The Malay Putsch - How the move to topple Zahid Hamidi will culminate

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ANALYSIS | The Malay Putsch - How the move to topple Zahid Hamidi will culminate


14 May 2026 • 2:00 PM MYT

TheRealNehruism
An award-winning Newswav creator, Bebas News columnist & ex-FMT columnist

Image credit: Focus Malaysia


Now, this might sound a little racist, but the more that I suspect that the political crisis in Negeri Sembilan is actually a sign that Umno might be orchestrating a move to topple Zahid Hamidi, the more that I can’t help but notice that the different races in Semenanjung do seem to have distinct ways of removing leaders who refuse to go.



Of the three major races in the peninsula, my race — the Indians — are probably the ones with the most destructive and spectacular manner of leadership removal.


I suspect this might be the case because Indians tend to tolerate a leader who refuses to go for far longer than any other race. So when we finally move to remove them, decades of anger and frustration erupt so violently that by the time we are done, not only will the stubborn leader who refused to go will be swept away, but his entire party — and perhaps even the entire leadership structure of our community — will be shattered into so many pieces that we might not be able to rebuild it even after decades have passed.



Our eruption might even be so explosive that even other races’ political parties may suffer collateral damage.


The last time we removed a top leader who refused to step down was in 2007, when the massive Hindraf rally we organised not only ended Samy Vellu’s reign, but also so critically injured MIC, the de facto Indian party at the time, that MIC has still not been able to rejuvenate itself to this day.


Not only did our eruption decimate our own political representation and structure, it also laid the groundwork for the fall of the BN government, which had ruled the nation since independence.



Of all the races, I feel that the Chinese are the most organised, systematic and quiet in how they remove their top leaders. When the Chinese remove a leader, they don't just remove the leader -they remove the leader's entire team. Look at how Lim Guan Eng was removed from DAP, for example. He was taken out little by little, piece by piece, in such a way that when the full effect came together, Lim Guan Eng and his entire camp were removed from DAP’s corridors of power with nary a fuss.


Through mechanisms like chai lists and Team A–Team B strategies, Chinese party leadership — whether in MCA or DAP — tends to move in an incremental and organized fashion. When the Chinese take down their leader, the take down is so complete, that their leader usually fades away into oblivion without a fuss.



Amongst the Malays, I reckon their preferred way of removing the number one is through what I call the “Silent Number Two” putsch — it is a move that has toppled many Malay leaders who refused to step down, from Tunku Abdul Rahman of UMNO to Muhyiddin in Bersatu, and is now probably the method that is being most likely being applied to orchestrate the removal of Zahid Hamidi.


When the Malays remove their number one, it’s usually orchestrated by the number two — but it’s often someone lower in the ranks who actually pulls the trigger.



When Tunku was toppled, for example, although it was widely believed that it was his number two, Tun Razak, that silently orchestrated it, but it was people like Mahathir, who were further down the line, who actively and visibly attacked Tunku in order to bring Tunku down.


The mechanics of removing a top Malay leader goes like this. First, the second-in-command must first tacitly consent to the move, although the number 2 will not directly participate in the coup. Instead, junior leaders like Mahathir during Tunku’s time, or Wan Fayhsal and Wan Saiful in today’s Bersatu, and perhaps Jalaluddin Alias in Umno today, that will the ones that will be seen to be visibly leading the rebellion against the top leader and his camp.



When the top leader and his men retaliate against the junior leaders, we have to see whether the rebellion is quelled or grows. If it is successfully quelled, then the leader will survive. If it grows however, then it is only a matter of time before the leader is toppled.


If the rebellion spreads, the top leader and his men will start to lose control of their party, to the point that the top leader will be effectively rendered a lame duck. At this stage, the top leader will be pressured to give up his position, and hand over control to the second in command.



Once the number two assumes power, the junior leaders who initiated the rebellion will then be rewarded with promotions within the party.


Today, we are seeing this exact process unfold in Umno. Junior leaders in Umno like Jalaluddin Alias and the 14 Umno Negeri Sembilan Aduns have begun a rebellion against Zahid Hamidi. Zahid Hamidi has retaliated, but it is still not yet certain as to whether he has managed to stamp out the rebellion. If he doesn't succeed and the rebellion keeps growing, it’s only a matter of time before Zahid becomes a lame duck president and is forced to hand over power to his number two — who, in all likelihood, has been the silent architect of his downfall all along.



Of course, it is hard to say as to whether Zahid will follow the Tunku Route or the Muhyiddin Route if it comes to pass that the internal rebellion in Umno succeeds in toppling him.


If he follows the Tunku route, he will resign himself to his loss after a while, and hand over his power and position to his Number 2 like a gentleman.


But if he follows the Muhyiddin route, then he will probably capsize Umno just to remain as its captain.


So there you have it, ladies and gentlemen — the three ways the three major races in the peninsula remove their leaders who overstay their welcome.



I hope this helps you understand how politics actually works in our country, with race as its frame of reference.

May 13 incident: Racial riots or political coup?

May 13 incident: Racial riots or political coup?

Ranjit Singh Malhi
Published: May 14, 2026 4:00 PM
Updated: 6:00 PM



COMMENT | The May 13 incident of 1969 remains one of the darkest and most consequential episodes in Malaysian history.

Officially described as “racial riots” largely involving Malays and Chinese in Kuala Lumpur, the violence left hundreds dead, shattered public confidence, and fundamentally altered the direction of the Malaysian state.

More than half a century later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow over national politics, ethnic relations, and public discourse.

The late sociologist Syed Hussein Alatas aptly described May 13 as “a supreme act of barbarism”. Yet, the incident was far more than a spontaneous racial clash.

It emerged from a combustible mix of historical grievances, economic inequality, communal politics, inflammatory rhetoric, and intense internal power struggles within the ruling elite.

Indeed, a substantial body of scholarship suggests that May 13 was not merely a racial riot, but also a political coup in disguise.

The official narrative

The official account, presented in “The May 13 Tragedy: A Report” published by the National Operations Council (NOC) in 1969, blamed several factors for the outbreak of violence: provocative opposition victory parades after the general election, communist influence, Chinese secret societies, communal extremism, and Malay fears about their political future.

According to the NOC, opposition supporters – mainly from DAP and Gerakan – celebrated their election gains by staging processions through Kuala Lumpur between May 11 and 12, 1969.

During these parades, some participants allegedly shouted provocative slogans such as “Malays have lost power” and “Kuala Lumpur now belongs to the Chinese”.

Malaysia’s first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, similarly blamed communist agitators and irresponsible opposition supporters for inflaming communal tensions.

For decades, this became the dominant state narrative: May 13 was portrayed primarily as a spontaneous Malay reaction to opposition provocation and communal insults.


ALSO READ: May 13, never again: The 1969 riots that changed Malaysia


Deep historical fault lines

However, many scholars have questioned whether the official explanation tells the full story.

The roots of the crisis stretched far deeper than election celebrations. British colonial rule had created a sharply divided “plural society” in which ethnic groups occupied distinct economic roles.

Malays were concentrated in rural agriculture and generally poorer; Chinese dominated commerce and urban business; Indians largely worked on plantations and in public works. Economic inequality increasingly overlapped with ethnicity.

This unequal structure bred deep insecurities and mutual suspicion. Many Malays feared economic marginalisation in their own homeland, while non-Malays feared political exclusion.

Historical memories also intensified communal anxieties. During the chaotic aftermath of the Japanese surrender in 1945, violent clashes erupted between Malays and Chinese in several states.

The Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), dominated by Chinese guerrillas, carried out reprisals against suspected collaborators. In turn, Malay groups launched retaliatory attacks on Chinese settlements. These episodes left enduring scars on interethnic relations.

Equally important was the widespread Malay belief that Peninsular Malaysia was fundamentally Tanah Melayu – the land of the Malays.

Although non-Malays had gained citizenship at independence under the 1957 constitutional compromise, many Malays still regarded them as pendatang or immigrants. Some Malays, therefore, viewed the prospect of Chinese political ascendancy as an existential threat.

The election shock

The immediate trigger for the crisis was the general election of May 10, 1969. The ruling Alliance Party – dominated by Umno, MCA, and MIC – suffered its worst electoral setback since independence.

It lost its two-thirds parliamentary majority, while opposition parties made major gains. Gerakan captured Penang, PAS retained Kelantan, and the Alliance failed to secure outright control in Selangor and Perak.

The results sent shockwaves through Umno. For many Malays, they signalled that political power might gradually shift towards non-Malays. Tensions became particularly acute in Selangor, where the Alliance won only half the state seats.

Opposition supporters celebrated exuberantly in Kuala Lumpur. While many processions were peaceful, there is substantial evidence that some participants shouted provocative racial slogans and insults.

Groups of non-Malays reportedly gathered outside then Selangor menteri besar Harun Idris’s residence in Kampung Baru, yelling “The Malays are finished” and “The Chinese are going to run the country”.

Such rhetoric inflamed Malay anger at a moment of deep political anxiety.

At the same time, Umno Youth leaders organised a large Malay counter-demonstration for the evening of May 13 at Harun’s residence in Kampung Baru. Thousands of Malays gathered there, many armed with parang, keris, and other improvised weapons.

A political coup in disguise?

One of the most controversial interpretations of May 13 is that the violence was not entirely spontaneous, but was linked to an internal struggle for power within Umno.

By 1969, Tunku faced mounting criticism from Malay nationalists within his party. They regarded him as too accommodating towards non-Malays. Among his critics were figures such as Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Harun, and powerful Umno ultras who wanted a more assertive Malay political agenda.

Several prominent observers and historians, including RK Vasil and JR Bass, have argued that the May 13 incident created the political conditions that enabled certain forces within Umno to sideline Tunku from effective power.

Tunku Abdul Rahman


Tunku himself reportedly believed that Harun, Mahathir, and Ghazali Shafie had conspired with then-deputy prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein to remove him from office.

Historian Cheah Boon Kheng argued that although the transition from Tunku to Abdul Razak was formally constitutional, it possessed many characteristics of a “coup”. Journalist Subky Latiff went further, describing May 13 as “a form of coup d’état directed against Tunku”.

Whether fully orchestrated or opportunistically exploited, the riots undeniably transformed the balance of power within Umno. The Tunku’s authority effectively collapsed after May 13, even though he remained prime minister until September 1970.


The outbreak of violence

The violence erupted on the evening of May 13, 1969.

A crowd estimated at between 4,000 and 5,000 Malays had gathered along Jalan Raja Muda near Harun’s residence in Kampung Baru. Many were armed. Around 6.30pm, violence broke out and quickly spread across Kuala Lumpur.

Chinese motorcyclists and passers-by were among the first victims. Eyewitnesses later recalled that some were attacked and killed near the gathering point itself. One victim reportedly included a young Chinese boy delivering drinks from a nearby coffee shop.

From Kampung Baru, Malay groups moved into surrounding areas, attacking Chinese neighbourhoods, burning shops and houses, looting property, and assaulting civilians. Violence spread to Jalan Campbell (now Jalan Dang Wangi), Batu Road (now Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman), Cheras, Kampung Pandan, and other parts of the city.

Cars, buses, and buildings were set ablaze. Panic engulfed Kuala Lumpur.

Chinese secret society groups reportedly retaliated in certain areas, attacking Malays and attempting to burn the Umno headquarters on Batu Road.

However, the violence was highly uneven. Most evidence suggests that the Chinese community suffered disproportionately, particularly during the early stages of the riots.

A curfew was declared at 8pm, but it initially failed to restore order.

Security forces and controversy

Troops and police were deployed to contain the violence. A shoot-to-kill order was later authorised.

Yet, the conduct of the security forces became deeply controversial. Several eyewitnesses, foreign correspondents, and scholars alleged that some units of the Royal Malay Regiment displayed bias against Chinese civilians.

Former colonial police officer John Slimming wrote in his book “Malaysia: Death of a Democracy” (1969) that police generally behaved more impartially than sections of the army. Foreign journalists reported incidents of troops firing into Chinese shophouses and shooting residents.

Distinguished Southeast Asian historian Anthony Reid, who volunteered during the crisis, later stated bluntly: “The military had proven that it could not be impartial, that they were shooting the Chinese.”

Statistics from the NOC itself reinforced perceptions that the Chinese community bore the brunt of the violence. Chinese victims accounted for roughly three-quarters of those officially killed and two-thirds of those injured. Chinese casualties from gunfire also far exceeded Malay casualties.

Eventually, the government deployed the Sarawak Rangers – widely regarded as a more neutral force – to help restore order.

Deaths and destruction

The official death toll stood at 196: 143 Chinese, 25 Malays, 13 Indians, and 15 individuals of other ethnicities.

However, many scholars, journalists, and diplomats believed the actual number was far higher. Slimming estimated that around 800 people may have died in the first week alone.

Graves of those who perished during the riots


Thousands were displaced. Around 6,000 Kuala Lumpur residents – about 90 percent of them Chinese – became refugees after their homes were burned or destroyed. Temporary shelters were established at Merdeka Stadium, Chin Woo Stadium, and other locations.

Yet amid the horror, there were also examples of humanity. Some Malays sheltered Chinese neighbours, while some Chinese protected Malays. These acts demonstrated that communal relations during the crisis were not uniformly hostile.


Emergency rule and the fall of Tunku

On May 15, 1969, a nationwide state of emergency was declared.

Parliament was suspended indefinitely, and executive authority was transferred to the NOC, headed by Abdul Razak. Strict censorship was imposed, political debate curtailed, and public assemblies banned.

In practice, Abdul Razak emerged as the country’s most powerful figure. Tunku’s political authority steadily eroded, and he resigned in September 1970.

Abdul Razak Hussein


The post-May 13 political order marked a decisive turning point. Umno’s leadership became more assertively Malay nationalist, and the state increasingly prioritised policies aimed at strengthening Malay political and economic dominance.

The lasting impact

The most significant long-term consequence of May 13 was the introduction of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1971.

Officially aimed at national unity, poverty eradication, and reducing economic disparities, the NEP sought to restructure Malaysian society so that race would no longer be identified with particular economic functions.

In practice, it introduced extensive affirmative action policies favouring Malays and other bumiputera communities in education, employment, and business opportunities.

The NEP undeniably expanded the Malay middle class and increased bumiputera participation in higher education and corporate ownership. However, critics argue that it also entrenched race-based politics and fostered dependency, patronage, and ethnic polarisation.

At a deeper ideological level, May 13 strengthened the doctrine of ketuanan Melayu or Malay political supremacy. Within Umno discourse, the riots became a powerful justification for preserving Malay dominance as essential for national stability.


A tragedy that still shapes Malaysia

More than five decades later, May 13 remains politically sensitive and emotionally charged. Competing narratives persist. For some, it was fundamentally a racial explosion triggered by provocation and communal tension. For others, it was also a political crisis manipulated by elites seeking power.

What is beyond dispute is that the tragedy exposed the fragility of Malaysia’s interethnic relations and the dangers of communal politics. It demonstrated how economic inequality, political insecurity, inflammatory rhetoric, and elite power struggles can combine with devastating consequences.

May 13 should therefore not merely be remembered as a warning about racial hatred. It should also be understood as a cautionary lesson about political manipulation, fear-driven nationalism, and the destructive consequences of exploiting communal anxieties for power.

Ultimately, Malaysia’s long-term stability cannot rest on dominance, suspicion, or racial insecurity. It depends instead on justice, inclusion, constitutionalism, mutual respect, and a genuine commitment to a shared national destiny.

RANJIT SINGH MALHI is an independent historian who has written 19 books on Malaysian, Asian, and world history. He is highly committed to writing an inclusive and truthful history of Malaysia based upon authoritative sources.

***

Read also my post in my other blog Kongsamkok, as follows:

Secret Society of Handsome Chinese Cryptographers

Xi’s ‘blunt’ warning to Trump on Taiwan exposes profound risks, say analysts

Xi’s ‘blunt’ warning to Trump on Taiwan exposes profound risks, say analysts


Xi Jinping made it clear to Donald Trump that he sees Taiwan as a potential flashpoint between the two superpowers

China’s President Xi Jinping makes a toast during a state banquet for US President Donald Trump at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. (AFP pic)


BEIJING: Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s unusually “blunt” warning to US President Donald Trump over Taiwan at Thursday’s summit in Beijing exposes potentially grave pitfalls in the relationship, although its immediate impact could be limited, analysts say.

US sales of military equipment to the self-ruled island claimed by Beijing have long enraged the Chinese government, threatening to derail already-fraught engagement on trade and other issues between the world’s top two economies.

China has vowed to bring Taiwan under its control, by force if necessary, while the US – which diplomatically recognises only Beijing – is required under domestic law to provide weapons to the democratic island so that it can defend itself.


Xi warned Trump on Thursday that “the Taiwan question is the most important issue” in their bilateral relationship, according to remarks published by Chinese state media soon after the talks began.

“If mishandled, the two nations could collide or even come into conflict, pushing the entire China-US relationship into a highly perilous situation,” he said.


Such “blunt” rhetoric is “out of the ordinary” coming from Xi in conversation with a US president, Adam Ni, editor of the China Neican newsletter, told AFP.

“Xi wants to make it very clear to Trump and to the public record that he thinks the Taiwan issue is the potential powder keg between the two superpowers,” Ni said.

Chong Ja Ian of the National University of Singapore said China “has been signalling a desire for US compromise on Taiwan in the lead-up to the summit”.

“Perhaps they see some opportunity to convince Trump,” Chong said.


“So far, the US side has not indicated any movement.”


No consensus yet

Trump has not commented publicly on Taiwan since arriving in Beijing on Wednesday evening.

He ignored multiple questions on the subject from reporters during a visit to the Temple of Heaven on Thursday afternoon, where he and Xi posed for photographs after talks.


A readout of the meeting from a White House official also made no mention of Taiwan.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Trump would say more on Taiwan “in the coming days”, adding that the president “understands the sensitivities” about the island.

Trump said days before the trip that he would discuss US arms sales to Taiwan with Xi – something that would be a break with a decades-long policy of not consulting with Beijing on the issue.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who is also in Beijing and known for his firm line on China as a senator, suggested continuity in an interview with Fox News aboard Air Force One.

“It’s not in China’s interest or anyone’s interest for there to be any sort of forced change in the status quo. I think stability there is very important,” he said.

Tzeng Wei-feng of the National Chengchi University’s Institute of International Relations in Taipei told AFP that he thinks Xi and Trump “don’t have a consensus yet” on the issue of arms sales.

While a deal on that sensitive subject is unlikely, Tzeng said, it’s possible that Trump will make “some statement that weakens the United States’ promise on defending Taiwan”.

Non-negotiable

Trump repeatedly touted his personal relationship with Xi in the run-up to the summit, praising him as “a Leader of extraordinary distinction” in a social media post on Tuesday.

Many observers say Trump is placing great stock in his ability to cash in on that rapport during the summit.

Casting a shadow over talks is the unresolved US-Israeli war with Iran, which previously delayed Trump’s visit to China – the top customer of Iranian oil.

Speculation has emerged that Trump would seek to use US arms sales to Taiwan as a bargaining chip to encourage Beijing to use its leverage with Tehran to accept a deal to end the war.

However, Ryan Hass, an expert on China and Taiwan at the Washington-based Brookings Institution, threw cold water on the proposition.

“Doing so would violate Beijing’s longstanding principle that Taiwan is ‘non-negotiable’. It isn’t how Beijing rolls,” he wrote on social media.

“More likely, both leaders will affirm their shared interest in stabilising relations and use (economic and) commercial deals to demonstrate progress.”

Pressed by Guan Eng on Penang polls, Kon Yeow grabs Hokkien reprieve from PAS rep

Pressed by Guan Eng on Penang polls, Kon Yeow grabs Hokkien reprieve from PAS rep



Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow speaks in the state legislative assembly. — Picture via Facebook/Chow Kon Yeow

Thursday, 14 May 2026 6:30 PM MYT


GEORGE TOWN, May 14 — The decision on whether Penang will hold its state poll concurrently with the next general election hinges on two key factors: the state constitution and the final say of the ruling party’s leadership, Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow said today.

In response to a question from Lim Guan Eng (PH - Air Putih) at the state legislative assembly, Chow explained that he could not make a unilateral decision.

“We need to look at this from two angles: one will be based on the constitution, and another will be based on the political party’s stand,” Chow said.

“For the first angle, I will seek the advice of the state legal advisor. For the second, I will need to get advice from the party’s national leadership.”


Lim acknowledged the need for constitutional backing but pointed out that the ultimate authority still rests with the chief minister.

He also reminded the assembly of the party's official position, as stated by DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook.

“The secretary-general has already announced that state and general elections should be held concurrently, based on the order by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong,” Lim said.


The exchange took a light-hearted turn when Opposition assemblyman Bukhori Ghazali (PAS - Pinang Tunggal) interjected by saying in Hokkien, “kong kang kor, bo kong pun kang kor (It’s a problem if you say it and a problem if you don’t)”, which drew laughter from other lawmakers.

Chow corrected the phrase and translated it to Malay for the assembly.

“The phrase to use is ‘cho kang kor, bo cho pun kang kor,’ which translates to ‘buat susah, tak buat lagi susah’ (damned if you, damned if you don’t),” Chow explained, neatly summarising his predicament.

He concluded by reaffirming his position, stating, “I must accept any decision made by the party leadership on this.”

***

Guanee may be going too far (and too often) in harassing his own party member, his very own successor.  Don't think for an instant you're clever.

Unicef says 59 children killed or hurt in Lebanon in past week despite ceasefire

Unicef says 59 children killed or hurt in Lebanon in past week despite ceasefire



Unicef also warned that more than 770,000 children in Lebanon are experiencing heightened psychological distress due to repeated exposure to violence, displacement, and loss. — File pic by Raymond Manuel

Thursday, 14 May 2026 9:00 PM MYT


BEIRUT, May 14 — At least 59 children were reportedly killed or injured in Lebanon over the past week despite a ceasefire agreement, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said on Wednesday, warning of deepening physical and psychological harm among young survivors, reported Xinhua.


According to Lebanon’s Health Ministry, at least 23 children have been killed and 93 injured since the ceasefire took effect at midnight between April 16 and 17, bringing the total number of child casualties since March 2 to 200 killed and 806 injured.


On Wednesday alone, at least 33 people, including women and children, were killed in an escalation of Israeli strikes across southern and central Lebanon, according to Lebanon’s Public Health Emergency Operations Centre and local media.

“Children are being killed and injured when they should be returning to classrooms, playing with friends, and recovering from months of fear and upheaval,” said UNICEF Regional Director for West Asia and North Africa Edouard Beigbeder.

Beigbeder added that despite the agreement intended to halt violence, children continue to suffer repeated attacks and trauma that could have lifelong consequences.


UNICEF also warned that more than 770,000 children in Lebanon are experiencing heightened psychological distress due to repeated exposure to violence, displacement, and loss.

Symptoms among children and caregivers include fear, anxiety, nightmares, insomnia, and hopelessness. — Bernama

***

Frigging shailoks on murderous genocidal rampage - I blame and curse Adolf - he could have done better

Court commutes death sentence to 40 years’ jail for ex‑student who murdered pregnant girlfriend, set body on fire

Court commutes death sentence to 40 years’ jail for ex‑student who murdered pregnant girlfriend, set body on fire



The First Defendant alleged that there was no single candidate acceptable to the eight Tribal Chiefs, whereupon it was his duty under the adat, custom and constitution of the luak to choose the new Undang. — Bernama pic

Thursday, 14 May 2026 3:59 PM MYT


PUTRAJAYA, May 14 — The Court of Appeal has commuted the death sentence of a former college student who pleaded guilty to murdering his pregnant girlfriend and setting her body on fire to 40 years in prison and 12 strokes of the cane.

A three-man bench, comprising Justices Datuk Azman Abdullah, Datuk Ahmad Kamal Md Shahid and Datuk Seri Mohd Radzi Harun, allowed Muhammad Fakrul Aiman Sajali’s appeal against his sentence, substituting the High Court’s death penalty with a custodial sentence and caning.

Delivering the decision, Justice Azman said the court considered Muhammad Fakrul’s age at the time of the offence, as well as the law that gives judges the option to impose either death or a prison term.

He ordered the sentence to take effect from May 23, 2023, the date of Muhammad Fakrul’s arrest.

On October 15 last year, the Klang High Court had sentenced Muhammad Fakrul, now 23, to death by hanging after he pleaded guilty to murdering Nur Anisah Abdul Wahab, 21, at Jalan Sungai Limau between 8.30pm on May 22 and 8am on May 23, 2023.

Earlier, his lawyer Muhammad Nor Tamrin submitted that the death sentence imposed by the High Court was too harsh, stressing that the appellant was a young offender.

He said the High Court failed to take Muhammad Fakrul’s age into account at sentencing, he was just 20 years and four months old when he committed the crime.

He added that the High Court also did not properly consider the appellant’s mitigation, including his claim that he had been made a scapegoat by the victim, which was supported by DNA test results showing that the foetus she was carrying was not his.

Deputy public prosecutor Abdul Malik Ayob, however, argued that the death sentence was fair and just and should be upheld, given the inhumane and brutal cruelty inflicted on the victim.

While acknowledging that the appellant was a young offender, the prosecutor said his age carried little weight compared to the seriousness of the case.

The victim had been stabbed and slashed multiple times, and her body was later set on fire.

Abdul Malik further submitted that in cases involving youthful offenders, the court must balance the accused’s age against the seriousness of the offence and the public interest.

“If a person is not too young to commit a serious offence under the law, then he is not too young to suffer the penalties prescribed by the law,” he argued.

According to the case facts, the appellant stabbed the victim multiple times in the chest and abdomen and slashed her neck.

He then cut open her abdomen and attempted to remove the foetus with his hand, but failed. Afterward, he burned her body using petrol. — Bernama

Malaysia weighs legal action after Norway blocks missile export for LCS programme

Malaysia weighs legal action after Norway blocks missile export for LCS programme



Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin attends the launch of the Prowira Ready-to-Work (RTW) Graduate Programme and Yayasan LTAT Education Initiative 2026 in Kuala Lumpur, May 14, 2026. —

Thursday, 14 May 2026 3:48 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, May 14 — The Defence Ministry is considering legal action after Norway moved to block the export of Naval Strike Missiles (NSM) for Malaysia’s littoral combat ship (LCS) programme.

According to Malaysiakini, Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin said the government had already paid nearly 95 per cent of the contract value, amounting to more than RM500 million.

He reportedly said a special ministry-level committee had been formed to detail Malaysia’s claims, including refunds and damages arising from breach of contract.

“We will not only seek recovery of funds paid, but also compensation for the consequences of the breach that has affected the government,” he was quoted as saying.

Khaled said the LCS programme would continue despite the setback, adding that the issue only involved the missile system and not the overall construction of the ships.

Khaled said the LCS programme would continue and the ships would still be completed, although they would not have surface-to-surface missiles until Malaysia secures a replacement system.

The missiles were ordered in 2018 for the Royal Malaysian Navy’s LCS fleet, with Norway reportedly refusing to approve the export licence shortly before shipment.


Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin had said the missiles were scheduled for delivery in March this year, and were intended for the LCS fleet as well as naval vessels KD Jebat and KD Lekiu.

Reuters reported that Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS said export licensing decisions are handled by Norwegian authorities, while Norway’s Foreign Affairs Ministry said it had revoked certain export licences related to specific technologies, citing stricter controls.

The NSM procurement was formalised between the Royal Malaysian Navy and Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS in April 2018, in a deal worth €124 million, or about RM571.9 million, to equip six new LCS vessels.

Namewee freed of drug charges in Kuala Lumpur court, AGC drops case after second bid

Namewee freed of drug charges in Kuala Lumpur court, AGC drops case after second bid



Singer Wee Meng Chee, better known as Namewee, was today acquitted by the magistrates’ court of two drug charges. — Picture by Raymond Manuel

Thursday, 14 May 2026 3:46 PM MYT


PETALING JAYA, May 14 — Singer Wee Meng Chee, better known as Namewee, was today acquitted by the magistrates’ court of two drug charges.

As reported by Free Malaysia Today (FMT), the decision came after the Attorney General’s Chambers (AGC) accepted his second representation to drop the charges.

Magistrate Khairunnisak Hassni granted the acquittal following confirmation from the prosecution.

Last month, the AGC had rejected Wee’s initial representation to withdraw the charges under Section 9(1) of the Poisons Act 1952 and Section 39A(1) of the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952.


In January, the 43-year-old pleaded not guilty to possessing 0.78g of sildenafil under the Poisons Act 1952 and an amended charge of possessing 1.57g of methamphetamine under the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952.

Prosecutors alleged the substances were found in his possession at a hotel near Jalan Conlay at about 4.30pm on October 22 last year.

Sildenafil is a controlled substance that may only be held with a valid prescription under the Poisons Act.


The case gained wider attention after Taiwanese influencer Iris Hsieh Yu-hsin, 31, was found dead in a hotel bathtub in Kuala Lumpur on the same day while reportedly working on a video project with Wee.

Khairy: ‘Coalition of coalitions’ is Malaysia’s new political reality as Umno rebuilds ahead of polls

Khairy: ‘Coalition of coalitions’ is Malaysia’s new political reality as Umno rebuilds ahead of polls



Khairy Jamaluddin, a former health minister and once a rising Umno figure, was among senior members recently brought back into the party after being expelled in 2023. — Picture by Firdaus Latif

Thursday, 14 May 2026 10:13 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, May 14 — “A coalition of coalitions is the new political reality,” said Khairy Jamaluddin, who has long harboured his own ambitions to become prime minister.

In a recent interview with Bloomberg, Khairy said no single bloc is expected to dominate future elections, forcing parties to adapt to an era of fragmented mandates and unstable alliances.

Khairy reportedly said that parties will increasingly need to rely on broad alliances to secure power.

His remarks come as Umno positions itself for a return to prominence ahead of the next general election.


Umno, which dominated Malaysian politics for more than six decades after independence until its 2018 electoral defeat, is now seeking to rebuild its base by welcoming back former members and attracting new recruits.

The party re-admitted more than 6,000 members last month and has eased recruitment rules in an effort to bring in younger voters, Bloomberg reported.

Khairy, a former health minister and once a rising Umno figure, was among senior members recently brought back into the party after being expelled in 2023.


During his time away from politics, he maintained a public profile through podcasts, radio appearances and speaking engagements, Bloomberg reported.

“I’ve had three years of many, many conversations with Malaysians, whether through my podcast, through my radio gig,” he was quoted as saying.

“I think I understand better the sentiment out there because I’m within the arena of the people.”

According to the report, Umno president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi is banking on figures like Khairy to help the party reconnect with younger Malay voters who drifted away following the 1MDB corruption scandal involving former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

The party is also facing pressure from the growing influence of the conservative PAS and the wider opposition among youth voters, Bloomberg reported.

Zahid has also indicated that Barisan Nasional is likely to contest the next general election independently, while not ruling out “the need for an understanding with other party coalitions,” underscoring the fluid nature of Malaysia’s political alignments, Bloomberg reported.

Khairy said Malaysia’s electorate is being reshaped by demographics, with around 500,000 new voters entering the system each year, most of them young Malays.

He told Bloomberg that winning their support will require addressing concerns over living costs, identity, jobs and economic mobility rather than relying on nostalgia for Umno’s past stability.

Penang will not raise taxes or service charges to boost revenue, says Chow Kon Yeow

Penang will not raise taxes or service charges to boost revenue, says Chow Kon Yeow



Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow said the state will take a holistic, integrated and focused approach to strengthen its financial position so it remains strong and sustainable in the long term. — Bernama pic

Thursday, 14 May 2026 10:43 AM MYT


GEORGE TOWN, May 14 — The Penang state government will not burden the people through sudden hikes in taxes or service charges in order to increase state revenue, said Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow.

The Padang Kota assemblyman said the state will take a holistic, integrated and focused approach to strengthen its financial position so it remains strong and sustainable in the long term.

One of the measures being prioritised is improving the efficiency of existing revenue collection by enhancing collection systems and enforcing the collection of arrears, he said.


“The state government is also optimising the use of state-owned assets through the disposal, leasing and redevelopment of non-productive assets to generate higher returns,” he said at the state legislative assembly today in response to a question from Phee Syn Tze (DAP–Sungai Puyu).

He said the state government is looking to diversify revenue sources prudently without involving tax hikes or service charges that could place additional pressure on the people.

“At the same time, aspects of fiscal governance continue to be strengthened through the implementation of a zero-based budgeting approach, high-impact spending, integrated monitoring of financial performance, as well as enhancing transparency and accountability through audits and periodic reporting,” he said.

He said this approach is not only aimed at increasing state revenue in the short term but also at building a more resilient, inclusive and sustainable financial foundation for the state.

Chow said the state is also encouraging strategic investments, especially in high-technology manufacturing, modern services and tourism sectors.

He said government-linked companies (GLCs) also play an important role as catalysts for the state’s economic development through the implementation of strategic projects, infrastructure development and the provision of public facilities.

“Although GLCs do not function as direct contributors to state revenue through tax collection, their role is significant in generating economic value that indirectly contributes to increased state revenue,” he said.

He said Chief Minister Incorporated (CMI) played a direct role in revenue generation through the management and optimisation of state assets, including rental collection, lease returns and the implementation of the Request for Proposal (RFP) method.

He said as a result of the approach, CMI contributed RM6.41 million in revenue to the state government in 2024 before the amount increased to RM54.2 million in 2025.

“The increase reflects the effectiveness of the asset management strategy implemented to strengthen the state’s economic and financial foundations sustainably without affecting the wellbeing of the people,” he said.

Existing Gurney Drive hawkers to be relocated to new Gurney Bay centre by 2027, says Penang exco

Existing Gurney Drive hawkers to be relocated to new Gurney Bay centre by 2027, says Penang exco



State local government and town and country planning committee chairman H’ng Mooi Lye said construction works on the new hawker centre are currently ongoing and are 4.16 per cent complete. — Bernama pic

Thursday, 14 May 2026 10:39 AM MYT


GEORGE TOWN, May 14 — Existing hawkers at Anjung Gurney and around the Gurney Drive roundabout will be relocated to the new Gurney Bay Hawker Centre, which is expected to be completed in the first quarter of 2027.

State local government and town and country planning committee chairman H’ng Mooi Lye said construction works on the new hawker centre are currently ongoing and are 4.16 per cent complete.

“The new hawker centre will have 127 hawker stalls, seven beverage stalls, 17 retail shop units and 43 mobile kiosk lots,” he said in reply to a question by Joshua Woo (PH–Pulau Tikus) at the state legislative assembly.

H’ng said 93 traders are operating at the Anjung Gurney Hawker site, with another 12 temporary static hawkers around the Gurney Drive area.


“The relocation will be carried out in an orderly manner to ensure hawker operations continue smoothly,” he said.

He said the planning permission for the Gurney Bay development was approved on January 20, 2022 and is being implemented in phases by Chief Minister’s Incorporated (CMI).

“The hawker centre is among the key public components planned under the development, aimed at providing a more organised, comfortable and conducive trading environment while complementing Gurney Bay’s role as a recreational and public destination in Penang,” he said.


Once completed, he said the 134 hawker stalls together with the retail units will be offered through a tender process by the Penang Island City Council (MBPP).

“Rental rates for hawkers have also yet to be finalised as operational and maintenance costs will have to be reviewed to ensure the centre remains sustainable in the long term,” he said.

He added that CMI will be appointing an operator to manage the hawker centre after its completion next year.

He said CMI had requested details of the traders currently operating at Anjung Gurney and the surrounding Gurney Drive area from MBPP.

“The council submitted the information on the affected traders to CMI on April 28 and MBPP will work with CMI on the relocation of the hawkers to the new hawker centre next year,” he said.

‘Contracts are not confetti’, Anwar tells Norway over halted missile delivery

‘Contracts are not confetti’, Anwar tells Norway over halted missile delivery



Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is seen in a photo released with his statement on Malaysia’s objection to Norway’s halted missile delivery. — Picture via Facebook/Anwar Ibrahim

Thursday, 14 May 2026 10:27 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, May 14 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim today said Malaysia has strongly objected to Norway’s decision to revoke export approval for the Naval Strike Missile (NSM) system and its associated launcher systems, warning that the move could affect the country’s defence readiness and the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) programme.

In a statement, Anwar said he conveyed Malaysia’s objection directly to Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre during a telephone conversation, describing Oslo’s decision as “unilateral and unacceptable”.

“I made it plain that this decision will have grave consequences for Malaysia’s defence operational readiness and the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) modernisation programme. It will undoubtedly carry broader ramifications for the regional balance,” he said.

Anwar said Malaysia had honoured every obligation under the contract since 2018 “scrupulously, faithfully and without equivocation”, but said Norway had not extended the same good faith.


“Signed contracts are solemn instruments. They are not confetti to be scattered in so capricious a manner,” he said.

“If European defence suppliers reserve the right to renege with impunity, their value as strategic partners flies out the window.”

The missiles were ordered in 2018 for the Royal Malaysian Navy’s LCS fleet, with Norway reportedly refusing to approve the export licence shortly before shipment.


Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin had said the missiles were scheduled for delivery in March this year, and were intended for the LCS fleet as well as naval vessels KD Jebat and KD Lekiu.

Reuters reported that Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS said export licensing decisions are handled by Norwegian authorities, while Norway’s Foreign Affairs Ministry said it had revoked certain export licences related to specific technologies, citing stricter controls.

The NSM procurement was formalised between the Royal Malaysian Navy and Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS in April 2018, in a deal worth €124 million, or about RM571.9 million, to equip six new LCS vessels.

Can Rafizi work his magic for Malaysia?

Can Rafizi work his magic for Malaysia?


2 hours ago
Tajuddin Rasdi


Rafizi Ramli’s possible new party may excite voters, but he must still answer questions about his record in government and his ability to work with others

Many Malaysians, myself included, are waiting with bated breath for Rafizi Ramli’s promised announcement of a new political direction, expected this Sunday.

Will he form a new party? If so, how many candidates will it field at the next general election? More importantly, will it challenge Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional and Perikatan Nasional all at once?


Are we about to witness a Malaysian remake of David versus Goliath? Perhaps. But that chapter can wait until June.

For now, I have questions of my own.


What is Rafizi’s track record? As economy minister, he introduced programmes such as the Central Database Hub (Padu) and the People’s Income Initiative, which included the vending machine scheme.

These were ambitious ideas. Yet ambition alone is not enough.

A close relative of mine in Bagan Serai has struggled without steady income since 2022, surviving only on family support — not on any assistance I can clearly trace to the economy ministry.

Another couple I know, raising six children, has received help from ordinary Malaysians, but not from Putrajaya.


Perhaps these are isolated cases. But when grand programmes are announced in the capital, the real test is whether they reach families in places like Bagan Serai.

Then there is the vending machine initiative. Have these machines truly become as widespread as once envisioned? Where are they? I have yet to see them in any meaningful number.

To be fair, perhaps Padu and the vending machines needed more time. But Rafizi chose to leave the Cabinet, and since then he has seemed more energetic outside government than he ever appeared inside it.

After losing the PKR deputy presidency and resigning as economy minister, he has turned to his podcast, often criticising his own party and the government.


That is his right. Criticism is healthy. But one wonders what might have happened if the same consistency and sharpness had been applied to Padu and the People’s Income Initiative.

Now let us consider the political possibilities. Suppose Rafizi forms a new party and, by some miracle, wins 20 seats. Will he work with Pakatan Harapan to form the government? Or will he align with PAS or Umno in another unity government?

Politics is strange — after all, Umno and Pakatan Harapan once seemed impossible partners, and yet here we are.

But Rafizi faces one problem: trust. He has yet to show that he is willing to work with any party for the long haul. Whoever partners with him must accept the risk of becoming the next target of his podcast if relations sour.

In truth, Rafizi may find it easier to remain in opposition, armed with data, citations and a microphone.

But politics is not a seminar room. It is about patience, compromise and coalition-building. It means working even with persons one may not like, because the country still needs a government.

Now humour me: what if Rafizi pulls off the miracle of miracles, wins 112 seats and becomes Malaysia’s 11th prime minister? Will he be able to rein in PAS, Umno, Bersatu and others who never shy away from playing the race card or stoking fears about Malay rights?

If he can, I will gladly call it magic. More importantly, it would be good for Malaysia.

So perhaps it is time for Rafizi to put his money where his mouth is and go up against the big boys at the next polls.

That way, Malaysians will not only hear his ideas but also judge whether those ideas can survive the rough and tumble of real politics.

I still hope to see Rafizi’s magic. Many Malaysians do. But magic alone is not enough.

Rafizi must show he can stay the course, finish the reforms he promises, and not raise the white flag midway through.

KJ praises Anwar for stabilising economy

KJ praises Anwar for stabilising economy

However, the former health minister says ordinary Malaysians have yet to feel the benefits

Former health minister Khairy Jamaluddin said younger voters want politicians who recognise concerns over living costs, identity, jobs, and economic mobility.

PETALING JAYA: Umno’s Khairy Jamaluddin says Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has stabilised the economy and improved Malaysia’s standing with investors.

However, the former health minister also said that ordinary Malaysians had yet to feel the benefits, Bloomberg reported.

Malaysia’s economy grew 5.3% in the first quarter, outpacing Thailand and Singapore, while the ringgit extended its run as Asia’s best-performing currency against the dollar for the second year in a row.


“The man on the street is not feeling the macroeconomic numbers, the GDP growth, the lower unemployment, the stronger ringgit,” Khairy was quoted as saying.

The former Umno Youth chief also said that younger voters wanted politicians who recognised concerns over living costs, identity, jobs, and economic mobility.


He said he understood these sentiments as he was “within the arena of the people”.

“I’ve had three years of many, many conversations with Malaysians, whether through my podcast, through my radio gig,” he said.

Khairy was referring to the Keluar Sekejap podcast which he co-hosts with another former Umno leader, Shahril Hamdan, and his stint as a radio presenter at Hot FM.

According to Bloomberg, Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi is banking on Khairy’s return to Umno to woo young Malay voters who left the party following the 1MDB scandal.


Khairy was sacked in January 2023 following disciplinary action linked to the 15th general election.

The former Rembau MP was among over 6,000 former members who were readmitted to the party last month.

Commenting on his return to Umno, Khairy said Zahid was taking him back as he was.

“But of course, I will be mindful of party decorum and discipline,” he added.

Khairy was openly critical of Zahid in the lead-up to the last nationwide polls, especially after Barisan Nasional fielded him to contest the urban Pakatan Harapan stronghold of Sungai Buloh.

Trump seeks ‘big hug’ from Xi as US-China tensions shadow Beijing summit

Trump seeks ‘big hug’ from Xi as US-China tensions shadow Beijing summit



US President Donald Trump (centre) is greeted by China’s Vice President Han Zheng as SpaceX, Twitter and electric car maker Tesla CEO Elon Musk (right) looks on at Beijing Capital Airport in Beijing on May 13, 2026. — AFP pic

Thursday, 14 May 2026 8:55 AM MYT


BEIJING, May 14 — US President Donald Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping are set to tackle thorny issues dividing the two superpowers when they meet in Beijing on Thursday, with Iran, trade and Taiwan on the cards.

Xi will greet Trump with pomp and ceremony as they meet at 10:00 am (0200 GMT) in the opulent Great Hall of the People, a lavish welcome that belies the deep tensions between the world’s biggest economies.

The two leaders will also enjoy a state banquet at the hall in the evening, and Trump will visit the historic Temple of Heaven, a World Heritage site where China’s emperors once prayed for good harvest.

The US president arrived for the two-day summit on Air Force One late Wednesday accompanied by top CEOs, including Nvidia’s Jensen Huang and Tesla’s Elon Musk -- symbols of business deals Trump hopes to reach.


He was given a red carpet welcome, with 300 Chinese youth in white uniforms chanting “welcome” and waving small Chinese and US flags in unison as he descended the steps of the presidential plane pumping his fist.


On Friday, Trump and Xi are set to have tea and a working lunch before the US president heads home to Washington.

The trip to Beijing marks the first by a US president in nearly a decade, after Trump visited in 2017, accompanied – unlike this time – by his wife Melania.


Following that first visit, Trump unleashed a barrage of tariffs and restrictions on Chinese goods.

He did so again after returning to the White House last year, triggering a trade war before Xi and Trump agreed to a truce in October.

‘Big hug’

Trump has said he expects a “great big hug” from Xi as he banks on what he believes is a strong personal relationship with the Chinese leader who he has admiringly said rules China with an “iron fist”.

Top of his wish list will be business deals on agriculture, aircraft and other topics, with a host of top businessmen in the US leader’s delegation.

Aboard Air Force One en route to Beijing, Trump vowed on social media to push Xi to “open up” China to US firms “so that these brilliant people can work their magic”.

The Chinese foreign ministry said Wednesday it “welcomes” Trump’s visit and that “China stands ready to work with the United States...to expand cooperation and manage differences”.

But Trump is dealing with a different and more emboldened China to the one he visited nine years ago, with a host of unresolved trade and geopolitical tensions between the two countries.

The Iran war in particular has threatened to weaken Trump’s position in talks with Xi, having already forced him to postpone it from March.

The US president said he expected a “long talk” with Xi about Iran, which sells most of its US-sanctioned oil to China, but insisted that “I don’t think we need any help with Iran” from Beijing.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio struck a somewhat different tone.

“We hope to convince them to play a more active role in getting Iran to walk away from what they are doing now, and trying to do now in the Persian Gulf,” US Secretary of State Marco Rubio told broadcaster Fox News in an interview aired Wednesday.

Tariff truce?

The long-simmering trade war between the two countries will also be top of the agenda, after Trump’s sweeping tariffs last year triggered tit-for-tat levies that exceeded 100 per cent.

Trump and Xi are set to discuss extending a one-year tariff truce, which the two leaders reached during their last meeting in South Korea in October, although a deal is far from certain.

On Taiwan, another issue that has bedevilled ties, Trump said Monday he would speak to Xi about US arms sales to the self-governing democracy claimed by China.

That would be a departure from historic US insistence that it will not consult Beijing on its support for the island, and one which will be closely watched by Taipei and US allies in the region.

China’s controls on rare earth exports, AI rivalry and the countries’ raucous trade relationship are also among the topics expected to be taken up by the two heads of state.

Both sides will be looking to come out of the summit with whatever wins they can, while also stabilising an often tense relationship between Beijing and Washington that has global implications.

Trump will also be hoping to leave with a firm date for a reciprocal visit by Xi to the United States later in 2026, to prove his rapport with his Chinese counterpart. — AFP

***

Trump is a man who lacks 'real' friends thus he wants, nay, very much desires mateys from Putin and now Xi. But the problem with him is we cannot anticipate what he'll do next should Xi 'hug' him as he so desires - will he turn bully mistaking Xi's friendliness for subservience? Wakakaka

Bukit Aman dismantles Langkawi drug syndicate, 191 suspects arrested in 231 raids since April 10

Bukit Aman dismantles Langkawi drug syndicate, 191 suspects arrested in 231 raids since April 10



The Bukit Aman Narcotics Crime Investigation Department (NCID) dismantled a drug distribution syndicate in Pulau Langkawi with the arrest of 191 individuals, including several ‘key figures’ in Op Langka. — Picture by Raymond Manuel

Thursday, 14 May 2026 9:14 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, May 14 — The Bukit Aman Narcotics Crime Investigation Department (NCID) dismantled a drug distribution syndicate in Pulau Langkawi with the arrest of 191 individuals, including several ‘key figures’ in Op Langka.

Bukit Aman NCID director Datuk Hussein Omar Khan said the special operation was launched on April 10 following intelligence gathering and detailed investigations since January this year into drug trafficking activities on the island.

He said 231 raids were carried out in Pulau Langkawi and the Klang Valley, involving various offences under the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952.

“In this special operation, NCID successfully detained several ‘key figures’, with charges already filed and more to follow.


“This includes a charge under Section 39C of the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952 against a suspect with 10 prior records, five under Section 12(2), four under Section 15(1)(a) of the same Act, and one under Section 160 of the Penal Code,” he said in a statement yesterday.

Raids were also conducted at a house hosting ‘private parties’, where police arrested three local men and seven Thai women, and seized 82 grammes of Methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) powder, 12.5 grammes of ecstasy pills, 12.5 grammes of Erimin 5 pills, and four grammes of ketamine.

“Another raid in the Klang Valley led to the arrest of seven individuals, including foreigners from Singapore and the Philippines.


“In that raid, police seized 170 kilogrammes of cannabis buds and seven kilogrammes of cannabis, with the total value of drugs seized and assets confiscated reaching RM14.1 million,” he said.

Meanwhile, Hussein said based on investigations and police operations, NCID believes there is involvement of police personnel in drug distribution activities in Pulau Langkawi.

“As such, aggressive action will be taken under the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952, Dangerous Drugs (Special Preventive Measures) Act 1985, and the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (Sosma),” he said.

He added that a report by a local newspaper referring to a ‘Pablo Escobar’ linked to drug trafficking activities in Pulau Langkawi was inaccurate, as intelligence findings showed the group did not operate on a large scale and had no international network or extraordinary assets.

On Tuesday, a local newspaper reported the existence of a drug syndicate in Langkawi, allegedly led by a police officer known as ‘Mr A’, assisted by other syndicate members, including women, raising concerns among local residents. — Bernama

Exclusive: Saudi Arabia launched covert attacks on Iran as regional war widened, sources say

Exclusive: Saudi Arabia launched covert attacks on Iran as regional war widened, sources say

By Timour Azhari and Parisa Hafezi

May 13, 2026

4:08 AM GMT+10

Updated 2 hours ago



Summary

• Attacks were followed by drop in Iranian strikes on the kingdom, Reuters tally shows
• Kingdom warned Iran of further retaliation, but diplomatic channels were maintained
• Saudi-Iran engagement tested by renewed attacks from Iraq

RIYADH/DUBAI, May 12 (Reuters) - Saudi Arabia launched numerous, unpublicized strikes on Iran in retaliation for attacks carried out in the kingdom during the Middle East war, two Western officials briefed on the matter and two Iranian officials said.

The Saudi attacks, not previously reported, mark the first time that the ​kingdom is known to have directly carried out military action on Iranian soil and show it is becoming much bolder in defending itself against its main regional rival.

The attacks, launched by the Saudi Air ‌Force, were assessed to have been carried out in late March, the two Western officials said. One said only that they were "tit-for-tat strikes in retaliation for when Saudi (Arabia) was hit."

Reuters was unable to confirm what the specific targets were.

In response to a request for comment, a senior Saudi foreign ministry official did not address directly whether strikes had been carried out.
The Iranian foreign ministry did not respond to a request for comment.

Saudi Arabia, which has a deep military relationship with the United States, has traditionally relied on U.S. military for protection, but the 10-week war has left the kingdom vulnerable to ​attacks that have pierced the U.S. military umbrella.


GULF ARAB STATES BEGAN HITTING BACK

The Saudi strikes underscore the widening of the conflict — and the extent to which a war that began when the U.S. and Israel launched airstrikes on ​Iran on February 28 has drawn in the broader Middle East in ways that have not been publicly acknowledged.

Since the U.S. and Israeli strikes, Iran has hit all six Gulf Cooperation Council ⁠states with missiles and drones, attacking not only U.S. military bases but civilian sites, airports and oil infrastructure, and closed the Strait of Hormuz, disrupting global trade.

The United Arab Emirates also carried out military strikes on Iran, the Wall Street Journal reported on Monday. ​Together, the Saudi and Emirati actions reveal a conflict whose true shape has remained largely hidden — one in which Gulf monarchies battered by Iranian attacks began hitting back.

But their approach has not been identical. The UAE has taken a more hawkish stance, seeking ​to extract a cost from Iran and engaging only rarely in public diplomacy with Tehran.

Saudi Arabia has meanwhile sought to prevent the conflict from escalating and has stayed in regular contact with Iran, including via Tehran's ambassador in Riyadh. He did not respond to a request for comment.
The senior Saudi foreign ministry official did not directly address whether a de-escalation agreement had been struck with Iran, but said: "We reaffirm Saudi Arabia's consistent position advocating de-escalation, self-restraint and the reduction of tensions in pursuit of the stability, security and prosperity of the region and its people."

STRIKES, THEN DE-ESCALATION

The Iranian and ​Western officials said Saudi Arabia made Iran aware of the strikes and this was followed by intensive diplomatic engagement and Saudi threats to retaliate further, which led to an understanding between the two countries to de-escalate.

Ali Vaez, the Iran Project Director at ​the International Crisis Group, said retaliatory Saudi strikes on Iran, followed by an understanding to de-escalate, would "show pragmatic recognition on both sides that uncontrolled escalation carries unacceptable costs."
Such a sequence of events would show "not trust, but a shared interest in imposing limits on confrontation before it ‌spiraled into a ⁠wider regional conflict."

The informal de-escalation took effect in the week before Washington and Tehran agreed to a ceasefire in their broader conflict on April 7. The White House did not respond to a request for comment.

One of the Iranian officials confirmed that Tehran and Riyadh had agreed to de-escalate, saying the move aimed to "cease hostilities, safeguard mutual interests, and prevent the escalation of tensions."

Long at odds, Iran and Saudi Arabia — the two leading Shi'ite and Sunni Muslim powers in the Middle East — have backed opposing groups in conflicts across the region.

A China-brokered détente in 2023 saw them resume ties, including a ceasefire between the Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen and Saudi Arabia that has since held.

With the Red Sea remaining open to shipping, Saudi Arabia has been able to continue exporting oil ​throughout the conflict, unlike most Gulf states, and so has ​managed to remain relatively insulated.

KINGDOM AVOIDED 'FURNACE OF DESTRUCTION', SAYS ⁠PRINCE

In an op-ed in Saudi-owned Arab News over the weekend, former Saudi intelligence chief Prince Turki al-Faisal captured the kingdom's calculus, writing that "when Iran and others tried to drag the kingdom into the furnace of destruction, our leadership chose to endure the pains caused by a neighbor in order to protect the lives and property of its citizens."
Saudi Arabia's strikes followed weeks of mounting tension.

At ​a press conference in Riyadh on March 19, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan said the kingdom "reserved the right to take military actions if deemed necessary."

Three days later, Saudi ​Arabia declared Iran's military attaché and ⁠four embassy staff members personae non gratae.

IRAN CURTAILED DIRECT HITS ON KINGDOM, SOURCES SAY

By the end of March, diplomatic contacts and the threat by Saudi Arabia to take a more hawkish approach akin to the UAE and retaliate further led to an understanding to de-escalate, the Western sources said.

From more than 105 drone and missile attacks on Saudi Arabia in the week of March 25-31, the number fell to just over 25 between April 1-6, according to a Reuters tally of Saudi defence ministry statements.
Projectiles fired at Saudi Arabia in the ⁠days leading up ​to the wider ceasefire were assessed by Western sources to have originated in Iraq rather than Iran itself, indicating Tehran had curtailed direct strikes while ​allied groups continued to operate.

Saudi Arabia summoned Iraq's ambassador on April 12 to protest against attacks from Iraqi soil.

The Saudi-Iranian communication continued even as strains emerged at the start of the broader ceasefire between Iran and the U.S., when the Saudi defence ministry reported 31 drones and 16 missiles fired at the kingdom ​on April 7-8.

The spike prompted Riyadh to consider retaliation against Iran and Iraq, while Pakistan deployed fighter jets to reassure the kingdom and urged restraint as diplomacy gathered pace.

How did Mahathir succeed in dividing us?

How did Mahathir succeed in dividing us?

Murale Pillai
Published: May 13, 2026 11:35 AM
Updated: 1:43 PM



COMMENT | It bothers me not that former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad has finally owned up: “I failed to unite the Malays.”

He failed despite holding the reins of power for 22 long years, sharing the bonds of faith with “his people”, who place a premium on the unity of the ummah, and lording over the machinery of government and the judiciary as if they belonged to him.

His failure speaks volumes about his character, abilities and mental make-up.

But what really bothers me is that he succeeded in dividing us, in a country built by the blood, sweat and tears of our forefathers from near and afar.

How did he succeed in this grim and ghastly business of pitting citizen against citizen for his own ends, using a devious mix of both party politics and a misplaced self-belief that he alone knew how to make “his people” great again to the exclusion of the rest of us?

Dr Mahathir Mohamad, during his reign as the fourth prime minister


For a quick answer to this sordid question, we must turn to the classic novel "Things Fall Apart” by the Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe.

The standout line is the one spoken by Obierika to his close friend, the angry and unsettled main character, Okonkwo, on how clan unity in Umuofia village had been wrecked by the coming of the white missionaries and colonialists.

Here it is: “He has put a knife on the things that held us together and we have fallen apart.”

How ironic that Mahathir, who railed and ridiculed the English colonialists for the enduring presence of Indians and Chinese in Malaysia, gleefully put the knife on the bonds of kinship and tradition that held us together, turning us into a Malaysian Umuofia.

A blunt and rusty knife

Older Malaysians will remember a time before this knife-crime when politicians were not racially bipolar; when they didn’t suffer this obsession to reduce everything into a racial binary of Malays and non-Malays.

Of course, there were serious divisions in our society before he was appointed prime minister in 1982, and these can be traced back to colonial rule and the feudalism of the past.

Under British colonial rule, there was no income tax until just before Merdeka in 1957. There was much “old wealth” held largely by a few Chinese towkays and tycoons in Penang, Malacca and Singapore.

The old federated Malay states of Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan and Pahang had benefited enormously from the tin and rubber industry, the mainstay of the Malayan economy, and where men and women toiled from dawn to dusk for a pittance.

There were other divisions too between urban and rural, between Sabah and Sarawak and the rest of the peninsula, between the east and west coast states, between those who attended under-funded estate schools and well-run missionary schools, between those who were very proficient in English and those who were not.

Yes, nation-building is tough, and it takes wise and exemplary leadership to succeed.

But instead, Mahathir saw all these divisions in terms of us-versus-them, and over time, the non-Malays were further reduced in the everyday language of his politics to just “nons”, a sinister echo of the shortened term “Proles” in Orwell’s book “1984”.

And there were still others who fell outside this bipolarism, becoming the objectifying “dan lain-lain”, others. Division and selfishness had become normalised.

Under his so-called “Cekap, Amanah, dan Bersih” (Efficient, Trustworthy, and Clean) administration, schools, school heads, ministries, agencies, academia, government projects, tenders, budget allocations, funding, media, textbooks, sports, entertainment, promotions, appointments and whole industries were all put to his knife - a blunt and rusty one, not the sharp scalpel of a highly competent surgeon.

Fighting over spoils

The egotistical Mahathir, a physically small man, never knew his priorities in nation-building and the economy. He often put the cart before the kerbau (buffalo). Think of all his “catastrophic successes”. Like Pewaja Steel and Proton. And for what?

Given his “I know it all” trait, which he shares with dictators and autocrats, he saw “his people” as mere putty in his hands to be moulded into a form of his own liking.

No, we’re not referring to men like (Joseph) Stalin, Mao (Zedong) or Napoleon (Bonaparte) who, for better or worse, loom large in world history. We mustn't speak of them in the same breath as Mahathir, who belongs to the petty group of dictators and military strongmen who dot the pages of more recent third-world history.

Men like Papa Doc of Haiti and (Rafael) Trujillo of the Dominican Republic. Or Suharto of Indonesia. Or (Filipino dictator Ferdinand) Marcos. Or (former Myanmar president) Ne Win. These were the men who liked their faces to dominate the front pages of newspapers.

What they said, did or thought in the previous 24 hours was deemed all-important in the affairs of a nation. They also appeared incessantly on TV. Flipping channels was of little use. For 22 long years, Malaysians, too, were fed a daily diet of how Mahathir was making “his people” great again, if not greater than the non-Malays.

Now they are fighting over the spoils of his “To get rich is glorious whether by fair means or foul” legacy.

Not a day passes without yet another massive corruption scandal, of government funds being siphoned off, of customs and immigration officers running rackets and scams, of using religion to pocket money meant for the poor. And not surprisingly, we have lost our work ethic, too.

Rising above the rot

The rot has now turned into a miasma of incompetence, chest-beating and self-serving pronouncements, but all is not lost.

Those who believe in the power of human agency, of rising above this rot despite the pain of the past, can look for inspiration by turning our gaze to the “Bird’s Nest Stadium” in Beijing that housed the 2008 Summer Olympics.

Thousands of short struts and supports, each designed to cancel out the strains and stresses of this structure, keep it whole as a bird's nest made of bits of dried grass and stems.

And like a bird’s nest, what has kept us whole is the daily multitude of small individual acts and exchanges between the common people of this land, shorn of all hate and malice, and filled with the milk of human kindness.

Think of the untiring nurse in an overcrowded hospital working the night shift, the selfless teacher in the classroom for whom every child is a student, the dedicated civil servant who doesn’t give you the race treatment, the helpful police officer who doesn’t treat a citizen like a criminal, the lawyer doing pro bono work… the list is as endless as it is life-affirming.

We now await the coming of a “I'm Malaysian first” prime minister in the full knowledge that the nation cannot survive yet another knife-wielding one like Mahathir.

MURALE PILLAI is a former GLC employee. He runs a logistics company.