BN planning for a ‘walkover’ in the coming Melaka election?

BN planning for a ‘walkover’ in the coming Melaka election?


There are reports that PAS intends to contest 16 of Melaka’s 28 seats, including Tanjung Bidara held by the caretaker chief minister Ab Rauf

Updated 52 minutes ago · Published on 24 Sep 2026 7:55AM

PKR have no seats in the Melaka State Assembly, and it will be very difficult to see where they could win any new seats. - September 24, 2026

By Murray Hunter


AFTER a long wait, the Melaka chief minister Datuk Seri Ab Rauf Yusoh has called a state election, due within 60 days from September 23.

The Melaka state election should have been held before Johor and Negeri Sembilan, but the chief minister waited for the most opportune time.

The Melaka assembly has 28 seats and was last contested on Nov 20, 2021, when BN won 21 seats, Pakatan Harapan (PH) five and Perikatan Nasional (PN) two.

The current state government's mandate is due to expire in December.

Up to now, there have been lots of negotiations between the parties as to which way they could work together. However, it's very clear that the BN, urged on by its wins in Johor and Negeri Sembilan, led by UMNO, intends to go for an almost clean sweep in the coming election.

There are reports that PAS intends to contest 16 of Melaka’s 28 seats, including Tanjung Bidara held by the caretaker chief minister Ab Rauf.

At the time of writing, PH appears to be working out a deal with Bersatu, but it remains unconfirmed.

This will be the first electoral test since the Pardons Board allowed former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to serve the remainder of his sentence under home detention, and the constitutional crisis in Negeri Sembilan has been inflamed by UMNO.

The electoral effects of this are still largely unknown.

The DAP looks safe to hold Ayer Keroh with a 5,624-vote majority, Bandar Hilir with a 7,778-vote majority, Kota Lakasamana with an 11,494-vote majority, and Kesidang with a 10,237-vote majority.

The voter turnout will be crucial, with the DAP needing their traditional supporters to turn out to hold the seats. However, the influence of DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke’s intention to resign, and the failure of other DAP ministers to make any declarations about their future, cannot be calculated. Amanah has a 1,057-vote majority in Bukit Katil, which UMNO/PAS will fight very hard for.

PKR have no seats in the Melaka State Assembly, and it will be very difficult to see where they could win any new seats.

The seat of Sunai Udang, won by Mohd Aleef Yusof from Bersatu in the 2021 election, was held by only a 530-vote majority.

This is likely to fall to either UMNO or PAS.

If the BN and PAS do an electoral deal, then BN will be returned with around 21 seats, with PAS possibly winning up to 3 seats, with the DAP maintaining the 4 seats it holds.

If BN and PAS don’t do a deal, then PAS may be able to add a couple of seats. From that point of view, the Melaka state election will really be a non-event.

However, the BN proving Johor and Negeri Sembilan are not just flukes would increase pressure on the Prime Minister from the BN in edging for an early federal election.

The Prime Minister is holding steadfast on not calling for an early general election, so an increase in political turbulence will be expected. – September 24, 2026

UMNO branch chief quits over Negeri Sembilan royal dispute (video)

UMNO branch chief quits over Negeri Sembilan royal dispute (video)


Datuk Ir Abdul Aziz Abdullah, who heads UMNO Cawangan Pinggiran Sri Baduri under the Damansara division, said his resignation took effect on September 21

Updated 15 hours ago · Published on 22 Sep 2026 4:45PM

Abdul Aziz said he was deeply angered and saddened by the developments in Negeri Sembilan - September 22, 2026


by Alfian Z.M. Tahir




AN UMNO branch chief has resigned from his party post, saying he could no longer accept the way UMNO leaders in Negeri Sembilan had handled the dispute involving the state’s royal institution.


Datuk Ir Abdul Aziz Abdullah, who heads UMNO Cawangan Pinggiran Sri Baduri under the Damansara division, said his resignation took effect on September 21.

In a video statement, Abdul Aziz said he was deeply angered and saddened by the developments in Negeri Sembilan, particularly what he described as the treatment of Yang di-Pertuan Besar Negeri Sembilan Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir.

“Why did I choose to resign? Because I cannot bear the anger and sadness over the attitude of UMNO leaders today in Negeri Sembilan, who have been so disrespectful towards Tuanku Muhriz,” he said.

Abdul Aziz said the issue was personal to him as he now lives in Negeri Sembilan and has family ties to the state.

“My mother is from Johor, but my father is a native of Negeri Sembilan,” he said.

He said this was among the reasons he had been closely following the developments, particularly the increasingly strained relationship between the state administration and the palace.

“I cannot accept the attitude shown by the Menteri Besar, the Exco members and UMNO in Negeri Sembilan. I cannot accept it,” he said.

The resignation comes as the dispute between the Negeri Sembilan government and the palace continues to unfold.

On September 20, the Negeri Sembilan palace announced that Tuanku Muhriz had revoked the appointments of all state executive councillors with immediate effect, saying they had breached their oaths of office through their actions and statements on September 15.

Menteri Besar Datuk Ismail Lasim, however, said the following day that the existing Exco members remained in office and could continue carrying out their duties, based on his interpretation of the Negeri Sembilan Constitution 1959.

The conflicting positions have left the status of the state executive council at the centre of the dispute.

UMNO president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has since said he would meet Ismail to obtain an explanation for the developments.

For Abdul Aziz, the situation was enough for him to walk away from his party position.

He said the conduct of UMNO leaders in Negeri Sembilan towards Tuanku Muhriz was the main reason behind his resignation. – September 22, 2026

See video here: https://www.facebook.com/reel/1559434902075689

Loke firm on resignation

Loke firm on resignation

Malaysiakini Team

Published: Sep 23, 2026 9:06 PM


DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke remains firm on resigning as transport minister, saying he will submit his letter to Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim after returning from China.

Bernama reported that the Seremban MP, who is accompanying Anwar on a three-day official visit to Shanghai and Hangzhou, said his decision was final.

“The decision has been made. I will submit the resignation letter to the prime minister when I return home,” he told reporters in Hangzhou today.

Earlier, Anwar said he would not rush to decide on the matter, adding that he wanted to hear Loke’s explanation and would advise him to reconsider.

PN says ROS deregistration warning a political attack, issues gag order

PN says ROS deregistration warning a political attack, issues gag order

Published: Sep 24, 2026 8:47 AM


Perikatan Nasional has confirmed receiving a notice from the Registrar of Societies (ROS) warning the coalition of imminent deregistration, which it said was issued in bad faith (mala fide) to apply political pressure.

In light of this, the coalition has issued a gag order preventing anyone from saying anything on PN's behalf other than chairperson Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar and secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan.

The gag order may be aimed at finding fault with estranged component party Bersatu for disciplinary breaches to further justify PN kicking Bersatu out of the coalition.

Its claim that politics may be involved is also not far-fetched. In early 2023, the ROS had wanted to deregister Umno for blocking contests for the party president and deputy president posts.


However, Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail saved the party - a critical component of the then fledgling Madani government - by using his ministerial discretion to exempt Umno from compliance.

In a statement this morning, Takiyuddin (above) said PN received the notice of deregistration on Tuesday, and the notice to cease activities using the coalition name yesterday.

He also confirmed the notice of deregistration is over Bersatu's complaint that it was not invited to a PN supreme council meeting on July 16.


Legal action

Takiyuddin said PN will be taking legal action to defend the coalition and prevent deregistration. The coalition has 30 days to show cause to the ROS.

He then urged PN members to remain calm and assured that relevant information and documents will be revealed to the public transparently.

Bersatu lost control of PN after its president Muhyiddin Yassin resigned as coalition chief on Jan 1.


PAS subsequently assumed power and slowly began sidelining Bersatu - especially after the Bersatu splinter party Wawasan Negara was formed.

The relationship had broken down completely by the time of the Negeri Sembilan election, where Bersatu contested on its own logo against PN.

Bersatu is now mulling partnership with its former coalition, Pakatan Harapan, for the upcoming Malacca polls.

The ROS notice also comes as PAS-led PN and BN move forward in their cooperation, which threatens to end Harapan-led rule in the next general election.

Meanwhile, in a statement today, the ROS confirmed that the notice it issued to PN was a show-cause letter warning of imminent deregistration as per Section 13(2) of the Societies Act.

It urged all to refer to official information and avoid speculation.

 

Asean must watch US-China deal on AI

Asean must watch US-China deal on AI

2 hours ago

Phar Kim Beng

Artificial intelligence has an impact on critical infrastructure, making it important that Southeast Asian countries are not caught between the world’s two greatest superpowers.

When President Donald Trump and President Xi Jinping meet in Washington today, attention will inevitably focus on trade, tariffs, strategic rivalry and the wider trajectory of Sino-American relations.

Yet another issue may prove even more consequential: artificial intelligence.

International relations are increasingly about how the United States and China manage AI — not merely how they compete over it.

Ahead of the summit, US treasury secretary Scott Bessent said Washington had proposed an AI safety notification mechanism through which the two countries could alert each other to AI-related incidents serious enough to affect national security.

The proposal is still preliminary. Its thresholds, procedures and institutional arrangements remain to be negotiated.

Nevertheless, the fact that Washington and Beijing are discussing such a mechanism is important.

Malaysia and Asean must watch carefully.

For decades, international relations have revolved around military power, nuclear deterrence, trade, energy security and strategic waterways. All remain crucial. But AI is rapidly becoming another organising principle of international power.

The states controlling advanced AI models, semiconductor supply chains, computing infrastructure, data and technological talent will possess advantages extending far beyond the digital economy.

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AI increasingly touches intelligence, cybersecurity, manufacturing, financial markets, logistics, military planning and critical infrastructure.

The US-China relationship therefore contains two seemingly contradictory dynamics — competition and cooperation.

Competition is unavoidable.

Washington does not want China to overtake the United States in frontier AI. Beijing has equally little intention of accepting permanent technological dependence on America.

Their rivalry consequently extends across semiconductors, computing power, algorithms, data centres, investment and scientific talent.

But cooperation is becoming equally necessary.

Neither country benefits if advanced AI produces catastrophic cyber incidents, disrupts critical infrastructure or generates an escalation that neither government intended.

During the Cold War, Washington and Moscow eventually understood that intense nuclear competition required communication precisely because they distrusted each other. AI increasingly requires a comparable logic.

An AI-related incident affecting electricity grids, financial systems, communications networks or military infrastructure could easily be interpreted as deliberate aggression.

Was an attack authorised? Was it accidental?

Did an autonomous system behave beyond the intentions of its operators? That is potentially a dangerous self recursive improvement system.

Without communication, technological accidents can become geopolitical crises.

This is where Asean has a direct interest.

Southeast Asia sits economically and strategically between the world’s two largest powers.

Asean economies are deeply connected to Chinese manufacturing and trade while simultaneously depending extensively on American technology, investment and financial markets.

Asean cannot afford an AI world divided completely into hostile technological blocs.

Neither should Asean simply accept rules written in Washington and Beijing.

Malaysia and other Asean members must strengthen their capabilities in AI governance, cybersecurity, data protection and technological diplomacy.

Malaysia has particular reasons to pay attention.

Its expanding semiconductor, data centre and AI ecosystems mean that technological sovereignty will increasingly overlap with economic and national security.

But sovereignty does not mean isolation.

No Southeast Asian country can independently control every layer of the AI ecosystem.

Hardware may originate in one country, cloud infrastructure in another, algorithms elsewhere and data across multiple jurisdictions.

Asean must therefore remain polytropous — spreading and deepening its technological relationships without surrendering strategic autonomy to either major power.

Asean’s diplomatic tradition may also have something useful to contribute. Its emphasis on dialogue, confidence-building and incremental institutionalisation can appear slow.

Yet AI governance requires precisely the ability to keep competing powers talking without demanding complete strategic alignment.

The Trump-Xi summit should therefore be watched as more than another encounter between two great powers.

If Washington and Beijing can construct even rudimentary guardrails around dangerous AI incidents, they will have acknowledged an important reality — technological superiority does not eliminate mutual vulnerability.

Malaysia and Asean should support such dialogue while insisting that global AI governance cannot eventually become an exclusive US-China condominium.

Southeast Asia and the wider Global South must have a voice too.

Today, Sept 24, 2026, could therefore mark an important moment in international relations.

The central question of the AI age is no longer simply whether America or China will lead.

It is whether both can compete intensely while establishing sufficient guardrails to prevent their competition — or their increasingly powerful machines — from producing consequences that neither can control.

For Malaysia and Asean, watching this relationship carefully is no longer optional.

It is becoming an essential part of diplomacy in the age of artificial intelligence. Three concrete actions should follow.

First, Malaysia and Asean should establish a regional AI safety and incident-reporting mechanism.

It should connect national regulators, cybersecurity agencies, critical-infrastructure operators and defence establishments, with clear procedures for reporting serious AI failures, which invariably include cyber incidents and unintended system behaviour.

Regular exercises and confidential communication channels would help distinguish accidents from deliberate attacks before they escalate.

Second, Asean should create a permanent regional forum on AI governance and strategic stability.

Meeting regularly under an Asean-led framework, it should bring together governments, technical experts, industry and civil society to develop common standards on testing, transparency, data protection, autonomous systems and the use of AI in security operations.

Asean should also coordinate its positions in global institutions so that Southeast Asia is a rule-maker rather than merely a rule-taker.

Third, Malaysia and its Asean partners should invest collectively in technological autonomy.

This means expanding regional research and development, semiconductor packaging and testing.

Indeed, that includes securing cloud infrastructure, public-interest datasets, AI education and trusted digital infrastructure.

Diversifying suppliers is essential, but so is building indigenous capabilities that reduce dependence on any single external power while preserving openness to international cooperation.

These steps would not make Asean immune to great-power rivalry.

They would, however, give the region greater resilience, bargaining power and strategic choice.

For Malaysia and Asean, watching this relationship carefully is no longer optional.

It is becoming an essential part of diplomacy in the age of artificial intelligence.