Rais questions Ismail Lasim's MB appointment, claims 'outside interference'

Rais questions Ismail Lasim's MB appointment, claims 'outside interference'


Published: Aug 3, 2026 12:21 PM
Updated: 6:36 PM


Parti Wawasan Negara chairperson Rais Yatim has questioned the process behind the appointment of Negeri Sembilan’s new menteri besar, Ismail Lasim.

The former menteri besar, who was recently stripped of his honorific titles by the state palace, claimed there was “outside interference” in the selection of the Juasseh assemblyperson for the post.

Rais pointed to a meeting between Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan, Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir, before the appointment, noting that what transpired was never disclosed.

“What was discussed that allowed an outsider to enter the realm of Negeri Sembilan’s customs and constitution and ultimately determine the outcome?

“Under Negeri Sembilan’s customs, outsiders should not interfere. Yet this has happened, and today we see someone whom nobody expected being appointed menteri besar.

“Did the Undang Yang Empat (four territorial chieftains) agree? Were the Undang Yang Empat consulted? As far as I know, they were not. How, then, did this appointment come about?” he said in a video that has gone viral since last night.

Parti Wawasan Negara chairperson Rais Yatim

Under Adat Perpatih, the Undang Yang Empat represent the luak of Sungai Ujong, Jelebu, Johol, and Rembau, and are responsible for selecting the Yang di-Pertuan Besar from among eligible members of the royal lineage.

However, they play no formal role in appointing the menteri besar. Under the state constitution, the ruler appoints the menteri besar from among assemblypersons who command the confidence of the majority in the state legislative assembly.

Even so, the menteri besar’s office exists within Negeri Sembilan’s unique constitutional framework shaped by Adat Perpatih, with the undang remaining a key pillar of the state’s customary governance.

The relationship between the ruler, the undang, and the elected government is therefore expected to reflect mutual respect between customary and constitutional institutions.

Rais, a scholar of the Minangkabau customary law Adat Perpatih, was appointed chief legal adviser to the state’s highest adat authorities on April 2.

Yesterday, Ismail, 67, was sworn in before Tuanku Muhriz at the Seri Menanti palace.

New Negeri Sembilan Menteri Besar Ismail Lasim

Among those present were former state assembly speaker MK Ibrahim Abd Rahman, BN deputy chairperson Mohamad Hasan, and other BN and Perikatan Nasional assemblypersons.

An Umno supreme council member, Ismail has never lost an election since first winning the Senaling state seat in 1999.

Warning against erosion of adat

Meanwhile, Rais argued that Negeri Sembilan Umno chairperson Jalaluddin Alias had been overlooked despite his years of service to the coalition.

“If this continues, Negeri Sembilan’s customs will be dictated by outsiders, not by the people of Negeri Sembilan or by what is enshrined in our traditional institutions… The value of our customs is higher than gold,” he added.

In the run-up to the election, Negeri Sembilan witnessed a major royal dispute between the Yang di-Pertuan Besar and the Undang Yang Empat.


READ MORE: Royal rumble: N Sembilan chieftains 'sack' ruler in tit-for-tat


At the height of the crisis, Jalaluddin announced that Negeri Sembilan Umno would withdraw its support for former menteri besar Aminuddin Harun, who had backed the ruler.

Negeri Sembilan Umno chairperson Jalaluddin Alias


Meanwhile, Jalaluddin today sought to dispel rumours over his absence from Ismail’s swearing-in ceremony, saying he was unable to attend due to a prior constituency engagement.

“I received (the invitation from the state protocol unit) at 4.50am, I opened and read it after Subuh prayers, but I had already arranged another event in my constituency which required my presence,” New Straits Times quoted him as saying.

***

It's not Loke or any other Chinese bloke who's derhaka

Nine hard truths: Madani's Negeri Sembilan defeat

Nine hard truths: Madani's Negeri Sembilan defeat

Bridget Welsh
Published: Aug 3, 2026 11:17 AM
Updated: 1:25 PM



COMMENT | As with any election, analyses pour in. Inevitably, they range from the “gloating” to the “gloom and doom” with a mix of denial.

Below, I lay out nine observations from the election:

Campaign

1. Advantage of coherent strategy: Pakatan Harapan lacked a coherent, coordinated electoral campaign strategy. As such, the campaign became overshadowed by reactive responses, prone to gaffes.

From Sabah to Negeri Sembilan, there has been a lack of connectivity to the ground, even, at times, insensitivity.

Erosion of support from three elections has compounded for Harapan, impacting messaging and machinery.

This stands in stark contrast to Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) in Sabah and BN-led campaigns in Johor and Negeri Sembilan that have been better executed.

2. Lost hope - For over three and a half years, there have been consistent messages calling for Harapan leadership to address the issues that got them elected - political reform, multi-inclusion and cleaner government.

Political reform has been repeatedly promised, including in the last parliament session. Even the two-term limit for a prime minister has failed to pass.

It has always been a matter of political will. Now it is a matter of whether the government can garner the numbers to pass legislation, especially bills needing a two-thirds majority.

Sadly, ethnic relations in the country are worsening, and this is not the product of one political side or community, but multiple.

Harapan’s control of the government has fuelled ethnic insecurities among the Malay community while simultaneously being resistant to addressing those of the other communities. The effect is higher insecurities across communities.

Corruption remains a serious problem, with open questions being asked about political ties to questionable figures.

Collectively, these factors have undercut the enthusiasm for Harapan. There is a palpable loss of hope even among core supporters; without “harapan” (hope), there is no support for Harapan.

3. BN victory - BN carried Perikatan Nasional in Negeri Sembilan: The picture presented is that the cooperation arrangement of BN-PN is one in which the former depended on the latter. This may be true in the Malay northern heartland. This is far from the reality in Negeri Sembilan or Johor for that matter.

BN could have won the government on their own, securing a victory without PAS and Parti Wawasan Negara, the former of whose racial vitriol almost cost the BN-PN coalition critical support in competitive seats during the campaign (which was neutralised by the backfire of mistakes by Harapan in the last days of the campaign), and the latter of which came for the ride and contributed little.

Minimally, seats such as Gemas, Klawang, Ampangan, Bagan Pinang and more would have been won by BN without PN support, which has reduced since 2023 in multi-ethnic states.

The majority of Negeri Sembilan voters supported PN because of its tie to BN in the state, contributing to victories in Sikamat, Klawang and Ampangan, for example.


Results

4. Not just racial politics - There is a need to look beyond simplistic analysis that ties everything in Malaysia to racial politics.

Ethnic voting may account for the prominent reason for the results, but it is far from the only factor.

Generational issues were at work: Younger voters want something different than “kekal” (retain). They went blue - and by extension green - opting for the future, not the past.

Economic considerations mattered. Many domestic business people are unhappy with how the economy is being managed, especially small businesses.

At a local level, it is often harder to do business in Malaysia than before, with slower decision-making and continued obstacles.

Margins are thin, tied to higher cost-of-living. High investment numbers are not impacting ordinary struggles.

ALSO READ: MP SPEAKS | MSMEs must be saved to prevent job losses


Populist measures are a band-aid on structural problems of poverty and vulnerability, lack of living wages and exclusion, particularly for those without connections.

Without policies to address the causes of limited social mobility, insecurities remain easily tapped during elections.

5. Chennah’s loss is overstated - Anthony Loke took one for the team. The descriptions that Loke’s Chennah result was a major defeat, a seat lost by less than 500 votes, belie reality. It was a close race, where swings across communities shaped the outcome.

Chennah has always been a challenging seat, one in which he could have opted to leave and instead stayed to fight.

While there were grievances that were personally directed toward him - by lorry drivers, over mismanagement of poor commuter train service in Negeri Sembilan and anti-DAP rhetoric - the close margin speaks to a close fight.

Anthony Loke


The party he led in the state won nine out of 11 seats - a good outcome when partners struggled to hold onto seats.

DAP will have to make a hard decision about staying in a coalition where they are carrying the other partners and, in doing so, losing their base.

6. Bersatu bombed - Bersatu continued its disastrous electoral performance. The party only secured 2.5 percent of the popular vote and lost its deposit in 21 of the 22 seats it contested (Jeram Padang being the exception).

While the party is likely to continue to fight on in Malacca, the party’s survival depends on new leadership. Holding on too long to power has costs.

Ironically, Bersatu’s effective (although not formal) departure from PN facilitated the cooperation between PN and BN, and also led to its own marginalisation.


Looking ahead

7. Indian representation - The Indian swing from Harapan provided BN-PN with a two-thirds victory but did not yield a single Indian representative into government.

The need to address the concerns of this community is pressing, and expectations are high given disappointments. The reality is that this community has swung in the past and will do so again.

8. BN-PN federal government is not guaranteed in a general election. A general election cannot be equated with a state election.

History showed in 2022 that the political terrain from Johor state polls that secured a BN supermajority to the general election shifted within months.

A day is a long time in politics. Swings are the norm in Malaysian politics, especially since 2018. Youth voting power assures that uncertainty and fluidity are electorally ever-present.

History has also shown that a BN and PAS alliance is not an easy one, despite smiles and platitudes. Malay unity - like that of all communities - is an ideal paralleled by a reality of competition, rivalries and distrust. Malay unity similarly is overstated.

9. Anwar Ibrahim’s time for legacy building. Negeri Sembilan polls provide yet another opportunity for a crossroads for the prime minister, reaching 80 years next year.

The decision is what to fight for - staying in power or changing course and leaving greater empowerment.

With at most a year left in office (likely less), Anwar has the opportunity to put in place a legacy of political reforms and institution building, in areas such as electoral redelineation and more. Anything is a step forward.

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim

He can build on the strong macroeconomic performance of the administration as well as the strengthening of a social welfare system.

Importantly, he can tap into his strengths of bridge-building.

Unless he does so, the lame duck refrain will grow, and effective governance will erode.

Legacy building is the most viable path ahead for strengthening his coalition. An unwillingness to do so could result in losing elections overshadowing his tenure - a disservice for his service.


The nine truths, taken together

None of these nine truths stands alone, and that is precisely what makes this election instructive.

Negeri Sembilan was not lost to any single gaffe, seat, or community; it was lost to the accumulation of unaddressed grievances that a two-thirds federal majority made easy to ignore, where compromises for staying in power overshadowed the promises made to voters.

Every hard truth listed here is the product of choices, not fate.

Negeri Sembilan will not be remembered for its results. It will be remembered for whether lessons are learned from it.



BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com

Loke’s defeat must end DAP’s political monopolies

Loke’s defeat must end DAP’s political monopolies


2 hours ago
Letter to the Editor


The party should stop its power brokers contesting both parliamentary and state assembly seats, allowing young leaders to come up

From Kua Kia Soong

DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook’s humiliating defeat at the Negeri Sembilan state election is not merely an electoral setback. It should be remembered as the moment that finally exposed one of the party’s oldest and least democratic habits: the insistence by its power brokers on contesting both parliamentary and state assembly seats.


For decades, DAP justified this practice under the convenient excuse of “leadership continuity” or “strategic necessity.” In reality, it has become little more than a mechanism for concentrating power in the hands of a small political elite.

No democratic party that genuinely believes in leadership renewal should tolerate the same people occupying multiple elected offices while hundreds of capable younger members wait indefinitely for an opportunity to serve.


Every state seat monopolised by a federal heavyweight is one less chance for a new generation to gain legislative experience, prove themselves to voters, and develop into future national leaders.

This has never been about public service. It has been about political control. The irony is especially painful for a party that has spent decades presenting itself as Malaysia’s most democratic political organisation.

Democracy is not merely about holding internal elections every few years, but requires sharing political opportunities, the decentralisation of authority, and the willingness of senior leaders to make way for younger successors.

Instead, DAP has too often practised precisely the opposite. The concentration of parliamentary and state positions among a handful of senior leaders has created an unhealthy culture in which political influence becomes increasingly centralised.


Local leaders become dependent on national personalities. State branches struggle to cultivate independent leadership.

Young politicians find promotion blocked unless an established figure decides to retire — a decision that too often never comes.

Loke’s defeat has now demonstrated the risks of this outdated strategy. Rather than strengthening the party, concentrating responsibility on one person has left it more vulnerable. When one political heavyweight falls, the consequences reverberate throughout the organisation.

A healthy political party distributes leadership. It does not concentrate it. Political renewal is not treated as a threat but as a necessity.


Senior politicians must mentor successors rather than permanently occupying every strategic position available. Institutions become stronger because they are built upon teams rather than personalities. DAP should learn that lesson before voters teach it again.

The practice of contesting both federal and state seats belongs to another era. It reflects a politics of insecurity, where leaders appear unwilling to trust anyone except themselves.

Such behaviour sends an unmistakable message to younger members: your loyalty is welcome, but your leadership is not. No party can claim to champion meritocracy while denying opportunities to its own talented members.

One leader, one elected legislature

Loke’s defeat should therefore serve as the catalyst for sweeping democratic reform within DAP. The party should adopt a clear principle: one leader, one elected legislature. MPs should concentrate on national issues.

Assemblymen should build state leadership. Federal leaders should resist the temptation to dominate state politics simply because they possess greater name recognition. Note Andy Burnham’s resignation as mayor of Greater Manchester when he contested a federal seat.

Such reform would immediately create opportunities for younger leaders, strengthen state organisations, broaden the party’s talent pool, and reduce the excessive concentration of power that has characterised DAP’s internal culture for far too long.

If DAP genuinely believes in democratic renewal for Malaysia, it must first demonstrate democratic renewal within its own ranks. The old guard has often spoken about institutional reform. Now it is time to practise it.

Karpal Singh: no leader is indispensable

One of the hallmarks of mature democratic parties around the world is that they institutionalise leadership renewal. Successful parties understand that no person is indispensable.

This was laid down some years ago by one of DAP’s more principled leaders, Karpal Singh. DAP’s leaders are expected not merely to win elections, but to cultivate the next generation capable of replacing them.

The best political leaders measure their success not by how long they remain in office, but by how many capable successors they leave behind.

Leadership is dispersed rather than concentrated. Younger politicians are deliberately given opportunities to contest winnable seats, gain administrative experience, and establish their own public credibility. Such renewal strengthens institutions because the party becomes larger than any one personality.

DAP has increasingly moved in the opposite direction. Instead of practising succession planning, it has become dependent upon an increasingly small circle of senior leaders who seem unwilling to relinquish political territory.

This is precisely the political culture DAP spent decades condemning in Barisan Nasional. For years, DAP criticised Umno for concentrating power in the hands of political warlords, suppressing younger talent, rewarding loyalty over renewal, and treating constituencies as personal fiefdoms.

The party that once demanded institutional reform now risks becoming an institution resistant to reform.

Such a culture breeds frustration, discourages initiative, and eventually drives away talented younger members who see little prospect of meaningful advancement.

DAP should seize this opportunity to undertake genuine democratic reform. It should adopt a clear principle that no senior leader should simultaneously monopolise federal and state representation.

If DAP truly wishes to distinguish itself from the old politics it has spent half a century attacking, it must demonstrate that leadership is a trust, not a possession.

Otherwise, the party risks becoming what it once opposed: an organisation where political power is accumulated, succession is postponed, and reform remains a slogan rather than a practice.



Kua Kia Soong is a former MP.

Peranakan family fights to survive the Japanese Occupation

Peranakan family fights to survive the Japanese Occupation


11 hours ago
Terence Toh @ FMT Lifestyle


Lee Su Kim’s debut novel, ‘Run, My Daughters, Run’, draws on wartime history, family memory and Straits Chinese culture

Lee Su Kim drew on family memory, historical research and firsthand accounts to bring her debut novel to life. (Terence Toh @ FMT Lifestyle)

KUALA LUMPUR: Author and cultural activist Lee Su Kim recalls a family story that stayed with her long before she became a novelist.

Before she was born, her grandmother had given birth to a beautiful baby girl. When the infant fell gravely ill, the desperate family sought help from a medium, who delivered a series of unusual instructions – the most heartbreaking being that the baby had to be given away.

Caught in an impossible situation, Lee’s grandmother reluctantly complied and never saw her daughter again.


That story never left Lee: the Kuala Lumpur-born author often found herself wondering what she would have done in her grandmother’s place.

When she began writing her debut novel, “Run, My Daughters, Run”, the haunting family memory became the seed of one of its central plotlines.


“I did a lot of reading to ensure I got the details of the period correct. Curiously, I realised there doesn’t seem to be much literature about the Japanese Occupation from local perspectives,” Lee told FMT Lifestyle.

“Yes, there are academic and reference books, but stories matter too. They’re one of the most powerful ways to keep memories alive.”

Lee has 16 books to her name spanning short stories and non-fiction. She is perhaps best known for her acclaimed trilogy of Peranakan short-story collections: “Kebaya Tales”, “Sarong Secrets” and “Manek Mischiefs”.

Her non-fiction titles “Malaysian Flavours: Insights into Things Malaysian” and “Manglish: Malaysian English at its Wackiest” have each sold more than 10,000 copies.


Despite these accomplishments, there was still one mountain left for Lee to climb: writing a novel.

“I never thought I would write one! But I found myself at home during the second year of the pandemic with little to do. So I figured this was the time to take on the challenge.”

Before long-form fiction, Lee built her reputation through acclaimed Peranakan short-story collections and books on local culture and language.

Published by Monsoon Books, “Run, My Daughters, Run” centres on a year in the life of a Peranakan family living in KL during the Japanese Occupation.

Pei Lin, a bright and bookish 17-year-old, sees her dreams of attending university shattered as she is forced to confront war, hunger and terror.


As conflict engulfs Malaya, she and her mother, Kim Neo, must battle hunger, evade occupying soldiers, and rely on one another to survive.

Their ordeal is further complicated by a devastating secret Kim Neo has kept hidden – one that could tear the family apart if brought to light.

The result is a gripping tale of courage, endurance and the bonds holding a family together through one of the darkest periods in Malayan history.

The Peranakan characters also allow Lee to weave elements of Straits Chinese culture and history into the novel, introducing readers to the community’s traditions, customs and rituals.

Telling an authentic story set during the Japanese Occupation required extensive research, with Lee immersing herself in academic books about the period.

She also sought firsthand accounts by speaking to several octogenarians and nonagenarians about those turbulent years. Among them were her neighbour William Mehta, and Henry Chan, whose family owns the Baba & Nyonya Heritage Museum in Melaka.

Another valuable source was her third aunt, now 99. Despite her advanced age, her memory remained remarkably sharp, Lee said, as she recounted many of her experiences, including fleeing to a rubber estate to evade soldiers searching for her family.

“When I finished writing the novel, I thanked her. Then she turned around and thanked me instead. She said nowadays, most people didn’t want to hear these stories. They don’t want to remember the dark times they went through,” Lee said.

Lee spent years consulting academic sources and speaking to elderly Malaysians whose wartime memories helped shape the novel. (Terence Toh @ FMT Lifestyle)


Despite the darkness of its setting, the author infuses the novel with moments of humour and humanity, taking care not to portray any character as entirely heroic or villainous.

Lee also became so attached to her characters that she was genuinely distressed whenever the story required one of them to die.

Overall, while she enjoyed writing “Run, My Daughters, Run”, Lee believes it will be both her first and last novel.

The demands of writing long-form fiction, she said, were exhausting: “I wish I had taken on the challenge when I was younger!”

Of course, this doesn’t mean she is putting down her pen for good. Lee is already planning her next project, a book blending family memoir with classic Peranakan recipes.

In the meantime, she hopes readers will embrace “Run, My Daughters, Run” and, like her, draw inspiration from the generation that endured the Japanese Occupation.

“Our forefathers were incredibly resilient. They lived through war, poverty and persecution, yet they persevered.

“Many of them have passed away now, but I hope we never forget their stories or the spirit that carried them through those difficult times.”

‘Run, My Daughters, Run’ is available at bookstores nationwide. It will be launched at Lit Books on Aug 23.

MACC officer rejects bias claim in Lim Guan Eng undersea tunnel probe

MACC officer rejects bias claim in Lim Guan Eng undersea tunnel probe



Former Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng attends the Kuala Lumpur Sessions Court for the continuation of his corruption trial involving the Penang undersea tunnel project on August 3, 2026. — Bernama pic


Summary

• In the trial concerning the RM6.3 billion Penang undersea tunnel and roads project, MACC investigating officer Senior Superintendent Zulhilmi Ramli refuted allegations of conducting a biased investigation against former Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng.
• The defense questioned the thoroughness of the investigation, particularly around the feasibility study submission by Consortium Zenith Beijing Urban Construction Group.
• Zulhilmi confirmed that the study was not submitted due to the project's early stage and defended the investigation's integrity.
• Lim faces multiple charges, including abuse of power and land disposition linked to the project, with the trial set to continue on August 7.

First Published: Monday, 03 Aug 2026 6:07 PM MYT
Last Modified: Monday, 03 Aug 2026 6:11 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 3 — A Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) investigating officer today denied that his investigation into the RM6.3 billion Penang undersea tunnel and major roads project involving former Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng was conducted in a biased manner.

Senior Superintendent Zulhilmi Ramli, 34, of the MACC Investigation Division at its headquarters, rejected the suggestion during cross-examination by defence lawyer Mohd Haijan Omar at Lim’s corruption trial.


Earlier, Mohd Haijan questioned why investigators had not verified whether Consortium Zenith Beijing Urban Construction Group (CZBUCG) had submitted any claim to the Penang government for the feasibility study and detailed design (FSDD) relating to the undersea tunnel project.


Zulhilmi replied that the FSDD had yet to be submitted to the state government because the undersea tunnel project was still at an early stage and the document had only recently been prepared by CZBUCG.


Asked whether he had seen the FSDD, the prosecution’s 38th witness replied: “Yes.”


Zulhilmi also disagreed with the defence’s suggestion that investigators had relied solely on the testimony of prosecution witness Datuk Zarul Ahmad Mohd Zulkifli without verifying the preparation of the FSDD, and denied failing to investigate the matter.

He also disagreed with Mohd Haijan suggested that the investigation had been biased and intended to implicate his client.


Asked whether CZBUCG had, to date, been paid for the FSDD, Zulhilmi said he was unsure.

Lim, 65, is charged with using his position as Penang chief minister to obtain RM3.3 million in gratification by helping a company owned by former Consortium Zenith Construction Sdn Bhd director Datuk Zarul Ahmad Mohd Zulkifli secure the contract for the RM6.341 billion undersea tunnel and major roads project.

The alleged offence was committed between January 2011 and August 2017 at the Penang Chief Minister’s Office.

For the second charge, the Bagan MP is accused of soliciting 10 per cent of the profits expected to be earned by Zarul Ahmad as an inducement for helping the businessman’s company secure the same project.

The offence was allegedly committed near The Gardens Hotel, Lingkaran Syed Putra, Mid Valley City, between 12.30 am and 2 am in March 2011.

Lim also faces two charges of causing two plots of Penang state government land, valued at RM208.8 million, to be disposed of to a developer linked to the undersea tunnel project.

The alleged offences were committed at the Penang Land and Mines Office in Komtar on Feb 17, 2015, and March 22, 2017.

The trial before Judge Azura Alwi resumes on Aug 7. — Bernama

Millions of Thais banish the booze for Buddhist Lent

Millions of Thais banish the booze for Buddhist Lent


Thailand, where more than 90% of the population identify as Buddhist, has the third highest per capita consumption of alcohol in Asia

Wassana Nak-umma (left) pledged to abstain from drinking alcohol for three months at the beginning of Buddhist Lent at Wat Nong Song Hong Buddhist temple in Samut Sakhon province. (AFP pic)

SAMUT SAKHON: With her palms pressed together and her head bowed, Wassana Nak-umma vowed to give up alcohol for three months, joining millions of Thais in an abstinence campaign blending public health with spirituality.

The 42-year-old housewife, who took the pledge at a Buddhist temple in Samut Sakhon, west of Bangkok, admitted she used to be a “heavy drinker”.

“I used to get so drunk that my kids had to clean up my vomit,” she told AFP candidly.


But a concerned relative persuaded her to join a campaign to give up alcohol during Khao Phansa, a three-month period of reflection observed by Buddhists akin to Christian Lent.

“I still craved it. Whenever I saw people buying liquor or beer at stores, I would look at them and want to drink like them,” she said.


“But I held back, telling myself it was only three months. After that three-month period, I realised, ‘Hey, I can do this! Next year, I must do it again’.”

That was in 2024. Wassana went back to drinking, but in moderation, and this week joined hundreds in Samut Sakhon to pledge abstinence for her third year.

Avoiding drugs and alcohol is a key precept of Buddhism.

But Thailand, where more than 90% of the population identify as Buddhist, has the third highest per capita consumption of alcohol in Asia, according to 2024 data from the World Health Organization (WHO).


It was to address this paradox that the so-called Buddhist Lent campaign began in 2003, and last year it claimed more than eight million adherents.


Spiritual anchor

The start of Khao Phansa on Thursday was a joyous affair in the rural province of Samut Sakhon, featuring offerings to monks and traditional dances.

Dozens of people also paraded through the village on “salengs” — scooters with sidecars used locally to transport coconuts — brandishing placards featuring images of healthy, smiling livers.


Phayom Raksa solemnly recited a pledge that touched on the teachings of the Buddha, and mentioned Thailand’s king and the well-being of the nation.

The 66-year-old former coconut farmer stopped drinking entirely after participating in the campaign for the first time six years ago.

“My kids were ashamed of me — their dad got drunk every day and didn’t care about them,” he told AFP, saying that he also spent all his money on alcohol.

But he now urged others to follow his example, saying: “I’d like everyone to try doing what I did — to think and look at positive things.”

Abstinence campaigns have gathered ground in many countries in recent years, notably the trend to pursue a “Dry January” after Christmas and New Year’s Eve excesses.

They are often linked to an increased focus on healthy behaviour.

But Ubolwan Kongsawang, a regional volunteer with Thialand’s Stop Drinking Network, said the Buddhist Lent campaign provides a “spiritual anchor” that boosts motivation.

“When individuals take a pledge before a Buddha image, at a temple, or within their community, they feel bound to honour their word,” she said.


‘Beyond Lent’

Organisers of the campaign have revamped their messaging this year, emphasising how giving up or even cutting down alcohol consumption can result in improved health, better relationships — and crucially, save money.

“Our goal is not necessarily total abstinence for everyone,” said Dr. Pongthep Wongwatcharapaiboon, director of the Thai Health Promotion Foundation, a government agency.

“Many reduce their consumption and discover the health benefits, which is already a success.”

Thailand in December relaxed decades-old restrictions on selling alcohol in the afternoon, which were originally intended to stop government employees drinking on the job.

But it remains banned on religious public holidays and around elections.

One advertisement for the Buddhist Lent campaign focuses on the social pressure to drink, in a culture where alcohol is everywhere, from funerals to festivals.

“We are trying to transform the drinking culture itself, not just reduce individual consumption,” says Teera Wacharaprannee, head of the Stop Drinking Network.

“Our strategy is to continue beyond Lent, supporting villages and communities to reduce alcohol in daily life.”

PH shed nearly 5% of vote since GE15, says Kian Ming

PH shed nearly 5% of vote since GE15, says Kian Ming


Former Bangi MP says PH’s vote share was 39.7% in the Negeri Sembilan election compared to 44.4% in the 2022 general election

DAP’s Ong Kian Ming said the six state seats where PH experienced an increase in support include Chennah and Linggi.

PETALING JAYA: Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) vote share in the Negeri Sembilan polls last Saturday fell by almost 5% compared with the 2022 general election (GE15), former Bangi MP Ong Kian Ming says.

In a statement, Ong said PH’s vote share was 39.7% in 2026 compared to 44.4% in GE15.

He said the major difference this time was that Malay votes were not split between Barisan Nasional (BN) and Perikatan Nasional (PN).


“The two coalitions combined to win more than 55% of the popular vote, which is sufficient to win a comfortable majority of seats in a first-past-the-post electoral system,” Ong said.

He also said Bersatu’s vote share plummeted to 2.7%, with only one of its 24 candidates retaining his deposit.


BN won 18 seats in Negeri Sembilan while PN secured seven, giving the coalitions a combined 25 seats and a two-thirds majority in the state assembly. PH won the remaining 11 seats.

Overall turnout for the Negeri Sembilan polls was 72.6%, according to the Election Commission.

Ong said his initial estimates for Malay and Chinese turnout were 78% and 62% respectively. He also predicted that Malay support for PH in the state polls was around 8%.

However, he said, in a 57% Malay electorate state like Negeri Sembilan where an estimated 80% of Malay voters supported BN or PN, this translated into an electoral advantage of slightly more than 7% for BN and PN candidates.


He said among the Chinese voters who turned out, more than 90% backed PH.

“But this was not enough to ‘save’ (DAP secretary-general) Loke Siew Fook in Chennah, a seat with a roughly 40% Chinese electorate and a 60% Malay and Orang Asli electorate that voted overwhelmingly for the BN-MCA candidate.”

He said the six state seats where PH experienced an increase in support included Chennah and Linggi, by 2.4% in each seat.

However, because most of the votes won by PN in GE15 were transferred to BN in the Negeri Sembilan polls, this small increase in support was overwhelmed by the even larger increase in support, especially among the Malay voters, for BN and PN.


Looking ahead

Ong said the Anwar Ibrahim-led federal administration must now focus on delivering political and institutional reforms and move away from “short-term tactics”.

He said reforms that must be delivered before the next general election include the term limit to the prime minister’s tenure as well as the separation of roles for the public prosecutor and attorney-general.

He also urged the administration to introduce an equal constituency allocation bill so that opposition MPs would receive the same allocation as government MPs.

“This is important, especially since PH is likely to find itself back in the opposition after GE16,” Ong said.

He said the unity government must also return to pushing for electoral reform, including a fair delimitation of constituencies at the federal and state levels.

‘As we were saying … Free Palestine’: Massive Attack hits out after Singapore concert probe

‘As we were saying … Free Palestine’: Massive Attack hits out after Singapore concert probe



British trip-hop band Massive Attack has been banned from Singapore for unlicensed public display of Palestine’s flag during its only concert in the country at the Star Theatre on July 29, 2026. — Picture from Instagram/massiveattackofficial


Summary

• British trip-hop band Massive Attack reported that its members were detained and questioned by Singapore police after displaying a Palestinian flag during a concert on July 29.
• The band members faced searches, and temporary confiscation of passports, with two receiving stern warnings and being barred from re-entering Singapore.
• Singaporean authorities highlighted that the band's actions breached regulations on displaying foreign flags without a permit.
• Massive Attack, known for its advocacy for the Palestinian cause, expressed pride in standing with fans and called on Singapore to ratify the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

By Malay Mail
First Published: Monday, 03 Aug 2026 9:43 AM MYT


SINGAPORE, Aug 3 — British trip-hop band Massive Attack said its entire touring group was detained and separately questioned by Singapore police after members displayed a Palestinian flag during a concert here last week.

The band said some members also had their hotel rooms searched and passports temporarily confiscated following its July 29 performance at The Star Theatre.


“Following our performance at the Star Theatre, Singapore on 29th July, we were surprised and disappointed that our entire band was detained by the police, isolated and separately questioned – with some members subjected to hotel room searches & temporary passport confiscation,” the group posted on Instagram yesterday.


In a three-slide post, the group detailed what transpired on the day of its only Singapore concert.


Massive Attack said large sections of the audience spontaneously chanted “Free Palestine” before and after the show, despite the possibility that the expression could breach Singapore’s censorship laws.



Two members of British band Massive Attack hold up a Palestinian flag on stage during a July 29, 2026 concert in Singapore’s The Star Theatre, violating local laws banning the display of foreign national emblems without a permit. — Screengrab from Instagram/sgpowerlah



The band said it had not expected the display of the Palestinian flag to violate any law, noting that Palestine is recognised as a sovereign state by 157 countries.


“For our part, we did not imagine that merely holding up the flag of a sovereign state recognised by 157 countries (Palestine) would violate any law.”

The group said it was proud to have joined Singaporean fans in what it described as an impromptu expression of solidarity with Palestinians.

“On reflection, we are proud to have made this impromptu expression with our fans in Singapore who clearly felt a moral imperative to show solidarity with the people of Palestine in their ongoing reality of illegal occupation, apartheid & genocide, & we salute their courage in doing so.”


Singapore police later said two band members had been issued stern warnings and barred from re-entering the city-state after they unfurled the Palestinian flag on stage.

Police said the pair had breached rules governing the public display of foreign flags and national emblems without a permit.

The authorities said one of the band members had also shouted “Free Palestine” during the performance.

Singapore police have urged the public, including foreigners, not to “import” foreign politics into the country, warning that such actions could undermine social cohesion and the rule of law.

Singapore’s media regulator is separately investigating possible breaches of the concert’s licensing conditions.

Police said the regulator would not approve future applications for Massive Attack performances in Singapore because of the entry ban.

The band is known for its criticism of Israel’s military actions in Gaza and has frequently used its public profile to support the Palestinian cause.

Massive Attack also thanked Singaporeans for their welcome and urged the government to ratify the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

The band ended its statement with a pointed message: “As we were saying ... Free Palestine”.

***

Sing has always been strict with her rules,; besides she is a pro Wank pro shailoki nation.

Israeli strikes kill 13 in Gaza

Israeli strikes kill 13 in Gaza



Hamas politburo member Ghazi Hamad condemned the strikes yesterday, and told AFP that “Israel’s escalation in Gaza today confirms that Israel doesn’t want to reach an agreement.” — AFP pic


Summary

• Israeli airstrikes on Gaza have resulted in at least 13 civilian deaths and multiple residential buildings being targeted, despite Hamas agreeing to a US-mediated plan involving disarmament and Israeli troop withdrawal.
• However, Israel demands genuine disarmament before any withdrawal, and has not officially commented on the agreement.
• The strikes have complicated diplomatic efforts, with international mediators urging both parties to fulfill their obligations under the US-backed roadmap.
• Hamas has criticized Israel for the continued escalation, which it views as a hindrance to reaching an agreement.

First Published: Monday, 03 Aug 2026 9:40 AM MYT


GAZA CITY, Aug 3 — Israeli strikes on Gaza hit multiple residential buildings and killed at least 13 people, authorities said yesterday, despite Hamas saying it agreed to the latest stage of a deal to end the war.

Hamas said Friday it had agreed to a plan championed by US President Donald Trump that includes provisions for handing over its weapons and the gradual withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip.


Israel has yet to officially comment on the agreement, but a political source has told AFP “that there will be no withdrawal whatsoever” without Hamas’s “genuine disarmament”.


Gaza’s civil defence rescue service, which operates under Hamas authority, on Sunday said eight people were killed in strikes around midnight that hit multiple residential buildings, and five others were killed later in the day.


In one overnight attack near the central Gaza Strip, a man and his wife were killed and several others were wounded when an Israeli military helicopter struck an apartment, a civil defence spokesman said.


An elderly man and a child were killed in another attack on an apartment west of Gaza City, and three people, including a child, were killed in a strike on a residential building northwest of Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip.

“One person was killed and four others injured in an Israeli drone strike targeting a group of civilians near a camp for displaced people in Jabalia refugee camp, northern Gaza Strip,” he said.


A couple and their child were killed in a strike on an apartment west of Gaza City at dawn, the spokesman said, adding that the woman was pregnant.

Two others were killed in an Israeli drone strike on their vehicle in Deir al-Balah in the central Gaza Strip, he said, with the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Hospitals saying they were brothers.

Hamas politburo member Ghazi Hamad condemned the strikes yesterday, and told AFP that “Israel’s escalation in Gaza today confirms that Israel doesn’t want to reach an agreement.”

On Saturday, authorities reported that eight people had been killed in strikes that damaged a hospital’s medical supplies and targeted a rooftop. The Israeli army said two of the strikes targeted members of the Army of Islam and Islamic Jihad militant groups.

Nickolay Mladenov, High Representative of the Board of Peace, the international body overseeing the US-backed Gaza plan, said the latest strikes compromised diplomatic efforts towards the implementation of the plan.

“Two days of strikes across Gaza have killed civilians and destroyed medical supplies that people depend on,” he wrote on X.

“This comes after intense efforts by the Board of Peace and the mediators… to bring the Palestinian factions in Gaza to agree to a Roadmap on the full implementation of President Trump’s plan. Both parties carry obligations under the Comprehensive Plan”. — AFP

***

Satanyahu does NOT want peace as he'll then go to prison.

And WTF is the Wankees doing about this continuous violation of ceasefire-peace agreements- etc by the shailoks?

😡😡😡

No need to rush GE16, govt should complete term, says MP

No need to rush GE16, govt should complete term, says MP

Sunday, 02 Aug 2026 | 7:08 PM MYT





JOHOR BARU: The Madani government should not rush into holding the 16th General Election (GE16) but needs to focus on completing its current mandate to allow its policies to deliver results.

Pasir Gudang MP Hassan Abdul Karim said Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim should not hastily dissolve Parliament following PKR’s performance in several recent state elections.


Hassan said PKR should take time to assess the election results and reorganise its strategy ahead of GE16.

"Take a rest, PKR, after working hard during the campaign. We can then carefully plan a good strategy for GE16.


"Convince our leader Anwar Ibrahim not to act hastily. Encourage him to govern the country well until the full mandate ends,” he said on his Facebook page on Sunday (Aug 2).

Hassan said completing the government’s term until late 2027 or early 2028 would allow its economic policies to show results and give the people an opportunity to see their impact.

He said holding GE16 soon could be influenced by sentiments following PKR’s setbacks in Sabah, Johor and Negeri Sembilan, which could affect the party and Pakatan Harapan’s prospects.

He said the next 12 to 18 months should be used to strengthen the economy, attract more foreign direct investment (FDI), and boost public confidence in the government’s performance.

Hassan said Parliament’s dissolution could be considered once the people begin to feel the benefits of the government’s economic policies and see the economy moving in a stronger direction.

He reminded PKR members and supporters not to be discouraged by the recent election results, but to continue preparing for GE16.

"So, do not cry, PKR. You are a reform party. We are fighters. We are brave enough to fight, brave enough to win and brave enough to face defeat,” he said. — Bernama

Hassan Abdul Karim

9 hours ago

DON'T CRY PKR
Dunia Belum Kiamat

oleh Hassan Abdul Karim
Ahli Parlimen Pasir Gudang

...See more

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A Parasite

From the FB page of: 

Anamuslim Waaftakher

Biggest political earthquake since 2018

Biggest political earthquake since 2018

By Joceline Tan

Sunday, 02 Aug 2026 | 2:21 PM MYT



THERE was a rather sentimental mood at DAP’s finale ceramah in downtown Seremban as supporters waved the torches on their phones in the air and sang along to a popular Chinese song, “Tomorrow will be better”.

But the next day ended badly for Pakatan Harapan, with some likening the outcome of the Negri Sembilan election to the biggest earthquake since 2018.


The tremors that emanated from the spectacular change of government has shaken the Madani government much more than the defeat in Johor.

No sitting Prime Minister has ever had to face this sort of setback, coming one after another and with another looming just next door in Melaka.


“It was an unforgettable night with many layers of messaging. Melaka could be another nightmare,” said newspaper columnist Jeff Ooi.

The Internet was choked with commentary over the fall of DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke and former Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Aminuddin Harun but the far more serious question is what has become of PKR, the party of the Prime Minister?

DAP has slipped from its pinnacle but PKR seems to be sliding down a slippery slope barely clinging on, be it in Sabah, Johor or Negri Sembilan.

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was the driving force in all these state elections.

He has done almost everything within his powers to win over the Malays and yet they spurned his party.

He pulled a rabbit out of the hat when he released the findings of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Tabung Haji scandal. It was supposed to be a bomb that would blow up in Umno’s face but it failed to swing Malay votes to Pakatan.

Parti Amanah was supposed to get the Malay support but no one even bothers to talk about the party anymore.

Pakatan is in dire straits, it has hit rock bottom.

Loke, who is Transport Minister, looked devastated when conceding defeat to Barisan Nasional’s John Siow in Chennah. As the Chinese would say, they had chopped off the dragon’s head.

He secured about 75% of the votes in Titi Kong, the biggest Chinese new village in Chennah. In the good old days, he would have swept up 95% of the Chinese votes but his opponent is not only from the village but shares the same “Siow” surname with 70% of the villagers.

But it was the Malay votes that cost him the seat. The anti-DAP propaganda has sunk in with the Malays.

A Perak PKR leader said the government’s soft touch towards former Malaysia Anti-Corruption Commissioner Tan Sri Azam Baki has undermined the Prime Minister’s war against corruption.

He said a news report claiming that Azam’s younger brother was awarded a multi-million ringgit contract from the Transport Ministry might have hurt the DAP leader among thinking Malays.

How is Loke going to face his party at the DAP congress on Aug 16?

Loke is a mature and moderate leader but the Malay dislike for DAP has unfortunately spilled over onto him. He was fundamental in building up DAP’s presence in Negri Sembilan where he was once a voice in the wilderness.

How will the DAP’s slide in support affect the thinking of delegations at the congress?

Surely they can no longer ignore the anger and sense of betrayal among the Chinese, especially the younger Chinese?

DAP has been the pillar holding up Pakatan yet is blamed when things go wrong.

DAP leaders had been confident that fear of PAS and Islam would lock in the Chinese vote.

“Young Chinese voters are not burdened by history. Young voters in the past used to think of the future of the community, of issues like Chinese education. Nowadays, they think about themselves,” said a Seremban lawyer.

Will they blame the Chinese anger on the Prime Minister’s overtures to the Malays?

DAP leaders only started to speak out more after the Sabah debacle but has that been enough for the party? As for the Malay DAP leaders, they are like flower pots in a Chinese living room with zero appeal among the Malays.

Will delegates save the party or save the Prime Minister?

The landscape has changed and DAP will have to think out of the box to survive.

Umno and PAS were previously like a blue and green wave competing to reach the shore.

But the blue and green wave has become a Malay tsunami.

The non-Malays may dislike Umno and distrust PAS.

“The wave is real and it’s flowing from the South China Sea to the Strait of Malacca,” said the above PKR leader.

Speculation is growing that Anwar is under pressure to call for an early general election.

Why should he? He can go on for as long as he still commands the numbers in Parliament.

Besides, Umno president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamid has assured him several times that Umno will not pull out its support in Putrajaya.

It is unclear whether the cikgu still trusts his anak murid who has engineered two major wins for Barisan thus far.

The anak murid is on par with his cikgu as the ultimate political animal.

The Chinese have this saying that welcoming a tiger into the house is like inviting trouble. That might be the situation in the Madani government today.

The age of the political frenemy

The age of the political frenemy

By Philip Golingai

Sunday, 02 Aug 2026

Voting puzzle: Voters queuing to cast their ballots at a polling centre in Negri Sembilan yesterday. As the political map grows more fragmented and alliances and divisions shift, voters will need to adjust expectations. — Bernama


POLITICAL friend + political enemy = political frenemy. I define the term as a party/coalition that functions simultaneously as a partner and a rival, entering alliances out of strategic necessity when competing for power, seats, or influence.

In other words, what we are witnessing today is the rise of the frenemy: a political party or coalition that acts as a friendly partner on one stage, but turns into an outright rival the moment they step onto another.


Take the current dynamics between Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan. At the Putrajaya level, their members sit side by side in the unity government, managing federal affairs and maintaining Cabinet discipline. But look at the state elections – in Johor or Negri Sembilan – and we can see how the gloves came right off. Ministers on the ceramah circuit had no problem criticising fellow ministers of another party who might sit next to him or her in Cabinet meetings.


Another clear example of the frenemy dynamic in action is the complex, ever-shifting relationship between Umno and PAS – a partnership governed purely by arithmetic, leverage, and mutual vulnerability. Oh, and of course, the ever-useful rallying cry of defending Malay rights.

Before 2018, Umno and PAS were fierce rivals fighting for the heart of the Malay-Muslim electorate, with Umno anchoring the federal government and PAS leading the opposition in its northern strongholds. They fought each other head-to-head in the 14th General Election (GE14) in 2018.

However, after the Sheraton Move infamously brought down the Pakatan administration in 2020, Umno and PAS suddenly found themselves sitting side by side in the same federal government under appointed prime minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and later prime minister Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob.

That truce was short-lived.

By the time GE15 arrived in 2022, the alliance fractured over seat allocations and competing ambitions, leading both parties back to open warfare on the campaign trail. Fast forward to the post-GE15 landscape: Umno joined the federal unity government alongside Pakatan (which had defeated it in GE14), while PAS anchored the opposition bench under Perikatan Nasional.

Yet, even with that clear federal split, the frenemy dynamic refuses to stay in a neat box.

In the Johor state elections, PAS instructed its supporters to vote for Barisan in seats where PAS was not contesting, aiming to block Pakatan. In Negri Sembilan (where voting is ongoing as I write this), pragmatic calculations led to electoral pacts, with Barisan and Perikatan negotiating seat fights to avoid splitting the vote.

To the average voter watching from the sidelines, it can be deeply baffling. Are they pretending? Are they serious? Or are we just watching a high-stakes game of political theatre?

The truth is, when we use the word “enemy” in political discourse, it clouds our minds. To the rakyat, two politicians who tear each other apart on the campaign trail or in the august halls of Parliament ought to be sworn enemies. Yet, walk into the Parliament cafeteria during a break and you will see those same politicians sharing a table, having tea together, laughing.

Just as artificial hostility misleads the public, so too does assuming that current Cabinet partners are permanent allies. Much of the confusion on the ground stems from this ambiguity over what political alignments are actually meant to achieve.

In a podcast I recently hosted, Bersama co-founder and former Natural Resources and Environmental Sustainability minister Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad reflected on this very dilemma. Looking back, he noted that what Pakatan should have done from the very beginning was simply admit that its partnership with Umno is a one-term marriage of necessity rather than a permanent pact.

By failing to set those boundaries early, Pakatan and Barisan now find themselves entangled in a confusing array of arrangements on the ground. In state polls, Umno insists on testing its strength solo to satisfy its grassroots, knowing full well that once the ballots are counted, rivals must return to sit side by side in Cabinet meetings.

The relationship between PAS and Umno remains another volatile front. While some romanticise the idea of a unified Malay-Muslim bloc, Nik Nazmi noted that the two will always clash because they fight for the same voter base. The arithmetic speaks for itself: In GE15, Perikatan swept 71 seats while Umno was reduced to 26.

Right now, parties often align when they feel vulnerable. As Nik Nazmi observed of the Umno-PAS dynamic: “When one is weak, they will work together. But when one is strong ... one will stab the other in the back.”

That same dynamic of vulnerability is now playing out for PAS’ coalition partner, Bersatu. The party is trapped between an increasingly dominant PAS within Perikatan – where Bersatu has been relegated to stepchild status – and the ruling Pakatan coalition.

Bersatu, in fact, is facing what Nik Nazmi described as an existential crisis. Having never intended to stand on its own, it now finds itself squeezed in an overcrowded Malay political market, struggling to justify its relevance while its allies look elsewhere.

Coming full circle, I wouldn’t be surprised if Bersatu eventually ends up back in the Pakatan fold, having originally joined the coalition in 2017 to defeat Bari­­san in GE14. Alternatively, it may settle into the role of a spoiler, getting the Malay vote away from Perikatan and Barisan, much as we were seeing in early predictions in the Negri Sembilan polls.

As the political map grows more fragmented before GE16, voters will need to adjust their expectations. The lines between government and opposition, ally and opponent, will remain blurred.

If there is one cardinal rule to remember as we navigate this era of the political frenemy, it’s one of the oldest cliches in the handbook: In politics, there are no permanent friends, and no permanent enemies. There are only shared interests – and a whole lot of frenemies.

Beyond labels

Beyond labels

By Jahaberdeen M. Yunoos

Sunday, 02 Aug 2026

Nationality vs ethnicity: Chinese tourists taking a wefie outside the Penang Peranakan Mansion in Church Street, George Town. What people who aren’t from China may not realise is that China is also ethnically diverse, says the writer. — LIM BENG TATT/The Star


EVERY day, we casually refer to people as Chinese, Indian, Russian, American, Japanese or British. These labels roll off the tongue so naturally that we seldom stop to ask what they actually mean. For decades, I have been fascinated by how the careless use of words often leads to careless thinking. The distinction between nationality and ethnicity is one such example.

Yet hidden within this everyday language lies one of the most common misconceptions about human identity.

Many assume these labels describe ethnic groups. In reality, they often describe nationalities. The difference matters more than most people realise.


Nationality and ethnicity are related, but they are not the same. Nationality usually refers to legal or political membership of a country. Ethnicity, on the other hand, generally refers to a community connected by shared ancestry, language, culture, history, or traditions. One is primarily political; the other is primarily cultural and historical.

Confusing these two concepts may appear harmless, but it often leads to mistaken assumptions about history, identity, and even our understanding of nations themselves.

Take China, for example. We frequently speak of “the Chinese” as though they constitute one homogeneous people. Yet China officially recognises 56 ethnic groups. While the Han form the majority, there are also Tibetans, Uyghurs, Zhuang, Hui, Mongols, Miao, Yi, and many others, each possessing distinct languages, traditions, and histories.

The same is true of India. Outside the country, we simply speak of “Indians”. But India is home to an extraordinary diversity of peoples. Tamils, Punjabis, Bengalis, Gujaratis, Kashmiris, Nagas, Mizos, and many other communities maintain their own languages, customs, and cultural identities. In some cases, neighbouring communities may not even share a common mother tongue.

Russia provides another illustration. Although ethnic Russians form the majority, the country is home to Tatars, Chechens, Bashkirs, Yakuts, Buryats, and dozens of other ethnic communities. Likewise, the United Kingdom consists of English, Scottish, Welsh, and Irish identities alongside many other communities that have become part of modern British society.

Even the United States demonstrates the distinction clearly. “American” is not an ethnicity in the conventional sense. It is a nationality that embraces people whose ancestral roots stretch across every inhabited continent. Their shared citizenship does not erase their ethnic diversity.

These examples remind us that countries are rarely built upon a single ethnic foundation. Rather, they are political communities made up of numerous cultural and historical groups living under a common system of government.

The misconception arises because language often simplifies reality. Saying “the Chinese” or “the Indians” is convenient. It is useful shorthand. But shorthand should never be mistaken for precise description.

History itself teaches us why.

The borders of today’s countries are relatively recent when compared with the long history of human civilisation. Kingdoms rose and fell. Empires expanded and collapsed. Borders shifted through wars, treaties, migration, and political change. Yet the communities living within those borders often remained remarkably diverse.

Human societies have always been more complex than the neat categories we use to describe them.

Understanding this distinction also helps us appreciate the richness of civilisation itself. Diversity within nations is not an exception. It is the historical norm.

This misunderstanding, however, does not remain confined to geography. It sometimes shapes how people think about history, politics, and even religion. When nationality and ethnicity become blurred, some begin to imagine that modern nation-states exist exclusively for one particular ethnic community, as though political borders and ethnic identity have always been identical.

History tells a different story.

Modern states are largely products of evolving political arrangements. Ethnic communities, by contrast, often predate those states by centuries or even millennia. The two frequently overlap, but they are seldom identical.

Recognising this distinction does not diminish anyone’s attachment to their country or their heritage. On the contrary, it allows us to appreciate both more accurately. One may cherish one’s nationality while also valuing one’s ethnic traditions. The two identities can comfortably coexist without being confused.

Perhaps the deeper lesson is that identity itself is layered.

A person may belong to a nation, inherit a particular ethnic tradition, speak several languages, practise a religion, and embrace a modern civic identity simultaneously. None of these identities necessarily replaces the others.

In an increasingly interconnected world, simplistic labels are becoming even less adequate. Migration, intermarriage, and globalisation continue to enrich societies in ways that make rigid classifications ever more difficult.

Our language should reflect that complexity rather than obscure it.

Words shape the way we think. When we use national labels as though they describe single ethnic groups, we unintentionally oversimplify humanity itself. That simplification may seem trivial, but it influences how we discuss history, politics, identity, and our place in the world.

Words shape thought, and thought shapes society. If we wish to have more intelligent conversations about history, politics, identity, and even religion, we must first use our words with precision. The passport we carry identifies our nationality; it does not define our ethnicity. Understanding that simple distinction may help us understand the world – and one another – a little better.

Senior lawyer Datuk Seri Dr Jahaberdeen Mohamed Yunoos is the founder and chairman of Yayasan Rapera, an NGO that promotes community-based learning activities and compassionate thinking among Malaysians. The views expressed here are entirely his own.