, silly DAP is still trying very hard to convince the leopard that never changes its spots to be grateful and appreciate DAP’s hard work that allowed UMNO candidate Syed Hussien Syed Abdullah won the Mahkota seat with a landslide majority of 20,648 votes, capturing roughly 79% of the total valid ballots against opposition Perikatan Nasional candidate.

Had DAP mobilized its machinery to boycott UMNO in the Mahkota by-election, using the notorious Akmal as an excuse to teach UMNO a lesson, perhaps the Johor Chief Minister would think twice about insulting the Democratic Action Party today. Therefore, it’s not a heavy statement to say DAP under Loke leadership deserves to be mocked and ridiculed by UMNO.



Anthony Loke and his lieutenants are still in denial – badly wanted to believe that UMNO today is no longer the same UMNO that used to be racist, extremist, corrupted, arrogant, hypocrite, double-speak, treachery, untrustworthy, and whatnot. Until Onn’s latest outburst, DAP had believed he was of different breed and a non-racist, humble, and progressive UMNO-Malay leader.

It appears DAP has found a new favourite pastime – “Kao Beh Kao Boo” – wailing, complaining, and bitching over spilt milk. It still hasn’t a clue that while Anwar Ibrahim risks losing both the conservatives he courts and the reformists who brought him to power, Anthony Loke faces growing disillusionment among its core Chinese electorate due to his weak leadership and cowardice.

Xi’s Pyongyang Pilgrimage: A Ritual of Resilience in a Shifting Northeast Asian Chessboard

Murray Hunter
Jun 08, 2026


Xi’s Pyongyang Pilgrimage: A Ritual of Resilience in a Shifting Northeast Asian Chessboard





In the opaque theater of Northeast Asian power politics, symbolism often outweighs substance. The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s decision to travel to Pyongyang for a two-day state visit, his first in nearly seven years represents more than a routine diplomatic exchange between “lips and teeth” allies. It is a carefully staged reaffirmation of a relationship strained by sanctions, pandemic isolation, and Pyongyang’s opportunistic pivot toward Moscow.

One must peel back the ceremonial layers to see the deeper strategic undercurrents: dependency, leverage, and the quiet recalibration of influence in a multipolar world where old alliances are being tested by new realities.

Echoes of 2019 turning into the realities of 2026

Xi Jinping last visited Pyongyang in 2019, while Kim was in Beijing last September, joining Russian President Vladimir Putin at a military parade commemorating the 80th anniversary of Imperial Japan’s defeat in World War II. The trip comes weeks after Xi hosted Putin and US President Donald Trump in Beijing in separate high-level meetings.

The timing is telling. Back in 2019, Kim was under intense pressure from maximum-pressure sanctions and collapsing denuclearization talks. China played the role of indispensable patron, offering economic lifelines while urging restraint. Today, the dynamics have inverted in subtle but significant ways. North Korea has weathered isolation through sanctions evasion, deepened military-technical cooperation with Russia which includes troop deployments and arms exports that have reportedly boosted its economy, and enhanced its nuclear and missile programs with defiance. Kim arrives at this summit emboldened, not desperate.

Xi Jinping has just played host to both Putin (May 19-20) and Trump (May 14-15). The contrast in those Beijing summits was stark. With Putin, there were over 40 cooperation agreements spanning trade, technology, and media, talk of ties at “the highest level in history,” and an extension of the 2001 friendship treaty. With Trump, the optics were grand but the deliverables more transactional and understated. They included Boeing aircraft purchases, verbal pledges on soybeans, and relatively muted state media fanfare. These meetings underscored China’s dual-track diplomacy—deepening strategic alignment with Russia while managing a volatile but economically vital relationship with the United States.

Now Xi Jinping is in Pyongyang. This is not just neighborhood maintenance; it is Beijing signaling that it will not cede ground in its traditional sphere, even as North Korea tests the limits of that patronage.

The Enduring “Blood Alliance” and Its Limits

China and North Korea have maintained close party and state ties since the Korean War. Beijing remains Pyongyang’s main economic partner and has repeatedly called for dialogue on the Korean Peninsula, while opposing unilateral sanctions and military pressure.

This relationship is foundational yet asymmetrical and often frustrating for Beijing. China provides the economic oxygen with trade, fuel, and diplomatic cover, that keeps the DPRK afloat. In return, Pyongyang offers a strategic buffer against US-aligned forces in South Korea and Japan, and a persistent thorn in Washington’s side that diverts American attention and resources.

Yet Kim’s regime has never been a pliable client. Its survivalist paranoia, nuclear ambitions, and willingness to play Russia and China off each other have long complicated Beijing’s preference for stability on the peninsula.

Xi Jinping’s visit occurs against a backdrop of North Korean economic stirrings fueled partly by Russian dealings and continued missile advancements. Beijing likely seeks to reassert some measure of influence, perhaps moderating provocations, encouraging dialogue channels, or securing assurances on border stability and refugee flows, while projecting unbreakable socialist solidarity. For Kim, the summit offers legitimacy, potential economic sweeteners, and a hedge against over-reliance on Moscow.

Broader Geopolitical Ripples

This visit cannot be separated from the wider regional mosaic.

The China-Russia-North Korea axis, while not a formal bloc, creates a de facto alignment that complicates US strategy in the Indo-Pacific. Extended friendship treaties, joint military parades, and economic interdependencies form a counterweight to alliances like the US-Japan-South Korea trilateral. Yet beneath the pageantry, fractures exist.

North Korea’s growing autonomy challenges China’s traditional dominance. Economic dependence on Beijing persists, but diversified partnerships reduce leverage. Xi must navigate this without pushing Pyongyang further into Moscow’s embrace or triggering destabilizing escalations.

However, in the grand scheme, Xi Jinping’s Pyongyang journey is classic great-power diplomacy: part nostalgia for revolutionary brotherhood, part pragmatic power balancing, and part theater for domestic and international audiences. It underscores a core truth in regional geopolitics, ideological affinity and historical memory provide the glue, but raw interests and shifting capabilities dictate the dance.

Expect warm embraces at Kim Il Sung Square, toasts to eternal friendship, and vague joint statements on peace and cooperation. The real test will come in follow-through: whether this resets the patron-client equilibrium or merely papers over diverging trajectories in an era of great-power competition.

Northeast Asia remains a powder keg where symbolism buys time, but underlying tectonic shifts, nuclear proliferation, alliance realignments, and economic survivability will shape the next chapter. Xi Jinping’s visit is a pause for recalibration, not a resolution. The peninsula’s volatility endures.

It is a move US President Trump has no answer to.

With Hormuz shut and Saudi oil rerouted, Iran‑aligned Houthi threats to Red Sea shipping hit harder in today’s market

With Hormuz shut and Saudi oil rerouted, Iran‑aligned Houthi threats to Red Sea shipping hit harder in today’s market



Armed Houthi followers ride on the back of a pick-up truck during a parade in solidarity with the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and to show support to Houthi strikes on ships in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, in Sanaa, Yemen January 29, 2024. ― Reuters pic

Tuesday, 09 Jun 2026 9:00 PM MYT


SANAA, June 9 — Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthis said yesterday that they would ban ships linked to Israel from the Red Sea after Israel renewed its military attacks on Iran, adding to concerns about global ‌shipping and energy flows.

This is why it matters and what it means for the Iran war and the global energy crisis:


How big is the risk to global energy markets?

Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz since Israel and the United States attacked it on February 28 has disrupted most oil and other energy exports from the Gulf, raising prices and causing a major energy shock.

Saudi ‌Arabia has responded by diverting more than 70 per cent of its normal daily crude exports to the Red Sea port of Yanbu.


That has been a lifeline for the energy market, helping to keep down global oil prices.

Any sustained Houthi disruption to Red Sea shipping including potential attacks on shipping or ports could be a big problem.


When the Houthis launched attacks on Red Sea shipping in November 2023, Gulf oil exports were flowing freely, meaning cargoes were diverted to avoid the Red Sea, but not halted. This time, they are being loaded there.

A Houthi source told Reuters preventing Israeli ships from transiting the Red Sea was “a first step” but that if escalation continued, the group would stop any ships heading to Israel as well as other measures.

When the group attacked shipping during the Gaza war its stated target of Israel-linked vessels included any vessel belonging to any company that used Israeli ports and its attacks on those ships dissuaded most companies from using the route.


Who are the Houthis?

The Houthis emerged as a military, political and religious movement in north Yemen in the 1990s, fighting guerrilla wars against the government in Sanaa.

They adhere to the Zaydi sect of Shi’a Islam, and after the 2011 Arab Spring they strengthened ties with ‌Iran and seized on instability to capture the capital in 2014, derailing a Gulf-backed political transition plan.

Saudi Arabia and Arab allies launched a military intervention months later to restore the ⁠ousted government and dislodge a group it saw as a proxy for Iran, Riyadh’s arch regional ⁠rival.

As Yemen’s civil war ground to a stalemate, the Houthis attacked oil installations and other infrastructure in Saudi Arabia and the ⁠United Arab Emirates with missiles and drones.

However, a ⁠2022 truce between Yemen’s warring sides has largely ⁠held.


Are the Houthis an Iranian proxy?

Iran champions the Houthis as part of its regional “Axis of Resistance”, which includes Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Iraqi Shi’ite militias, though its ties with the Yemeni movement are less clear than with those other groups.

The Houthis do not recognise Iran’s supreme leader as their ultimate religious authority in the same way Hezbollah and the Iraqi groups do. Its ⁠motivations are mainly domestic, though it is ideologically aligned with Iran.

The US says Iran has armed, funded and trained the Houthis with help from Hezbollah. The Houthis deny being an Iranian proxy and say they develop their own weapons.



Houthi military helicopter flies over the Galaxy Leader cargo ship in the Red Sea in this photo released November 20, 2023. — Houthi Military Media handout pic via Reuters



What happened when the Houthis attacked Red Sea ships before?

After the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, and Israel’s devastating campaign in Gaza, the Houthis began firing at Israel and on international shipping in the Red Sea, saying they were doing so in support of Palestinians.

The Houthi attacks in the Red Sea severely disrupted global shipping, prompting Maersk, Hapag-Lloyd and other major companies to divert around Africa — a far longer, more expensive route.

A US-led mission to restore free navigation in ⁠the Red Sea involved repeated strikes on Houthi targets and a defensive campaign that shot down hundreds of drones and missiles.

But some Houthi attacks continued until last summer, only ending completely with the Gaza ceasefire in October.


What have they done during the latest Iran war?

While Hezbollah and the Iraqi groups joined ⁠the war early with rocket and drone fire after the first US and Israeli strikes on Iran, the Houthis have been comparatively quiet.

The group’s leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi said on ⁠March 5: “Our fingers are ⁠on the trigger at any moment should developments warrant it”.

Iranian military commanders have repeatedly warned the Houthis could join the war, with Revolutionary Guards Quds Force commander Esmaeil Qaani saying on June 1 they could choke off the Red Sea.

But before this week, the group’s only involvement was a few missile and drone attacks on Israel in late March and early April.

Why the Houthis have been relatively quiet so ‌far is not entirely clear.

They and Iran may have wanted to use the threat of another major energy route closure to warn Israel and the United States off further escalations.

The Houthis may also feel less committed to Iran’s security than do Tehran’s other regional allies.

And the group may not want to antagonise its powerful, wealthy neighbour Saudi Arabia and risk reigniting the conflict at home. — Reuters