Ridhuan Tee feels as if “living in London” with EcoWorld’s project names that undermine BM’s dignity

Ridhuan Tee feels as if “living in London” with EcoWorld’s project names that undermine BM’s dignity

RIGHTIST Muslim convert preacher Ridhuan Tee Abdullah is seeing red with township developer Eco World Development Group Bhd unveiling its range of anglicised real estate products which to him is disrespectful to the status of Bahasa Malaysia (BM) as the national language.

“My journey to Beranang, Selangor is greeted with big arches bearing “Eco Majestic”, “North Gate”, followed by numerous other ‘Eco’ prefixes –, Eco Forest, Eco Hill, Eco World, Eco City, etc,” jibed the Muafakat Nasional (MN) deputy chairman on Threads.

“This paints a very bad impression on the national identity. As if one is living in London. How can the Kajang, Hulu Langat, local authorities be approving names in the language of colonisers. They’re making big bucks.”.

However, a seeming Madani backer who must have had enough with Ridhuan’s incessant bickering over the dignity of BM being undermined ticked him off for “harping on a non-issue”.

“He’s the most Malay,” mocked another.

Others insinuated that the former Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin (UniSZA) professor of ethnic relations, Malaysian nationhood and Islamic civilisation is only trying to derive political mileage given “the said projects have long been completed during the tine of previous administrations”.

“But you only choose to speak up when the Madani government is in power … It’s very obvious that there’s a hidden agenda.”

Another seconded: “I bet if Madani is no longer the next government, he would have kept quiet. Otherwise, he would even turn 360 degrees.”

“Did Ustaz just wake up from a coma? These names are from the PM Najib (sixth premier Datuk Seri Najib Razak) era many years ago,” recounted one netizen.

One cynical commenter even challenged the preacher “to open your own company and name it Tee Majestic or Tee Forest” if that would make him feel better.

This was when a like-minded netizen heeded the preacher’s call by chiding Ridhuan’s critics as being “narrow-minded”.

To prove his argument, be went on to ‘Malay-nise’ EcoWorld’s projects to what he claimed as “more beautiful and dashing sounding names” – (1) Alam Gemilang; (2) Alam Permai; (3) Alam Mahligai; (4) Bumi Gemilang;(5) Puncak Permai.

“If you still insist on keeping the ‘Eco’ prefix, no problem, you can still use (1) Eko Gemilang; (2) Eko Adiwangsa; (3) Eko Permai; (4) Eko Mahawangsa; and (5) Eko Lestari.”

But the earlier commenter countered that “this is not a question of narrow-mindedness but that of project BRANDING”.

“This is akin to you going to KFC but ask for McChicken. But this is a wrong place because KFC has its own chicken burger branding which is Zinger Burger,” justified the self-proclaimed massage therapist.

“Henceforth, just open your own company and use your preferred branding. That’s it.”

Thankfully, one commenter pointed out that EcoWorld is not alone in using so-called angelised project names – a hint that the Ridhuan has nailed down EcoWorld on racial grounds.

“Why aren’t you taking a swipe at (1) KLCC (Kuala Lumpur City Centre); (2) TRX (Tun Razak Exchange); 3. The Exchange 106; (4) KL Tower; and (5) PETRONAS Twin Towers (to name a few major projects),” he hit out.

“Sime Darby Property, too, is popular with its Elmina range – there’re Elmina Green 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, Elmina Lakeside Mall etc. Then there’re KL East, Putra Heights & The Glades as well as Serenia City. Why don’t you query them for not upholding BM?”

Likewise, the preacher should also be chastising UMNO (United National Malay Organisation) or MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) – both of which are component parties of Barisan Nasional (BN) which has recently forged a pact with PAS to foster ummah unity.

At the end of the day, a commenter expressed surprise that “there’s a Chinese out there with the tendency to throw a tantrum 24 hours daily” by sparking racial discord among Malaysians.

“Thankfully, he didn’t throw a fit on stage when he was a moderator in the Forum Perdana Islam programme (aired by RTM which Ridhuan hosted from the 1990s until Dec 14, 2022).” – Oct 28, 2026


Main image credit: Merrydale Eco Majestic/Facebook

COMMENT | From Baltimore to Kuala Lumpur, when impunity wears a badge

COMMENT | From Baltimore to Kuala Lumpur, when impunity wears a badge

RK Anand

Published: Oct 27, 2026 9:00 AM


COMMENT | “We can do whatever the f**k we want.”

Pardon the French.

It is a quote from "We Own This City", a miniseries chronicling the rise and fall of Sergeant Wayne Jenkins, who led the Baltimore Police Department’s disgraced Gun Trace Task Force.

Its members engaged in widespread corruption and abuse of power, with several now in prison. Jenkins himself is serving 25 years after pleading guilty in 2018 to racketeering, robbery and falsifying records.


This was more than an expression of hubris.

It was a declaration of impunity, born of the belief that one is above the law. When the badge meant to protect and serve becomes a shield for those who wear it, the thin blue line separating the good from the bad begins to blur.

Fish rots from the head down

Baltimore is a long way from Kuala Lumpur.

But as I binge-watched all six episodes, earning an earful from my wife, who, despite appearing sound asleep, somehow detected that I had only crawled into bed at 5am (her sleuthing skills are unrivalled), I could not help drawing parallels with Malaysia, where allegations of extrajudicial killings and detainees being beaten to death continue to surface, year after year, decade after decade.

These are often accompanied by uncomfortable questions about accountability and whether those responsible will face consequences.

The death of Noorizwan Zulkefly brings those questions into sharp focus once again.


The HBO series also illustrates how the problem is institutional rather than involving one or two officers; as the saying goes, a fish rots from the head down. Rogue officers do not operate in a vacuum. Their actions are enabled by precedents that normalise abuse and by a system that allows misconduct to go unpunished or with nothing more than a slap on the wrist.

There is also the perception that criminals are undeserving of rights, a mindset reflected in how Jenkins referred to the drug dealers he robbed as “monsters”.

Despite stealing their cash and narcotics, and selling the drugs for profit, he somehow managed to cast himself as morally superior to those he preyed upon, even seeing himself as almost innocent and taking offence at being labelled a “dirty cop”.

Kuala Lumpur police chief Fadil Marsus appeared to suggest the same when he revealed that Noorizwan had 44 criminal records, comprising 18 drug-related cases and 26 other criminal offences, and had also admitted to involvement in 17 other housebreaking and theft cases in the Cheras district.

Fadil Marsus

In other words, it came across as an attempt to diminish the gravity of what happened to him in custody, or make the questions surrounding his death less deserving of answers.

Lack of political will

Compounding the problem is the lack of political will.

Those in power may be reluctant to antagonise a police force they can rely on to pursue their political rivals and critics or to insulate themselves and their allies from scrutiny. When enforcement agencies and other institutions become instruments of political agendas, holding them accountable becomes all the more difficult.

The failure is particularly galling given that the current prime minister himself was once a victim of such abuses, and his coalition spent decades promising to put things right.

READ MORE: 'I thought I wouldn't survive' - Anwar recalls 'black eye' incident

The conflicting accounts surrounding Noorizwan’s death and injuries further underscore the importance of an independent investigation. This cannot be settled by public relations statements or assurances that standard procedures are being followed and that an exhaustive probe will be carried out.

Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of "We Own This City" is the damage that corruption and abuse of power inflict on public trust in law enforcement. The series dramatises the challenge of empanelling an impartial jury when potential jurors may already be inclined to distrust police testimonies, given the Baltimore Police Department’s tattered reputation.

This is the long shadow of police misconduct. It undermines the credibility of honest officers and deepens the divide between law enforcement and the communities it serves.

When trust collapses, even legitimate police work becomes harder.

An accountable police force is not a weaker police force. Independent oversight, proper custody safeguards, effective complaint mechanisms and credible investigations into deaths in detention are not concessions to critics. Accountability should be an obligation, not viewed as an inconvenience.

Noorizwan’s family deserves answers, just as the families of A Kugan, who died in police custody in 2009 with horrific injuries, including V-shaped burns believed to have been inflicted with a heated object; N Dharmendran, who died in custody in 2013 with staples driven into his ears while he was still alive; and Ong Ing Keong, the deaf e-hailing driver who was punched in the face by a police officer who was merely fined a paltry RM1,000. The list goes on and on and on.

The public also deserves an accounting of how Noorizwan died in state custody. His criminal record, whatever it may be, does not diminish the responsibility to explain the circumstances of his death. Justice cannot be conditional on the character of the victim.

Through a racial, religious prism

Interestingly, Noorizwan’s case has also drawn calls for justice from political voices that are often conspicuously muted when the victim belongs to another race.

Noorizwan Zulkefly's siblings, Nooranis (right) and Noorashikien

This underscores Malaysia’s troubling tendency to view even questions of justice and human rights through the prism of race and religion, with the victim’s identity often determining the volume of outrage.

The right to life, dignity and justice comes with no racial or religious caveats. When these universal principles are subjected to communal considerations, the damage goes beyond a fractured public response. It weakens the resolve to hold institutions wielding the power to account.

Ultimately, everyone suffers, regardless of colour or creed.

From Baltimore to Kuala Lumpur, the names and circumstances differ, but the fundamental question remains. Who watches those entrusted to watch over us?

RK ANAND is a member of the Malaysiakini team.

***

Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? 

("Who will guard the guards themselves?" or "Who will watch the watchmen?") written by the Roman poet Juvenal in his Satires (Satire VI, lines 347–348)

Finance minister II: GST not an option amid high cost of living, govt sticking with SST

Finance minister II: GST not an option amid high cost of living, govt sticking with SST



Finance Minister II Datuk Seri Amir Hamzah Azizan winds up the debate on the Supply Bill 2027 at the policy stage for the Finance Ministry in the Dewan Rakyat in Kuala Lumpur on October 29, 2026. — Bernama pic



First Published: Thursday, 29 Oct 2026 7:23 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 29 — The federal government will continue to implement the Sales and Service Tax (SST), as the Goods and Services Tax (GST) will not be considered due to the ongoing burden of the cost of living.

Finance Minister II Datuk Seri Amir Hamzah Azizan said the government would continue to improve the SST to reduce the impact of cascading taxes and simplify compliance.

He said the SST also provided room for a more progressive and targeted approach.

“The government can choose which goods and services to tax while exempting essential items. Although some of the tax may be passed on through prices, the scope of taxation can be determined with the people’s affordability in mind,” said Amir Hamzah during the Supply Bill (Budget 2027) policy-level winding-up debate for the Ministry of Finance (MoF) in Parliament today.


He explained that the GST tended to be regressive because lower-income groups spent a larger proportion of their income on goods and services.

“In other words, even at the same tax rate, the burden relative to income is heavier for the people, particularly the B40 and M40 groups.

“Therefore, any additional revenue must be assessed alongside the burden borne by the people,” he said.

According to the Fiscal Outlook 2027, SST collections are estimated to rise to RM67 billion in 2026 from RM55.9 billion in 2025. They are projected to reach RM73.3 billion in 2027, an increase of RM17.4 billion over two years.


Amir Hamzah said SST collections currently account for three per cent of gross domestic product (GDP), the same level recorded by the GST in 2017.

This means replacing the SST with the GST would not necessarily generate additional revenue, but would instead shift the tax burden entirely from businesses, including exporters, to the people, he emphasised.


“This increase demonstrates the SST’s ability to generate revenue to finance the country’s needs.

“At the same time, the government has the flexibility to determine which goods and services are taxed on a targeted basis while exempting essential items,” said Amir Hamzah.

He said the government recognised GST’s advantages in collection efficiency, transparency and the input tax credit mechanism. However, the choice of tax system must take into account the people’s ability to pay.

On compliance, he said nearly 700,000 businesses were registered under the GST in 2018, compared with only about 130,000 under the SST in 2026. This means more businesses would have to bear compliance costs under the GST system, said Amir Hamzah. — Bernama

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COMMENT | Malacca the harbinger - Part 1

COMMENT | Malacca the harbinger - Part 1


Bridget Welsh

Published: Oct 29, 2026 12:38 PM


COMMENT | Malacca heads to the polls on Nov 14, with nominations set on Oct 31.

The incumbent Umno/BN state government currently led by Chief Minister Ab Rauf Yusoh is expected to easily win another term, likely delivering the third electoral loss this year to the Anwar Ibrahim-led Pakatan Harapan coalition which has adopted a defensive posture heading into the state elections.

Malacca has long been a harbinger of national politics, from the early days where independence was declared and BN was forged through the friendship of former deputy prime minister Ghafar Baba and MCA veteran Tan Cheng Swee through to the 1980s to the “giant killer” Shamsul Iskandar Akin’s (then-PKR youth chief) parliamentary entry of PKR in 2013 and the rise of Bersatu in 2021 and 2022 with leaders such as Masjid Tanah MP Mas Ermieyati Samsudin.

In 2022, BN lost all of its parliament seats, suffering a defeat in a state where it was historically grounded.


The outcome reflected the national shift in Umno’s political fortunes. The 2026 state polls thus becomes a test of Umno/BN’s recovery - and its future.

In this two-part analysis, I look at the unique features of elections and voting behaviour in Malacca to show that shifts and surprises are an integral part of Malacca’s electoral history.

The state has her own distinctive politics, drawing from a theme developed in my forthcoming book on the state’s politics.

In part 2, I delve into what makes the 2026 Malacca election different, as it is setting in place new political alignments, showcasing the consequences of elite political deal-making and moving Malaysia toward a new political configuration.


A BN test in a harbinger state

A key part of the test for Umno/BN is whether it can reverse its poor performance in recent elections. In 2022, Umno/BN won only 38 percent of the popular vote.

The only other time this happened was in 1969, where the Alliance - the precursor to BN - managed to hold onto the state government despite losses.




The losses for Umno/BN have been across communities - and decisive and across four elections.

Using the methodology of ecological inference, my findings show that Malay support has halved since its high in 2004, reaching only an estimated 41 percent in the 2022 general election and an estimated 49 percent in the previous 2021 state polls.

The main beneficiary of Malay support shifted from Pakatan Harapan in 2018, to the Muhyiddin Yassin-led Bersatu in 2022.

Chinese support is even lower, one of the lowest in the country, reaching an estimated four percent in 2022, falling from an estimated 45 percent in 2004.

Support among Indians, Orang Asli and others is higher but has also declined and fluctuated.

Collectively, past results show that the 2026 election is one in which Umno/BN seeks a turnaround in the coming polls from a historically comparatively low position.

It has opted to rely on “strategic partners” of PAS to assist in this effort, hoping to gain Malay support from allies.

This has come at the expense of strengthening its BN coalition partners, MCA and MIC, who have only been allocated their incumbent seats - a move that makes it harder for these parties to win over their respective ethnic bases.

READ MORE: MCA ends 96-hour standoff, agrees to contest two Malacca seats

Malacca’s Umno/BN decline in support mirrors that elsewhere across Malaysia, but there are unique features that make the state special.

First, Malacca has been a traditional harbinger - an early sign of what is to come, setting the precedent of what follows nationally.

The political rise of the DAP came through Malacca, for example from 1969 through the 1990s. Malacca’s 2013 election results foreshadowed the electoral rise of Harapan, as did the 2021 state results for the rise of Bersatu, later leading to the formation of Perikatan Nasional.

It would be through PN that PAS would win its first seats in 2022 in this traditionally Umno/BN state.

Multicultural yet polarised

Part of the reason Malacca is a harbinger is that the state’s population closely mirrors that of Peninsular Malaysia, with slightly more Malays and Indians than the peninsular as a whole.

Despite her comparatively smaller size, Malacca combines urban and rural areas, stretching from beaches to an agricultural interior, with voters across this varied terrain and capturing the diversity of Peninsular Malaysia.

Part of this is her strong cultural roots; Malacca’s history from the sultanate to the declaration of independence has been intertwined with Malaysia’s history and identity.

Malacca is also an educational hub, with multiple universities and religious schools, bringing contemporary connectivity paralleling her past.

Unlike other states, Malacca’s openness as a trade and cultural centre has made her open to the changes taking place across Malaysia, arguably more so than her neighbours.

Combined, these features accentuate Malacca’s role in capturing national sentiments. With an estimated nearly 30 percent of her voters living outside Malacca - largely in the Klang Valley and Singapore, voters bring national sentiments home on polling day - at least those that return.

The ethnic composition of Malacca’s seats reflects her multiculturalism. While Malays comprise the majority in most of the seats, Chinese comprise at least a fifth (20 percent) in 15 seats, with the decisive 10 percent swing in another eight.

Indians are an important minority, comprising 10 percent of the vote in seven seats, with Borneo voters also over 10 percent in Sungai Udang.

This ethnic diversity - and the ability to receive cross-ethnic support - has long advantaged Umno/BN, an advantage that is lost with growing ethnic polarisation in voting.

In the 2022 general election, Umno/BN won only an estimated four percent of the Chinese vote and an estimated 23 percent of the Indian vote, while the Malay vote was split among the other coalitions.

What will be important to watch is the level of continued ethnic polarisation, which is likely to be accentuated by the “strategic partnership” of Umno-PAS, especially among the Chinese.

Malacca has a long history of ethnically polarised campaigns stretching from debates about citizenship and education to Bukit Cina and pig farming.

In the state’s tourist-driven economy, there is significant concern among businesspersons across communities about PAS’ increasing political role in Malacca and about how it could harm the core driver of the economy.

Personal and competitive

Malacca’s small size also has been part of its politics, with elections highly personal and shaped by personalities.

The Umno/BN campaign is centred around Rauf, who is the campaign’s “poster boy” - and prominent on all of the Umno/BN posters.

Malacca Chief Minister Ab Rauf Yusoh


This personal dynamic makes the campaign less about parties and more about individuals, which has been common in Malacca politics.

On the ground, Malacca campaigns are often shaped by story-telling and gossip, with alleged scandals, reflecting the personalisation of Malacca politics.

Traditionally, there has been intense competition among individuals for a limited number of political positions and a history of party infighting and protests which have shaped results, as was the case with Shamsul’s victory in 2013.

The “small and tight community” feature of Malacca where everyone knows everyone assures that information is shared quickly in the tight and robust social networks of Malacca society.

The personal nature of politics and strong social ties contribute to the intensity of competition, and, as in the case of 2026, has also contributed to the seat negotiations and deals.

Still a harbinger?

The 2026 state election will test whether Malacca remains a harbinger. All signs suggest it will: the BN-PAS “strategic partnership” is consolidating, minority partners are being compartmentalised in both BN and PN, and party leaders are already frowning on warming ties with parts of Harapan and Bersatu.

READ MORE: 'Red line': Malacca DAP rules out Harapan-Bersatu pact for state polls

After decisive swings in each of the past four elections, voters look set to swing back to Umno/BN.

Yet history counsels caution. In 2021, Umno/BN won a commanding state victory, only to be routed in Malacca at the general election barely a year later.

That 2021 mandate - built on seat deals, low turnout and a divided opposition - did not translate into durable support, and in an era of rapid, decisive swings Malacca proved a poor predictor of what followed.

The same risks apply now, as part 2 explores.

BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com. Forthcoming book titled "Political Contestation in Modern Melaka" is expected to be published next year.

 

Iran war: IRGC says 3 tankers on fire after hitting mines in Hormuz

• The three tankers had “turned off their radar and navigation systems and were trying to leave the unauthorised southern route” of the Strait of Hormuz when they were struck, the IRGC Navy says.
• The IRGC Navy says it has captured a US “spy and deception” drone west of the Strait of Hormuz.
• US President Donald Trump says he approved Vice President JD Vance’s request to contact Iran over Tehran’s “need for help with medical supplies” as diplomatic efforts to end the eight-month war appear to gather pace.
• Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi says Tehran remains “in close and ongoing contact” with mediators on ideas to implement its seven-day plan to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

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  The Houthis say they have recorded 101 air strikes in the past 24 hours, our colleagues on the ground are reporting.

  Earlier, media outlets affiliated with the Iran-backed group reported a series of air strikes on the districts of Dhubab and Mocha.
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  Two Palestinians have been killed in an Israeli drone attack in central Gaza.

  Ambulance and emergency services said the attack hit a vehicle in Maghazi camp. It is unclear if anyone else was hurt.

  Israeli attacks have continued on the Strip despite a “ceasefire” agreed between Israel and Hamas in October last year.

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  Oil spill from attacked tanker threatens Gulf water facilities

  An oil spill from a stricken vessel hit by a projectile off the coast of the United Arab Emirates continues to raise concerns.

  The incident off the UAE has also brought questions about what impact oil spills can have on desalination plants which crowd the ⁠Emirati coastline and – like in other Gulf countries – are a key supplier of water.

  Maritime intelligence firm Windward said on Sunday the leak threatens the seawater intake of the Naqa’a desalination plant at the border between Umm Al Quwain and Ras Al Khaimah.

  In the UAE, desalinated water accounts for more than 80 percent of potable water. Major plants include those at Dubai’s Jebel Ali industrial port, and at Taweelah between Abu Dhabi and Dubai.

  Gulf desalination plants have already come under threat from direct hits during the US-Israel war on Iran earlier this year.

  
• 1h ago

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  IRGC: Strait of Hormuz will never open until Iran’s conditions are met

  Iran’s IRGC spokesperson Hossein Mohebi says the crucial waterway for global trade will remain closed until Iran’s demands are fulfilled by the United States.

  “The Strait of Hormuz is today under the strategic control of the Iranian armed forces and will never be opened until the Islamic Republic’s conditions are fully met,” Mohebi was quoted as saying by the Fars news agency.

  The “enemy” tried to destroy Iran’s nuclear and missile capabilities, but the US’s “hidden goal” is to ensure the “Greater Israel” plan comes to fruition, Mohebi added.

  

  Hossein Mohebi, spokesperson of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [File: AFP]
• 1h ago

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  Iran claims capture of US ‘spy’ drone west of the Strait of Hormuz

  Iran’s Revolutionary Guards say they have captured a US “spy and deception” drone west of the Strait of Hormuz, Iran’s IRNA news agency is reporting.

  In a statement, the IRGC Navy said fighters from its Electronic Warfare Unit “succeeded in safely landing an American terrorist army spy and deception drone (MQM-170) west of the Strait of Hormuz”.

  “The mission of this drone was to identify the air defence systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the coastal strip of the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz,” it added.

  “Based on the information retrieved from this aircraft by the IRGC Navy specialists, it was determined that the origin of the flight of this aircraft was on the coast of one of the countries on the southern edge of the Persian Gulf.”

  Earlier, we reported that the IRGC had announced the downing of an MQ-1 drone in airspace east of the Strait of Hormuz.

  

  47:15

  Forever Wars: Why can't America stop? | Let's Focus
• 1h ago

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  IRGC says 3 tankers caught fire in Strait of Hormuz after hitting mines

  Three tankers have caught fire while passing through the Strait of Hormuz after hitting mines, according to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Navy, Iranian state media has reported.

  The IRGC Navy said the vessels were using the “unauthorised” southern route and were abandoned on the southern shores of the Strait of Hormuz after catching fire.

  “The tankers turned off all their radar and navigation systems and were trying to leave the unauthorised southern route of the Strait of Hormuz, ignoring warnings of the IRGC Navy,” Iran’s Tasnim News reported.

  The IRGC Navy noted an environmental impact after the vessels caught fire, saying “the unauthorised route in the Strait of Hormuz is polluted and the owners and crews of the vessels are responsible for passing through these routes.”

  The IRGC warned shipping operators to “not pay attention to CENTCOM’s (US Central Command) illusions in cyberspace”, adding that “any provocative action” would be dealt with “decisively”.

•