Onn Hafiz Insults DAP – Rather Quit Than Sit At Same Table

Onn Hafiz Insults DAP – Rather Quit Than Sit At Same Table


June 8th, 2026 by financetwitter



Claiming he was not arrogant or racist, Onn Hafiz has urged Johor voters to give Barisan Nasional (BN) a strong mandate in the upcoming state election to ensure DAP would not be part of the state government. Delivering a fiery address in his latest jab at the Democratic Action Party (DAP), the caretaker Johor Chief Minister said he would rather be without a position than sit at the same table with DAP.

“This is not arrogance. This is not about race. This is about principles, mandates and responsibilities to the people of Johor. This is Johor UMNO. This is Johor BN. This is Bangsa Johor,” – exclaimed Onn Hafiz till foaming at the mouth. Depending on who you ask, his statement could be seen as stunningly arrogant and racist, or incredibly brilliant and strategic.


Netflix Offers Sneak Peek at 2027 Live-Action 'Scooby-Doo' Series Spotlighting Beloved Canine Detective



In response, lame Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim – without mentioning Onn Hafiz – said it would be arrogant to deny any race or political party a role in government, especially after they had contested and won support through the democratic process. But why is the most powerful man so afraid that he dares not openly name and shame the Johor Chief Minister?

If the United States has TACO (Trump Always Chickens Out), it appears Malaysia too has its own version – NACO (Nuar Always Chickens Out). But at least Mr. Donald Trump fights first before chickens out when he is about to lose. Mr. Anwar Ibrahim, on the other hand, chickens out before he even starts fighting – a humiliation to not only his party PKR, but also Pakatan Harapan (PH) alliance.

DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook – forced to retaliate after Onn’s unexpected attack – could only dismiss Onn Hafiz’s stance, reminding him that his own UMNO president (Zahid Hamidi) and DAP leaders collaborate at the same table during weekly federal Cabinet meetings. Zahid must be struggling very hard not to fall off his chair laughing at Loke’s naivety.


Did weakling Loke realize that Onn would not be so daring, racist and arrogant without the green light from Zahid? Did Mr Loke also realize that Mr Zahid would similarly reject DAP the same way Onn does in the next 16th General Election, which could happen any time? Has Loke suddenly been infected with selective amnesia when Zahid furiously screamed “No Anwar, No DAP” not many moons ago?

In the same breath, did both Anwar and Loke also realize that Zahid had obviously given his blessing to Johor UMNO to “go solo”, contest all 56 seats in the next Johor state election, and leave no space for cooperation or negotiation with Premier Anwar Ibrahim’s ruling coalition – Pakatan Harapan? That’s why despite Anwar’s begging, he failed to convince Zahid to avoid a clash between BN and PH in Johor.

The Johor CEO’s remarks may smell horribly arrogant and racist, but it is also a necessary tactical and strategic political move to rally Malays to vote for UMNO by making DAP a punching bag – again. Either Anthony Loke is retarded or fabulously stupid to think UMNO has suddenly become DAP’s BFF after the Malay conservative party had been demonizing its traditional enemy for over 60 years.

After all, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), especially its Johor chapter, has always considered Pakatan Harapan its bitter enemy, even though UMNO president Zahid and PKR president Anwar sit next to each other in the Cabinet, whilst Loke and Zahid share silly jokes together. Just because BN and PH are part of the unity government at federal level does not mean UMNO treats PH as a friend in Johor.

From the beginning, it was PM-obsessed Anwar and power-hungry Loke who tried to appease, mollify, and assuage UMNO warlords out of fear of losing power at the federal level to the extent of turning a blind eye over UMNO’s bullying. This has emboldened and encouraged notorious racists and mobsters like UMNO Youth Chief Akmal Saleh to terrorize, bully, and threaten ethnic Chinese and Indians.



Now, it’s merely Onn Hafiz’s turn to insult DAP, knowing very well that neither the indecisive PM nor the coward DAP chief have the balls to escalate the hostility between BN and PH. In fact, the disgraced PM Anwar orders Pakatan Harapan leaders to “not burn bridges” as doing so may provoke UMNO to withdraw support for the Madani government.

DAP under the weak leadership of Loke should be grateful that Onn Hafiz Ghazi, who is the nephew of UMNO veteran Hishammuddin Hussein, did not threaten the Chinese community by unsheathing, kissing, and brandishing a “keris” (a traditional Malay dagger) the same way his uncle did. Such provocation would make Anthony Loke, who’s trying to be more Malay than UMNO-Malay, extremely panic and runs around like a headless chicken.

Worse, Onn Hafiz is just a “third-tier” UMNO leader. He was not UMNO’s poster boy, but rather the preferred choice of the Johor Palace for the position of Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) following the March 2022 state elections. His appointment was a surprise development as UMNO-led BN had campaigned with former incumbent Hasni Mohammad as their designated candidate for the top post.

His lack of political credentials is one of the reasons why he, the great-grandson of UMNO founder Onn Jaafar and the grandson of Malaysia’s third Prime Minister Hussein Onn, has taken a page from UMNO playbook with a “declaration of war” on DAP-Chinese to project himself as a “Malay champion”. It was a deliberate move to force“first-tier” PKR and DAP leaders to bend down and respond to his attacks.

Exactly what type of message Pakatan Harapan is sending when the Prime Minister and the Transport Minister fail to demonstrate courage in reprimanding a “third-tier” arrogant UMNO leader? Clearly, it leads to a stronger belief that both PKR and DAP are toothless tigers that could be pushed around, insulted, mocked, ridiculed, belittled, and disrespected even by a junior UMNO leader.




After DAP was insulted as an inferior second-class party that has no right to share the same table as UMNO, blind lemmings went berserk. Hilariously, these propagandists, bloggers, cyber troopers, YouTubers, and TikTokers are the same bunch of morons who had previously praised UMNO and Onn Hafiz Ghazi in the Mahkota by-election back in October 2024.

Yes, we previously published why the Chinese voters should boycott Mahkota by-election because a vote for BN is a vote for Akmal. However, some blind pro-Anwar and pro-DAP supporters who believed UMNO had turned a new leaf had chosen to not only campaign for UMNO, but also argued that it was sufficient to boycott only Akmal in Melaka. The idiots fantasized that UMNO-Malays would transfer their votes for PH.

Worse, under the pretext that Bangsa Johor are ideologically different and “intellectually superior”, some Chinese social media influencers even praised Onn Hafiz leadership for championing the multi-party unity coalition machinery for the Mahkota campaign – even though the Chief Minister has historically downplayed federal DAP partnerships within the state’s official administration.

Laughably, even till today, silly DAP is still trying very hard to convince the leopard that never changes its spots to be grateful and appreciate DAP’s hard work that allowed UMNO candidate Syed Hussien Syed Abdullah won the Mahkota seat with a landslide majority of 20,648 votes, capturing roughly 79% of the total valid ballots against opposition Perikatan Nasional candidate.

Had DAP mobilized its machinery to boycott UMNO in the Mahkota by-election, using the notorious Akmal as an excuse to teach UMNO a lesson, perhaps the Johor Chief Minister would think twice about insulting the Democratic Action Party today. Therefore, it’s not a heavy statement to say DAP under Loke leadership deserves to be mocked and ridiculed by UMNO.



Anthony Loke and his lieutenants are still in denial – badly wanted to believe that UMNO today is no longer the same UMNO that used to be racist, extremist, corrupted, arrogant, hypocrite, double-speak, treachery, untrustworthy, and whatnot. Until Onn’s latest outburst, DAP had believed he was of different breed and a non-racist, humble, and progressive UMNO-Malay leader.

It appears DAP has found a new favourite pastime – “Kao Beh Kao Boo” – wailing, complaining, and bitching over spilt milk. It still hasn’t a clue that while Anwar Ibrahim risks losing both the conservatives he courts and the reformists who brought him to power, Anthony Loke faces growing disillusionment among its core Chinese electorate due to his weak leadership and cowardice.

Xi’s Pyongyang Pilgrimage: A Ritual of Resilience in a Shifting Northeast Asian Chessboard

Murray Hunter
Jun 08, 2026


Xi’s Pyongyang Pilgrimage: A Ritual of Resilience in a Shifting Northeast Asian Chessboard





In the opaque theater of Northeast Asian power politics, symbolism often outweighs substance. The Chinese President Xi Jinping’s decision to travel to Pyongyang for a two-day state visit, his first in nearly seven years represents more than a routine diplomatic exchange between “lips and teeth” allies. It is a carefully staged reaffirmation of a relationship strained by sanctions, pandemic isolation, and Pyongyang’s opportunistic pivot toward Moscow.

One must peel back the ceremonial layers to see the deeper strategic undercurrents: dependency, leverage, and the quiet recalibration of influence in a multipolar world where old alliances are being tested by new realities.

Echoes of 2019 turning into the realities of 2026

Xi Jinping last visited Pyongyang in 2019, while Kim was in Beijing last September, joining Russian President Vladimir Putin at a military parade commemorating the 80th anniversary of Imperial Japan’s defeat in World War II. The trip comes weeks after Xi hosted Putin and US President Donald Trump in Beijing in separate high-level meetings.

The timing is telling. Back in 2019, Kim was under intense pressure from maximum-pressure sanctions and collapsing denuclearization talks. China played the role of indispensable patron, offering economic lifelines while urging restraint. Today, the dynamics have inverted in subtle but significant ways. North Korea has weathered isolation through sanctions evasion, deepened military-technical cooperation with Russia which includes troop deployments and arms exports that have reportedly boosted its economy, and enhanced its nuclear and missile programs with defiance. Kim arrives at this summit emboldened, not desperate.

Xi Jinping has just played host to both Putin (May 19-20) and Trump (May 14-15). The contrast in those Beijing summits was stark. With Putin, there were over 40 cooperation agreements spanning trade, technology, and media, talk of ties at “the highest level in history,” and an extension of the 2001 friendship treaty. With Trump, the optics were grand but the deliverables more transactional and understated. They included Boeing aircraft purchases, verbal pledges on soybeans, and relatively muted state media fanfare. These meetings underscored China’s dual-track diplomacy—deepening strategic alignment with Russia while managing a volatile but economically vital relationship with the United States.

Now Xi Jinping is in Pyongyang. This is not just neighborhood maintenance; it is Beijing signaling that it will not cede ground in its traditional sphere, even as North Korea tests the limits of that patronage.

The Enduring “Blood Alliance” and Its Limits

China and North Korea have maintained close party and state ties since the Korean War. Beijing remains Pyongyang’s main economic partner and has repeatedly called for dialogue on the Korean Peninsula, while opposing unilateral sanctions and military pressure.

This relationship is foundational yet asymmetrical and often frustrating for Beijing. China provides the economic oxygen with trade, fuel, and diplomatic cover, that keeps the DPRK afloat. In return, Pyongyang offers a strategic buffer against US-aligned forces in South Korea and Japan, and a persistent thorn in Washington’s side that diverts American attention and resources.

Yet Kim’s regime has never been a pliable client. Its survivalist paranoia, nuclear ambitions, and willingness to play Russia and China off each other have long complicated Beijing’s preference for stability on the peninsula.

Xi Jinping’s visit occurs against a backdrop of North Korean economic stirrings fueled partly by Russian dealings and continued missile advancements. Beijing likely seeks to reassert some measure of influence, perhaps moderating provocations, encouraging dialogue channels, or securing assurances on border stability and refugee flows, while projecting unbreakable socialist solidarity. For Kim, the summit offers legitimacy, potential economic sweeteners, and a hedge against over-reliance on Moscow.

Broader Geopolitical Ripples

This visit cannot be separated from the wider regional mosaic.

The China-Russia-North Korea axis, while not a formal bloc, creates a de facto alignment that complicates US strategy in the Indo-Pacific. Extended friendship treaties, joint military parades, and economic interdependencies form a counterweight to alliances like the US-Japan-South Korea trilateral. Yet beneath the pageantry, fractures exist.

North Korea’s growing autonomy challenges China’s traditional dominance. Economic dependence on Beijing persists, but diversified partnerships reduce leverage. Xi must navigate this without pushing Pyongyang further into Moscow’s embrace or triggering destabilizing escalations.

However, in the grand scheme, Xi Jinping’s Pyongyang journey is classic great-power diplomacy: part nostalgia for revolutionary brotherhood, part pragmatic power balancing, and part theater for domestic and international audiences. It underscores a core truth in regional geopolitics, ideological affinity and historical memory provide the glue, but raw interests and shifting capabilities dictate the dance.

Expect warm embraces at Kim Il Sung Square, toasts to eternal friendship, and vague joint statements on peace and cooperation. The real test will come in follow-through: whether this resets the patron-client equilibrium or merely papers over diverging trajectories in an era of great-power competition.

Northeast Asia remains a powder keg where symbolism buys time, but underlying tectonic shifts, nuclear proliferation, alliance realignments, and economic survivability will shape the next chapter. Xi Jinping’s visit is a pause for recalibration, not a resolution. The peninsula’s volatility endures.

It is a move US President Trump has no answer to.

With Hormuz shut and Saudi oil rerouted, Iran‑aligned Houthi threats to Red Sea shipping hit harder in today’s market

With Hormuz shut and Saudi oil rerouted, Iran‑aligned Houthi threats to Red Sea shipping hit harder in today’s market



Armed Houthi followers ride on the back of a pick-up truck during a parade in solidarity with the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and to show support to Houthi strikes on ships in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, in Sanaa, Yemen January 29, 2024. ― Reuters pic

Tuesday, 09 Jun 2026 9:00 PM MYT


SANAA, June 9 — Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthis said yesterday that they would ban ships linked to Israel from the Red Sea after Israel renewed its military attacks on Iran, adding to concerns about global ‌shipping and energy flows.

This is why it matters and what it means for the Iran war and the global energy crisis:


How big is the risk to global energy markets?

Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz since Israel and the United States attacked it on February 28 has disrupted most oil and other energy exports from the Gulf, raising prices and causing a major energy shock.

Saudi ‌Arabia has responded by diverting more than 70 per cent of its normal daily crude exports to the Red Sea port of Yanbu.


That has been a lifeline for the energy market, helping to keep down global oil prices.

Any sustained Houthi disruption to Red Sea shipping including potential attacks on shipping or ports could be a big problem.


When the Houthis launched attacks on Red Sea shipping in November 2023, Gulf oil exports were flowing freely, meaning cargoes were diverted to avoid the Red Sea, but not halted. This time, they are being loaded there.

A Houthi source told Reuters preventing Israeli ships from transiting the Red Sea was “a first step” but that if escalation continued, the group would stop any ships heading to Israel as well as other measures.

When the group attacked shipping during the Gaza war its stated target of Israel-linked vessels included any vessel belonging to any company that used Israeli ports and its attacks on those ships dissuaded most companies from using the route.


Who are the Houthis?

The Houthis emerged as a military, political and religious movement in north Yemen in the 1990s, fighting guerrilla wars against the government in Sanaa.

They adhere to the Zaydi sect of Shi’a Islam, and after the 2011 Arab Spring they strengthened ties with ‌Iran and seized on instability to capture the capital in 2014, derailing a Gulf-backed political transition plan.

Saudi Arabia and Arab allies launched a military intervention months later to restore the ⁠ousted government and dislodge a group it saw as a proxy for Iran, Riyadh’s arch regional ⁠rival.

As Yemen’s civil war ground to a stalemate, the Houthis attacked oil installations and other infrastructure in Saudi Arabia and the ⁠United Arab Emirates with missiles and drones.

However, a ⁠2022 truce between Yemen’s warring sides has largely ⁠held.


Are the Houthis an Iranian proxy?

Iran champions the Houthis as part of its regional “Axis of Resistance”, which includes Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Iraqi Shi’ite militias, though its ties with the Yemeni movement are less clear than with those other groups.

The Houthis do not recognise Iran’s supreme leader as their ultimate religious authority in the same way Hezbollah and the Iraqi groups do. Its ⁠motivations are mainly domestic, though it is ideologically aligned with Iran.

The US says Iran has armed, funded and trained the Houthis with help from Hezbollah. The Houthis deny being an Iranian proxy and say they develop their own weapons.



Houthi military helicopter flies over the Galaxy Leader cargo ship in the Red Sea in this photo released November 20, 2023. — Houthi Military Media handout pic via Reuters



What happened when the Houthis attacked Red Sea ships before?

After the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, and Israel’s devastating campaign in Gaza, the Houthis began firing at Israel and on international shipping in the Red Sea, saying they were doing so in support of Palestinians.

The Houthi attacks in the Red Sea severely disrupted global shipping, prompting Maersk, Hapag-Lloyd and other major companies to divert around Africa — a far longer, more expensive route.

A US-led mission to restore free navigation in ⁠the Red Sea involved repeated strikes on Houthi targets and a defensive campaign that shot down hundreds of drones and missiles.

But some Houthi attacks continued until last summer, only ending completely with the Gaza ceasefire in October.


What have they done during the latest Iran war?

While Hezbollah and the Iraqi groups joined ⁠the war early with rocket and drone fire after the first US and Israeli strikes on Iran, the Houthis have been comparatively quiet.

The group’s leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi said on ⁠March 5: “Our fingers are ⁠on the trigger at any moment should developments warrant it”.

Iranian military commanders have repeatedly warned the Houthis could join the war, with Revolutionary Guards Quds Force commander Esmaeil Qaani saying on June 1 they could choke off the Red Sea.

But before this week, the group’s only involvement was a few missile and drone attacks on Israel in late March and early April.

Why the Houthis have been relatively quiet so ‌far is not entirely clear.

They and Iran may have wanted to use the threat of another major energy route closure to warn Israel and the United States off further escalations.

The Houthis may also feel less committed to Iran’s security than do Tehran’s other regional allies.

And the group may not want to antagonise its powerful, wealthy neighbour Saudi Arabia and risk reigniting the conflict at home. — Reuters

Man accused of killing mother-in-law with poison-laced satay

Man accused of killing mother-in-law with poison-laced satay

1 day ago
Tiffanie Turnbull

Boyolali Police
Investigators pose with evidence they collected during the murder inquiry


A man in Indonesia has been arrested for allegedly murdering his mother-in-law using satay laced with rat poison.

Police say Purwadi Wahyudi ordered chicken skewers on 18 May, dipped them in toxic chemicals, then couriered them to the alleged victim's house because he felt disrespected by her.

He tried to frame his sister-in-law, who discovered the 57-year-old woman's body, covered in vomit, at her home in Central Java the next day, detectives added.

Purwadi, 40, has been made a suspect and detained, but has not been formally charged with murder, which in Indonesia attracts the death penalty or at least 20 years in prison.

Police say the family contacted them after the woman - identified only as Aminah - was buried, suspicious that she had not died of natural causes.

The woman's youngest daughter, Luriyanti Putri, told investigators the alleged victim had reported receiving a delivery of chicken satay from an unknown person the day before her body was discovered. Putri said it wasn't from her, and told her mother not to eat the food.

Aminah's neighbour also reported seeing dead chickens near her coop.

Her body was exhumed and forensic testing found signs of poisoning in most of her major organs, as well as traces of toxic chemicals.


The head of the Boyolali police's criminal investigation unit, Indrawan Wira Saputra, added that the killing was carefully planned, according to Indonesian media outlet Kompas.

Purwadi had pretended to be Putri on a delivery app, using her name and photo as the account details.

The delivery driver raised suspicions about this - expecting a woman, and the person who sold Purwadi the satay says the food was in different packaging by the time it was delivered to Aminah.

***

Many s-i-l's detest their m-i-l's but in this case the bloke took rather drastic action, aiyoyo.

Yusoff seeks asylum in UK, will skip court date - counsel

N Faizal Ghazali
Published: Jun 10, 2026 6:33 PM
Updated: 9:14 PM



Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s former research assistant Yusoff Rawther, who is currently in the United Kingdom, will not return to Malaysia due to safety concerns, according to his lawyer Rafique Rashid Ali.

His client, Rafique said, has applied for human rights asylum in the UK.

The lawyer said Yusoff cannot attend the appeal proceedings against the Kuala Lumpur High Court's decision to acquit and discharge him from charges of trafficking cannabis and possessing two imitation pistols.

“I wish to inform that on June 1, I received a copy of an email from my client. On June 2, I wrote directly to the Court of Appeal president to inform them of the latest developments in this case, and a copy of the letter was also sent to the attorney-general.

“On June 1, I received notification and confirmation that my client has applied for human rights asylum from the UK government, and his passport is being held by the authorities there.

“He is in London and is seeking human rights asylum because he is truly in fear, concerned about his safety, and worried about being harmed,” he said during a press conference in Kuala Lumpur today.


Acquitted by High Court

On June 12 last year, Kuala Lumpur High Court judge Jamil Hussin acquitted Yusoff after finding that the prosecution failed to prove a prima facie case against him at the end of the prosecution's case.

Prior to that, he faced charges of having control, custody, and possession of two pistols and drugs under Section 39B(1)(a) of the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952 and Section 36(1) of the Arms Act 1960.

However, the Attorney-General's Chambers filed a notice of appeal against the High Court's decision on June 16 last year, and the hearing for the application is scheduled to take place at the Court of Appeal in Putrajaya on June 15.

DAP Youth chief insists Umno No 2 involved in N Sembilan plot, cites Muhyiddin letter

DAP Youth chief insists Umno No 2 involved in N Sembilan plot, cites Muhyiddin letter

Qistina Nadia Dzulqarnain
Published: Jun 10, 2026 5:03 PM
Updated: 7:03 PM



DAP Youth chief Woo Kah Leong has doubled down on claims that Umno deputy president Mohamad Hasan was involved in an alleged attempt to topple the Negeri Sembilan government.

Citing allegations in a purportedly leaked May 25 letter from Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin to PAS leaders, Woo, who is also the Harapan Youth chief, rejected assertions that BN had “no choice” but to contest solo in the upcoming state polls.

Instead, Woo insisted that the dissolution of the Negeri Sembilan legislative assembly stemmed from the “betrayal” of 14 Umno assemblypersons, who he accused of pursuing a backdoor takeover of the state administration.

“Now that Muhyiddin’s letter has exposed everything, certain BN leaders are ‘acting like victims’ and twisting the narrative by claiming they are forced to contest solo because Harapan had already planned to contest all seats (in Negeri Sembilan),” he said in a Facebook post today.

“This is a lie and a denial of facts that are plainly obvious, and highly hypocritical.

“The betrayal in Negeri Sembilan involved not only ordinary assemblypersons, but also a cabinet minister who is also the Umno deputy president,” Woo claimed.

Umno deputy president Mohamad Hasan

Stressing that no party had forced BN to pursue a “backdoor takeover” that triggered the crisis in the state, Woo urged the coalition to “take responsibility instead of blaming others”.

“Only through the dissolution of the state assembly and returning power to the people can political stability be restored and the real culprits behind the crisis be punished to the fullest extent,” he said.

Malaysiakini has contacted Rantau assemblyperson and Foreign Minister Mohamad for his response to Woo’s statement.


Discussions before withdrawing support

According to a copy of the letter referenced by Woo, Muhyiddin allegedly detailed several rounds of discussions between PAS, Bersatu, and Umno before Negeri Sembilan Umno withdrew support for the then-menteri besar, PKR’s Aminuddin Harun, on April 27.

In the letter, Muhyiddin said one such meeting took place on April 24 at the Bersatu headquarters and was attended by PAS secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan, Bersatu secretary-general Azmin Ali, as well as incumbent PAS and Bersatu assemblypersons.

Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin


The gathering was purportedly convened for the signing of statutory declarations.

Muhyiddin said discussions later continued at Pavilion Hotel Kuala Lumpur, where the meeting was joined by “YB Datuk Seri Jalaluddin Hassan”, believed to be a reference to Negeri Sembilan Umno chairperson Jalaluddin Alias, along with “several Umno assemblypersons”.

The letter, sighted by Malaysiakini, stated that an agreement was reached for the 14 Umno assemblypersons to first withdraw support for Aminuddin before the state’s five Perikatan Nasional assemblypersons publicly backed the move.

According to Muhyiddin, the sequence was designed to avoid accusations that PN was orchestrating a “backdoor move to topple the unity government in Negeri Sembilan”.

Apart from Jalaluddin, who is the incumbent Pertang assemblyperson, Muhyiddin did not identify the other Umno elected representatives allegedly involved in the discussions.

Referring to developments following the April 27 press conference announcing Negeri Sembilan Umno’s withdrawal of support, Muhyiddin claimed repeated attempts to engage Takiyuddin went unanswered.

Negeri Sembilan Umno chairperson Jalaluddin Alias


The press conference was led by Jalaluddin and attended by 12 other Umno assemblypersons, excluding Mohamad.

Muhyiddin said PAS’ alleged inaction then prompted Bersatu to withdraw its support for Umno, particularly after the latter opted to remain part of the state government.

READ MORE: 12 N Sembilan Umno reps told Zahid they want to stay in unity govt - party source

“Bersatu’s position was clear and consistent: any cooperation with Umno could only take place if the party severed ties with Harapan.

“On that principle, the two Bersatu assemblypersons had no choice but to issue a statement withdrawing support for the 14 Umno assemblypersons on May 5 after failed efforts to obtain feedback and agreement from PAS from April 28 until May 5,” Muhyiddin stated in the letter.

READ MORE: Fadhli writes about ‘broken trust’ ahead of meeting to decide PAS-Bersatu ties


Just a mediator

On May 3, Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said it was unfair to accuse Mohamad of masterminding Negeri Sembilan BN’s withdrawal of support for Aminuddin, who is also the state Harapan chairperson.

Emphasising that Mohamad had played a mediating role, Zahid said the Umno deputy president had sought ways to resolve the political impasse and had held frequent discussions with him in search of a solution.

The dissolution of the Negeri Sembilan legislature, which took effect on June 5, comes nearly three years after the August 2023 state election, when the Harapan-BN alliance secured a landslide victory by winning 31 of the state’s 36 seats.

Harapan won 17 seats while BN secured 14, allowing the coalition to retain control of the state government with a two-thirds majority.

Perikatan Nasional, via three PAS candidates and two from Bersatu, won the remaining five seats to form the state’s opposition bench.

Should Penang have its first Malay CM by virtue of its Chinese populace having dropped to 2nd spot?

Should Penang have its first Malay CM by virtue of its Chinese populace having dropped to 2nd spot?

SUCH is the clarion call by an apparent rightist who pointed to the 2025 census by the National Statistics Department which shows that the Penang Bumiputera population has for the first time in history emerged the majority race with 46.2% (750,000 individuals) vs the Chinese at 43.7% (709.000).
Cultural Malay Insights


Indians make up 9.5% of Penang’s population with 154,000 inhabitants with other races at 0.6% (10,000). All-in-all, the state’s population stood at 1.803 million in 2025 with 1.623 million being Malaysian citizens and 180,000 non-citizens.


“The latest data shows that the Bumiputera population INCLUDING Malays is the current majority population in Penang,” revealed an elated OK Media in a recent Facebook post.

MELAYU KINI MAJORITY DI PULAU PINANG

Data terkini menunjukkan penduduk bumiputera TERMASUK melayu adalah warga majoriti terkini Di pulau pinang, dah tiba masanya Ketua Menteri Diwakili Dari penduduk asal, Dan dari kaum majoriti

Penduduk Pulau Pinang Komen Setuju Kalau Korang Inginkan KM dari kalangan majoriti

...See more

282

49

350

It’s time for the Chief Minister (CM) to be represented by the original population and from the majority race. Give a shout out, Penangites, if you want a CM from the majority (race).


This is also part of the efforts to combat the absurd land tax (quit rent) by the current CM (Chow Kon Yeow) which is seemingly a ploy to seize land owned by the INDIGENOUS RAKYAT by force.

Editor’s Note: DAP adviser Lim Guan Eng has engaged in war of words with the current Penang state government over excessive land tax (quit rent) hikes that have surged by hundreds or thousands of times for rural villagers and low-cost strata flat owners.

Under the Penang State Land Rules, land taxes for many residential and rural kampung properties saw astronomical percentage increases. In some extreme cases, taxes surged from around RM10 to more than RM34,000.


Changing course of history?

While the poster eventually exposed his opposition slant by rallying to topple the ruling DAP state government which has raised quit rent rate “from RM16 to thousands/tens of thousands”, he did leave behind food for thought in the wake of opposition influence in mainland Penang despite the recent PAS-Bersatu break-up.

For the record, every Penang Chief Minister has been of Chinese descent since Malaysia’s independence in 1957 although they represent different political coalitions:

• Wong Pow Nee (1957-1969) – Alliance
• Tun Dr Lim Chong Eu (1969-1990) – Gerakan/Alliance/Barisan Nasional (BN)
• Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon (1990 -2008) – Gerakan/BN
• Lim Guan Eng (2008-2018) – DAP/Pakatan Rakyat (PH)
• Chow Kon Yeow (2018- Present) – DAP/PH

Whether Penang should have a Malay CM is a subject of on-going political and constitutional debate with varying perspectives on race, representation and meritocracy.

But unlike sultanate states that have specific constitutional requirements mandating a Malay-Muslim Menteri Besar, the Penang State Constitution does not specify the ethnicity of the CM. It only requires that the leader command the confidence of the majority in the state assembly.

Although Penang bears the uniqueness of being the only state headed by a non-Malay on the basis of the Chinese form a plurality of the state’s population, it is true that this privilege should never be taken for granted.

Although the PAS threat is real, the Islamist party nevertheless faces major demographic and political hurdles given its power base is largely concentrated in what is dubbed “the Malay hinterlands”.

Despite making an unprecedented inroad with 11 seats in 40-seat Penang state assembly in the 2023 state polls, Penang remains a steep hill to climb for PAS due to several factors:

Need for coalition partner: PAS cannot win on its own. To capture Penang, it must form a coalition and rely on non-Malay allies (ie Gerakan) to win in mixed or urban seats.

Lack of non-Malay support: The non-Muslim electorate (Chinese and Indian voters who form a massive voting bloc) overwhelmingly rejects PAS’s conservative political and religious policies. On the contrary, most non-Malay Penangites are often DAP loyalists.

Urban and cosmopolitan culture: Penang’s economy relies heavily on tourism, international trade and foreign direct investment. With PAS’s exclusivist, religious messaging tending to alienate the business community, PAS is very unlikely to get the mandate to rule Penang. – June 10, 2026

Selangor must listen to concerns over worship guidelines

Selangor must listen to concerns over worship guidelines

By V. Papparaidu Veraman
19 hours ago

OVER the past few days, I have been following the discussions and concerns raised regarding the proposed guidelines for non-Islamic places of worship in Selangor.


I understand why many people are worried, and I want to assure everyone that these concerns are not being ignored.


For many of us, temples, churches and gurdwaras hold deep meaning and are much more than buildings. They are places where families gather, communities come together and faith is nurtured. That is why I understand why this issue matters so much to many people.

As Co-Chairman of LIMAS, I work closely with these communities and religious institutions. Over the years, I have met with temple committees, church leaders and community representatives to help resolve issues involving land, approvals and other longstanding matters. As such, when concerns are raised, I take them seriously.

Some have asked where I was when these guidelines were approved, including through a recent article in Focus Malaysia.

I respect the right of anyone to ask that question, but I also believe that being in government is not simply about approving documents. It is also about listening to feedback and being prepared to review decisions when genuine concerns arise.

That is exactly what happened in this case. Once feedback began coming from religious groups and community leaders, the Selangor Government decided to pause the implementation of the guidelines and conduct further engagement.

To me, this is not a sign that something has gone wrong. Rather, it demonstrates a willingness to listen and respond to the concerns of the people.

These guidelines were never intended to restrict religious freedom or make life more difficult for non-Islamic communities.

They form part of a broader review of planning guidelines aimed at ensuring development in Selangor remains orderly and sustainable as the state continues to grow.

There has also been some confusion regarding access to places of worship from main roads. There is no ban. Discussions regarding service roads were based on traffic flow and safety considerations, particularly during major religious celebrations when attendance can be very large. The intention was never to restrict access to places of worship.

There have also been claims that temples and shrines would be demolished. This is not true. The provision applies only to temporary shrines located within active construction sites and does not give anyone the authority to arbitrarily demolish places of worship.

As for the proposed land size and building height requirements, these were intended as planning recommendations. If there are aspects that require further discussion or improvement, then we should discuss them openly and work together to find better solutions.

It is also important to consider the Selangor government’s track record on this issue. Since 2008, a total of 481 plots of land have been approved and issued for non-Islamic religious purposes.

Under the current administration alone, 57 sites have been approved, while another 40 applications are being processed. By the end of this year, the total number of approved sites is expected to exceed 500.

This reflects years of work to help temples, churches and other places of worship obtain proper land status and resolve longstanding issues.

I do not view this as a conflict between the government and the community. The feedback we have received is valuable because it helps identify areas that require improvement and ensures that any final guidelines are practical, fair and accepted by the communities they affect.

I will continue engaging religious organisations, community leaders, local councils and all relevant stakeholders. Our goal is simple: to protect religious freedom, address practical concerns and ensure that planning policies work for everyone.

I look forward to continuing to work with all parties to find the best solutions to issues that affect our communities. ‒ June 9, 2026



V. Papparaidu Veraman is a Selangor state exco member and co-chairman of LIMAS.

Ramasamy: Blame PAS if PH emerges triumphant in GE16, PMX returns to office for a 2nd term in office

Ramasamy: Blame PAS if PH emerges triumphant in GE16, PMX returns to office for a 2nd term in office

By Prof Ramasamy Palanisamy
21 hours ago

AS I have said before, the end of political cooperation between the two strongest political parties in the Perikatan Nasional (PN) opposition alliance – PAS and Bersatu – means that the Pakatan Harapan (PH)-led coalition will not face any major challenge in remaining the ruling coalition.


PAS has invented a number of reasons why it cannot maintain ties with Bersatu.

Among them are the unseating of the Menteri Besar in Perlis, Bersatu’s alleged political interference in Kelantan and Terengganu, and the stand taken by Bersatu in the recent Negeri Sembilan political turmoil, among others.

This ultimately led the PAS Central Committee took the decision on June 8, 2026 to sever its six-year-old ties with Bersatu late yesterday (June 8).

It seems that PAS is keener on maintaining the “unity of the ummah (Muslim solidarity)” than anything else.

Its recent attempt to forge ties with UMNO on the platform of Muafakat Nasional 2.0 (MN) does not appear to have been reciprocated in kind by UMNO.

One wonders whether the reasons given by PAS to sever ties with Bersatu were something that had been rehearsed by the party for some time.

In my recent meeting with Bersatu president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, it was clear that the party was prepared for the political eventuality of a break with PAS.

‘Malaysians are biggest losers’

It was not something initiated by Bersatu but rather by PAS with its brand of political opportunism.

On the one hand, PAS wants to “unite the ummah” but on the other hand it wants to sever ties with Bersatu. Perhaps PAS should explain this contradiction.

The biggest losers in the severing of ties between PAS and Bersatu are Malaysians who wanted a strong opposition which is capable of providing effective checks and balances on the government.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim might be pleased with the latest developments within the ranks of the opposition.

He is now more or less assured of a second term in office, thanks to PAS.

Meanwhile, given the split, it is not clear what the future holds for the PN coalition.

Since PAS appears more keen to pursue the goal of “uniting the ummah”, then PN should rightly be passed over to Bersatu. – June 9, 2026



Former DAP stalwart and Penang deputy chief minister II Prof Ramasamy Palanisamy is chairman of the United Rights of Malaysian Party (Urimai) interim council.

PETUA KALAH PRU16 - UNDI MARANG HILANG PASAL ROHINGYA. OLEH NORMAN FERNANDEZ

 

OutSyed The Box

Tuesday, June 9, 2026

PETUA KALAH PRU16 - UNDI MARANG HILANG PASAL ROHINGYA. OLEH NORMAN FERNANDEZ

 

Artikel berikut adalah sumbangan Sdr Norman Fernandez. Sedikit editing oleh saya. Sila baca komen saya di bawah sekali.

*BILA MARANG Menjadi PERMULAAN*

-Norman Fernandez-

Siapa sangka Marang, Trengganu menjadi permulaan.

Pada Ahad lalu telah menular di media sosial gambar sehelai kain putih yang digantung di sebuah jejantas dengan tulisan, 'Ini bukan Selayang, ini Marang' yang dipercayai bantahan penduduk tempatan yang menolak kehadiran pelarian Rohingya.

Trengganu dianggarkan mempunyai 6,000 pelarian Rohingya, kebanyakkan mereka tertumpu di daerah Marang (terutamanya di kawasan Rusila), Kuala Terengganu (seperti di kawasan sekitar Pulau Kambing), Kuala Nerus dan Dungun.

Pada 29 Mei lalu sebuah Petisyen yang dilancarkan oleh akaun 'Aku Anak Malaysia' yang antara lain menuntut kerajaan mencari penyelesaian alternatif menangani kebanjiran Rohingya telah meraih lebih 195,000 tandatangan.

Mutakhir ini video-video yang diviralkan dalam Tik Tok, komen dan debat media sosial menuntut pelarian Rohingya diusir keluar atau dihantar pulang.

Kemarahan dan fed up yang begitu terpendam makin menjelma.

Bukannya kerajaan tidak tahu kemarahan rakyat. Rakyat sudah lama bangkitkan masalah sosial yang dicetuskan Rohingya.

Orang ramai cukup kecewa melihat kerajaan tiada hala tuju dan rancangan jelas untuk menyelesaikan Rohingya ini.

Simpati sudah makin hilang dan kini berubah menjadi kebencian. Kerajaan akan hilang berpuluh ribu atau beratus ribu undi disebabkan Rohingya yang menjadi spesis yang begitu bermasalah.  

Di Indonesia pula Rohingya tidak ramai pun, sekitar 2,600 orang sahaja, hampir semua di Aceh. Dulu Rohingya disambut dengan tangan terbuka, tetapi hari ini Rohingya diusir secara paksa oleh orang Aceh. Penduduk tempatan tidak lagi mahu Rohingya tinggal di kawasan mereka dan menuntut Rohingya diusir keluar dari Indonesia.

Di Malaysia dipercayai terdapat hampir 200,000 pelarian Rohingya yang berdaftar dan tidak berdaftar - SEPULUH kali ganda bilangan Rohingya di Indonesia. Malaysia menjadi negara tumpuan bagi Rohingya. 

Rohingya memang mahu ke Malaysia, sebab Malaysia membenarkan mereka bergerak bebas, boleh berkerja dan berniaga, boleh membeli bot dan jadi nelayan, boleh membawa kenderaan tanpa lesen, boleh beranak-pinak dengan potongan 50% bayaran hospital, diberikan pelbagai kemudahan dan bantuan termasuk wang zakat?

Dan UNCHR pula menjadi seolah ‘Kementerian Dalam Negeri Hal Ehwal Rohingya’ berserta pelbagai Badan Bukan Kerajaan dan Pertubuhan Hak Asasi Manusia yang membela hak asasi mereka.

Setelah berpuluh tahun terpaksa toleransi Rohingya orang ramai tidak percaya lagi penipuan kononnya perlu seimbangkan keselamatan dan kemanusiaan dalam mengurus Rohingya atau kerajaan peka dan sedang dalam proses merancang solusi. Itu hanya kongkalikong. Berpuluh tahun sudah berlalu, dan kerajaan sudah banyak kali berubah. Rohingya masih kekal di sini.

Kerajaan perlu mengambil langkah lebih tegas dan menyeluruh dalam menangani isu pelarian Rohingya ini.

Sejak lebih enam tahun penulis telah memberikan pelbagai cadangan untuk menyelesaikan masalah Rohingya. 

Apakah begitu sukar untuk kerajaan mengarahkan pejabat UNCHR ditutup? Apakah UNHCR lebih berkuasa dan lebih berdaulat daripada kerajaan Malaysia? 

Jangan biarkan Rohingya bebas bergerak dalam negara kita lagi. Kumpulkan semua Rohingya yang menceroboh perairan kita  dan masukkan mereka dalam kem yang boleh menempatkan semua pelarian Rohingya?  Kemudian mereka patut dihantar pulang.

Apakah begitu sukar untuk kerajaan berunding dengan kerajaan Bangladesh,  untuk mengambil Rohingya untuk ditempatkan di pulau Bhasan Char?

Negara kita akan menghadapi pilihanraya. Sebuah poster politik di media social menyatakan bahawa undi rakyat akan diberikan kepada mana-mana parti sama ada BN, Pas atau PKR yang boleh menghalau pulang Rohingya ke negara asal mereka.

Masalah Rohingya akan jadi lebih hangat dan rakyat akan melihat parti mana yang boleh mengusir mereka keluar. 

Perhatikan gambar di atas itu sekali lagi. Sepanduk menolak Rohingya makin timbul di sana sini. Video mendesak Rohingya dipulangkan makin viral di media sosial, suara-suara marah makin lantang. 

Marang sudah memberi isyarat. 

*Norman Fernandez*

*Norman Fernandez adalah seorang peguam dan pengamat isu Rohingya sejak tahun 2014.*

MY COMMENTS:

Tuan-Tuan, tidak ada siapa pun suka atau setuju Rohingya. Tetapi bilangan mereka sudah hampir 200,000 orang. Jadi siapa yang tutup mata sebelah (atau tutup mata dua belah) membiarkan mereka masuk dalam negara kita?

ChatGpt kata:  repeatedly reported existence of people-smuggling and human-trafficking syndicates bringing Rohingya into Malaysia, through Malaysia–Thailand border and by sea into Kedah, Langkawi, Kelantan, and Penang.

Some notable reports include:

2024: Rohingya Smuggling Syndicate Busted in Kelantan.  ..arrest of 10 individuals, including a Rohingya man mastermind of migrant-smuggling syndicate. Authorities also arrested two alleged tekong darat (ground coordinators). The operation took place around Kota Bharu, Kelantan.

2025: Kedah Syndicate Linked to Rohingya Arrivals.  raided a transit house in Kuala Muda, Kedah, and detained 18 Rohingya migrants together with two Malaysian suspects believed to be the syndicate's masterminds. 

Tentu sekali ada orang yang benefit atau mendapat faedah. Tentu sekali ada orang yang dapat untung daripada kehadiran Rohingya. Mereka dapat duit. 

Dulu-dulu (zaman pemerintahan 1MDB) kita pernah dengar khabar bahawa terdapat perkampungan Rohingya di kawasan parlimen tertentu di Pahang. Pelbagai tuduhan dibuat. 

Tetapi yang jelas adalah sudah berpuluh tahun tetapi Rohingya bukan saja boleh kekal dalam  negara kita tetapi makin ramai pula. 

Tuan-Tuan orang Melayu, mereka sedang menjual negara kita. Our country is being sold. Untuk sedikit untung.

Johor PAS to contest state polls under loose pact with like-minded parties

Johor PAS to contest state polls under loose pact with like-minded parties



Johor PAS Commissioner Datuk Mahfodz Mohamed said the party’s state chapter will contest the upcoming state election under a loose electoral pact with several Malay-Muslim parties. — Picture by Ahmad Zamzahuri

Wednesday, 10 Jun 2026 8:56 AM MYT


JOHOR BAHRU, June 10 — Johor PAS will contest the upcoming state election under an electoral pact with an alliance of Malay-Muslim political parties, after recently ending its political cooperation with Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu).

Johor PAS Commissioner Datuk Mahfodz Mohamed said the pact was aimed at maximising the parties’ combined strengths.

He said the parties, which share similar political goals, are Parti Pejuang Tanah Air (Pejuang), Parti Bumiputera Perkasa Malaysia (Putra), Parti Berjasa Malaysia (Berjasa) and Parti Perikatan India Muslim Nasional (Iman).

“This is a temporary political alliance as an official coalition would take up time and will not be registered in time for the Johor polls.


“Under this electoral pact, it is agreed that PAS and the other participating parties will use our respective logos to contest,” he told reporters after chairing a state-level meeting at the Johor PAS office in Bandar Baru Uda here last night.

Mahfodz said discussions on seat distribution for the Johor polls were still ongoing and are expected to be finalised by the party’s central leadership on June 12.

He said prominent PAS central committee member and strategist Tan Sri Annuar Musa has been appointed as the party’s Johor election director.


“Johor PAS has also not decided on the number of seats to contest for the upcoming Johor election. We need to decide on our new objectives after severing ties with Bersatu late Monday,” said the PAS Syura Council member.

Mahfodz explained that PAS initially had 15 seats under a previous arrangement with Bersatu for the upcoming Johor election.

“This figure is the same that PAS had in the previous Johor state election,” he said, adding that PAS will need to renegotiate the number of seats after severing its ties with Bersatu.

Mahfodz, who is also the Johor Perikatan Nasional (PN) deputy chairman, said there is a likelihood that PAS would clash with Bersatu in the upcoming state polls.

He said it is inevitable that PAS would compete with Bersatu in certain seats.

On PAS having a strategic tie-up with Barisan Nasional (BN), Mahfodz said party leaders at the state level have reached out to explore possible cooperation.

“Johor PAS has held informal discussions with the state BN, but there is no firm agreement yet,” he said.

The Assault on the Malay Nation: Erosion from Within

Murray Hunter
Jun 09, 2026


The Assault on the Malay Nation: Erosion from Within

The greatest threats to the Malay nation are not external conspiracies or minority communities, but internal dynamics of elite capture, ideological overreach, and policy failure






For decades, successive Malay-dominated governments in Malaysia have positioned themselves as the staunch guardians of the Malay race and its future. They wave the banner of Ketuanan Melayu and invoke protective policies as sacred trusts. Yet, beneath the rhetoric, a profound paradox unfolds: the very institutions claiming to safeguard the Malays have presided over their cultural fragmentation, economic pillage, and demographic twilight. The “Malay Nation,” far from being fortified, is under siege primarily from within.

The term “Malay” itself is a constitutional construct rather than a primordial racial essence. Before Merdeka, the Malay states of the peninsula Kelantan, Terengganu, Perak, Johor, and others, possessed distinct identities, dialects, customs, and adat systems rooted in the rich Nusantara tapestry. These were not uniform; they reflected centuries of interaction with Javanese, Sumatran, Bugis, Minangkabau, and other archipelago peoples, alongside Indian, Arab, and Siamese influences. Federation homogenized them under a broader “Malay” umbrella for political convenience, but in practice, it has meant the steady erosion of these unique heritages.

Take Kelantan as a poignant example. Once a bastion of vibrant Malay traditions, wayang kulit, mak yong, dikir barat, and syncretic spiritual practices, where the state has seen many of these customs curtailed or banned under the banner of religious purity.

What federal and state policies have not outlawed outright, social pressure has marginalized. Urbanization compounds the damage. As young Malays migrate to the Klang Valley, Penang, or Johor for jobs, traditional kinship networks fracture. Extended families that once formed the backbone of rural Malay society dissolve into nuclear units in concrete high-rises, severing intergenerational transmission of language, folklore, and values. The village (kampung) that defined Malay identity becomes a nostalgic memory rather than a living reality.

Perhaps the most insidious force reshaping Malay culture has been the state-endorsed shift toward a rigid, imported form of Islam. Successive governments, particularly from the 1980s onward, have mainstreamed Wahhabi-Salafi influences through funding, education curricula, and dakwah movements. Mosques and madrasas promoted puritanical interpretations that view traditional Nusantara practices such as grave visitations, saint veneration, keramat beliefs, and colorful festivals as syirik or innovation.

The result? A generation of Malays increasingly adopting Arab dress, mannerisms, and worldviews, distancing themselves from the syncretic, adaptive Islam of their forebears. Malay women who once moved with relative freedom in rural settings now navigate stricter social codes. Even the national language, Bahasa Malaysia, has undergone Arabization, with vocabulary and phrasing tilting toward Middle Eastern loanwords at the expense of indigenous richness.

This cultural transformation is no accident of globalization; it has been actively facilitated. While officials decry Western decadence, they have embraced a petro-dollar-driven ideological import that hollows out Malay distinctiveness. The old Melayu characteristics of tolerance, an artistic flare, and deeply connected to the sea and soil has faded into a more austere, identity-politics-driven archetype.

Economically, the story is one of betrayed promises. The New Economic Policy (NEP), launched in 1971 in the aftermath of May 13, 1969 was sold to the Malays as the vehicle for uplifting them from poverty and backwardness. Its architects spoke of eradicating the identification of race with economic function. In reality, the policy fixated on corporate equity targets aiming for 30% Bumiputera ownership, rather than broad-based income growth or capability building. This numerical fetish enabled visible Malay tycoons and GLC executives but often masked persistent household-level vulnerabilities.

Worse still, the NEP and its successors became instruments of elite enrichment. Privatization waves in the 1980s and 1990s created cronies more than genuine entrepreneurs. Affirmative action in contracts, share allocations, and university places frequently bypassed the truly needy in favor of the connected. Former MACC Chief Commissioner Tan Sri Azam Baki himself highlighted that roughly 30 percent of government expenditure leaks through corruption, a staggering drain that disproportionately robs ordinary Malays, the supposed beneficiaries.

Decades of such leakage mean resources meant for rural schools, skills training, or SME support have instead funded luxury cars, overseas properties, and political patronage. Malays have been robbed in the name of their own advancement.

Today, the demographic indicator tells a sobering tale. According to the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM), the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) for Malays stood at 1.9 children per woman in 2024. This is below the replacement level of 2.1 and continues a long decline driven by urbanization, delayed marriages, rising female education and workforce participation, and acute economic pressures with rising housing costs, stagnant wages, and living expenses in a high-cost, low-opportunity environment for many. While Malay TFR remains higher than other groups, the trajectory mirrors broader societal shifts toward smaller families. A nation that once boasted youthful vitality now confronts aging and slower natural growth.

The irony is bitter. Policies framed as racial defense have accelerated cultural assimilation into a foreign Islamic model, economic stratification that benefits a thin upper crust, and social changes that have undermined family formation. The pre-independence mosaic of Malay identities has been largely erased in favor of a standardized, politically useful construct. Kinship ties weaken, traditional arts wither, and the economic “uplift” leaves too many behind.

Malaysia’s Malay leaders must confront this uncomfortable truth: the greatest threats to the Malay nation are not external conspiracies or minority communities, but internal dynamics of elite capture, ideological overreach, and policy failure. Reviving the Nusantara spirit of diverse, adaptive, and grounded in local realities requires moving beyond equity quotas and identity slogans toward genuine human development, cultural confidence, and accountable governance. Without such a reckoning, the decline will not be halted by more of the same. The Malay Nation, as historically understood, risks becoming a hollow constitutional category rather than a thriving, living people.