Thursday, June 25, 2026

OPINION | “Pasar Malam Politics...?!” – Will Non-Malays Fall For Hamzah's New Political Party…?!!!



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OPINION | “Pasar Malam Politics...?!” – Will Non-Malays Fall For Hamzah's New Political Party…?!!!


24 Jun 2026 • 11:30 AM MYT



Is Wawasan Negara the first party ever to be officially “launched” by PAS? Credit Image: Hamzah Zainudin Facebook / Malay Mail (BERNAMA pic) / Hamzah Zainudin Facebook.


With a lineup that includes several “retired” politicians from Dr Mahathir’s “Proton Saga era”, can Hamzah Zainudin's new political party actually come up with a fresh vision to restore a deeply divided nation?



Recently, political journeyman Saifuddin Abdullah boldly proclaimed that Hamzah Zainudin's new political outfit, Wawasan Negara—of which he is now a part—has been branded a "Malaysian party" to reflect the country's diverse society. He further underlined that it will be anchored to the country's Constitution and Rukun Negara.



Yet, somewhat curiously, just a day earlier, the Indera Mahkota MP had stressed that “reuniting” a fractured Malay community still remains a cornerstone for the party.


Screenshot of headline and image from Malaysiakini.


So, what is Wawasan's vision mainly about then: To bring all Malaysians under a single roof—or to place Malay unity and interests above all else?


The truth is, non-Malay voters are already exhausted. They feel deeply let down by Anwar Ibrahim's multiracial Madani government, with many having already made up their mind to boycott the ballot boxes the next time around.



So, what makes Hamzah and company think that their new outfit can offer voters something genuinely different from Pakatan Harapan?


Indeed, if Wawasan is truly a "Malaysian party," why can't it just focus on uniting all Malaysians?


Moreover, aren't there already a bucketful of Malay-based parties in this country, all vowing to do the same thing—unite the Malays—but ending up dividing them more?


Ironically, even Dr. Mahathir, the so-called “messiah” of Malay unity, seemed to have thrown in the towel after failing to achieve that elusive dream—falling short just like he did with his own Wawasan 2020 goal.



But what exactly is "Malay unity" anyway?


Just another cryptic political mantra invoked by politicians to spook the Malay-Muslim community into thinking they are under siege in their own land—just to get them to rally under a “chosen” leader?


Or perhaps it is some kind of "political nirvana" that certain Malay leaders invoke whenever they want to regain their lost power while trying to keep the Ketuanan (racial supremacy) narrative alive.


The thing is, it is still possible to unite a small community. But with Malay-Muslims forming the largest ethnic bloc in the country, isn't it foolhardy to even think of achieving such an unrealistic goal?



The harsh reality is that, even within the Malay-centric Perikatan Nasional, this so-called unity didn't last long. Look at how PAS literally dumped Muhyiddin Yassin's Bersatu, leaving its own Malay-Muslim brothers completely in the lurch!


Moreover, aren't the Malays in this country already “united” under their common religion, Islam?


Whatever it is, pitching Wawasan Negara as an inclusive political option to a deeply frustrated non-Malay community is never going to be a walk in the park.


To compound matters, Hamzah had openly acknowledged at an earlier “Reset” convention that even the party's very name was the brainchild of PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang.



And since it has been proudly packaged and marketed as “PAS-certified,” won't it in all likelihood end up complementing the latter's broader agenda?


Now, for most non-Malay voters, wouldn't that be the ultimate put-off?


It is also bound to spark another question: is the new party merely a tactical ploy to fish for some non-Malay votes on behalf of the Islamist party—while at the same time acting as political spoilers to split the vote?


One notable feature that wouldn't have escaped the scrutiny of keen observers is the composition of this newly-minted party, with vocal former Federal Minister Rais Yatim and ex-Melaka Chief Minister Abdul Rahim Thamby Chik reportedly holding top positions in the new outfit.



Check out the roll of honour below:Screenshot from The Star Online TV.


Meanwhile, others holding important positions in the party are Wan Saiful Wan Jan and Wan Ahmad Fayhsal—both controversial younger figures who are often associated with PN’s trademark fiery, ethno-nationalist rhetoric.


Crucially, didn't some of the old faces here also feature in the notorious 2020 “Sheraton Move” that led to the collapse of the democratically elected multiracial Pakatan Harapan government?


The thing is, non-Malays have already been bitten too many times before and have had enough of the fake charm offensives by slick, conniving politicians.



Hamzah and company may pitch their "Malaysian party" brand like any ambitious trader setting up a new stall in a pasar malam. But will non-Malays buy it, when they have already tasted, and been badly burned by, the same product before?


Finally, given all the recent hype over the Reset movement, there may have been a genuine glimmer of hope among many neutrals that perhaps Hamzah would bring something fresh to the table, something along the lines of Rafizi's Bersama party.


Instead, what critics will question now is: Can a “proxy party” for PAS—with aging politicians from another era—be counted on to come up with a brand new wawasan (vision) for the nation's future generations?


Wednesday, June 24, 2026

Ten years on, Brexit's economic impact is becoming clearer





Ten years on, Brexit's economic impact is becoming clearer


15 hours ago



Faisal Islam
Economics editor


BBC


Not long after the UK left the EU in 2020, a Bristol-based firm called Eskimo started selling a new kind of high-fashion and energy-efficient electric radiator, based on new technology developed by academics in the city.

They planned to send them around Europe using the Channel Tunnel.

It was a timely product given Europe's green ambitions, and with orders flowing, its Birmingham factory was being kept busy.

The boss Phil Ward tells me his start-up has continued to grow, but that in his view it could have been so much more without what he calls "the Long Brexit effect": in 2020, 40% of his exports went to the European Union, and by 2025 it was just 5%.

The post-Brexit deal agreed with the EU by then-Prime Minister Boris Johnson in December 2020 guaranteed zero tariffs on exports to the EU, but Ward says that despite this, red tape and paperwork not directly related to tariffs were enough to create delays, costs and the expectation of hassle for prospective customers.

Eskimo did manage to export some goods to agents in France but it stopped selling directly to European consumers entirely. A planned expansion to Germany floundered.

And as Eskimo discovered when it attempted to export towel rails to Australia and New Zealand, both countries abide by international safety standards that are heavily influenced by the EU's CE mark.

This matters because one theoretical potential Brexit benefit was that it would allow UK regulators to not follow the EU's safety regulations and take a more pro-innovation, less regulatory approach for high-tech inventions.

Eskimo's experience is one example of a broader trend reflected in export figures. The UK Trade Policy Observatory at Sussex University calculated a rapid 26% reduction in the different types of UK exports by 2023, while a new study from Aston University Business School using five years of more detailed trade data concludes a loss of 53.8% of the type of exports and 31.5% for imports.

These figures for "trade varieties" are falls in the number of products sent to different EU countries.

A decade ago, many economists argued the UK would sustain longer-term economic damage by leaving the EU and many believe that damage has come to pass.

But to make that call you have to compare what did happen with what might otherwise have happened were it not for Brexit and doing that is a matter of method and statistical judgement.

And that judgement has to account for the fact that the period since Brexit has been a time of huge global flux. The pandemic that struck in the spring of 2020, the war in Ukraine that began two years later and, more recently, the energy price shock sparked by the conflict in Iran all have to be accounted for.

So too does the question of whether a Brexit-free UK would have really kept up with the Silicon Valley tech boom in recent years to the extent Brexit Britain has.

The clear consensus of economists making the calculations say they have factored in the global turmoil when assessing Brexit's impact. Others question their methods and the extent of Brexit's impact.

Some of the most negative predictions back in 2016, including those that said the UK could experience a Great Depression‑style hit, proved unduly pessimistic. Whatever economic hit there was, it was not sudden enough to cause an instant recession.

But those who believe the UK did sustain longer-term economic damage by leaving the EU say the hit was no less profound.


AFP via Getty Images
Many economists argued the UK would sustain longer-term economic damage by leaving the EU


"Among economists there is not much debate, but there still is among policy folks. The experts were right. It was, if anything, worse than we thought, but it's taken longer to get there," says Nick Bloom, a British Stanford University professor and author of one of the most prominent recent major studies using Bank of England data.

His work sits among dozens of academic economics papers that have analysed vast amounts of data to try to assess what effect Brexit had on the UK's economy.
UK trade with Europe

UK trade with Europe had been on an upward trend before 2016. But official figures show that compared to 2019, 2025 UK exports to the EU were 14% down and imports were down 10%.

And they've been getting worse. Last year, 2025, was the worst year for UK goods export volumes to the EU this century, apart from one year in the depths of the financial crisis.





Think tank Niesr calculates exports were 16.9% lower and imports 16.1% less than what could have been expected based on positive pre-2016 trends. The Centre for European Reform uses a different method, trying to take account of what could have happened if the UK had not been excluded from a more recent surge in intra-EU trade, leading to a goods trade hit of 16% to exports and 14% to imports. It's all in the same ballpark and there is other research from European countries that suggest similar drops in their trade with the UK. Again, these calculations rely on selecting a method and statistical judgment.

Most studies conclude similarly, but using raw trade figures, so not accounting for significant inflationary spikes, you see a 4% rise in cash terms since 2019 of UK goods exports to the EU, which some analysts have used to argue there has been minimal impact.
Services trade boom

One area that has performed more strongly since 2016 is services, which make up over 80% of total UK economic output. Services sector exports from the UK to the EU are up 57% over the last decade, driven by a category that includes accountancy, legal services and consultancy. Non-EU services exports are up 49%. Imports from the EU are up 35% in the same time, and up 60% from outside the EU.

It is also true that there has been a service boom across the advanced world and some argue Britain might have done even better without Brexit. But either way, financial services clearly remained in healthier shape than the worst projections during the referendum.


Business investment

Investment by businesses was significantly lower than what might have continued after Brexit, according to two studies. Former Bank of England independent economist Jonathan Haskel calculates a £29bn or 1.3% reduction in the size of the economy from lower investment than would have been expected since 2016.






Business investment flattened in real terms immediately after 2016, and notably underperformed various measures of UK long term-trends and comparisons with other countries. Professor Haskel's latest calculation is a shortfall of 13% against the pre referendum trend from 1997-2016.

Using different methods, the National Institute of Economic and Social Research and the top US economic research body the NBER find that UK business investment is down 12-13% against where it would have been, compared to a representative basket of advanced economies.

Much of these findings predate the energy shock in 2022, and attribute the hit to uncertainty in the first years after Brexit. The latest analyses show the UK still behind most of the G7 but having overtaken Germany after the hit to its economy from the 2022 energy crisis.


The currency

The most visible sign of economic shock was the fall in the value of the pound in the minutes and then years after the referendum. This makes imports and travel more expensive, and makes UK assets worth less in the world.

Pre-referendum, the pound had reached new highs against major currencies. It then fell sharply after the referendum and has since traded lower, particularly against the dollar and the euro. It fell again further at various points of post-Brexit uncertainty and then too during the mini-budget in 2022 when Liz Truss was prime minister. Since then, sterling has broadly strengthened and taken advantage of a weaker dollar and is currently near the top of its post-Brexit range.

The impact of an overall weaker pound has raised prices for imported goods, from fresh foods to manufactured goods. But it has also helped cushion disruption for exporters by making their goods cheaper in international markets. In turn, some food prices have been helped a little by lower tariffs on international imports not produced in the UK.
The new trade deals

One potential Brexit benefit was the UK's ability to sign its own trade deals outside the EU. The UK-India deal stands out as an example of where the UK broke ground well beyond what might have happened within the EU.

The UK also signed the first "deal" to alleviate the impact of President Trump's tariffs. The Government itself calculates that the trade deals Britain has signed will only slightly boost economic growth, by fractions of a percentage point over decades.

It is worth noting that even former Prime Minister Tony Blair, an avowed Remainer who was previously a backer of a second referendum, recently suggested the UK had enjoyed some benefit from being able to have its own AI regulations and that this would have implications for any attempt to rejoin the EU or single market in the future.


Getty Images
We have now had a decade since the referendum and six years outside the EU and its economic structures


But it is also the case that it is not all one way. The EU has signed a deal with South America, the Mercosur deal, which gives access to EU car exporters to Brazil, the world's sixth biggest market, at zero tariffs, versus 35% for the UK.

And while Britain also achieved the first and best deal to alleviate President Trump's tariffs, the EU has since received many of the same benefits. The rate at 10% is better for the UK than the EU at 15%, but there is no quota for EU car exports to the US, and there is one of 100,000 for the UK.

It could be that the quiet competition between London and Brussels prompted by Brexit has motivated dealmaking that might have otherwise taken years.


The overall hit

There is a place that is as central to the UK's relations with the EU as the Strait of Hormuz is to global energy markets: the Channel Tunnel. When Britain was in the EU, the tunnel was the living embodiment of frictionless goods trade.

Back in 2016, 1.64m trucks went through the tunnel. Last year, post Brexit, there were 1.16m. So there are almost half a million missing lorry journeys a year - nearly 30% of this economically critical, high-value cross-Channel traffic has been lost.

Exactly how many trucks there would have been were it not for Brexit is impossible to say, but the hit from the pandemic, for example, would have subsided by now.

An industry participant describes the pattern as "pure Brexit" with small exporters leaving, unable to afford to invest in systems and surviving business models changing from "just in time" to increased stock-holding. HMRC trade data analysed by LSE also pointed to 16,400 firms - 14% of EU exporters - stopping exporting to the EU between 2019 and 2023 altogether, and that falls in exporting were concentrated among smaller firms.

What has happened in the Channel Tunnel tallies with the academic consensus that the UK economy is smaller now than it would have been based on the trajectory it was on in 2016.

The numbers range from about 3% to 8%. "The fact that it is harder to trade with the EU is about half the hit, in line with previous forecasts," says lead author of the NBER research, Nick Bloom.

He attributes the rest to the consequences of what at times felt like near-nightly political meltdown during the Brexit negotiations. "The other half is the uncertainty from the fact the Brexit process itself was such an enormous mess… We can never get that second 4% back."

These calculations are based on modelling how a UK still within the EU could have been expected to perform economically had it still experienced the pandemic and the 2022 energy shock but not Brexit.

The most recent study by the NBER takes account of population growth, and says the UK lost 6-8% of per capita output.

Bloom says he has used a variety of approaches including accounting for distance, economic gravity, the size of the economy and selectively omitting potential outliers.

There are, however, other figures. The authors, including Bank of England economists, also used a special survey of thousands of firms, accounting for a tenth of private employment, that was created by the Bank in 2016 to track Brexit reaction. The first Brexit analysis based on this survey was only published this year and updated on Friday and it shows how prolonged Brexit uncertainty hit commercial decision-making.

This entirely different firm-level method also leads to a conclusion of an economy about 6% smaller than without Brexit. That means an economy that would have otherwise grown about two thirds of a percentage point faster every year over the past decade.


Next ten years of Brexit

The world that post-Brexit Britain entered in 2016 has changed beyond any recognition.

Back in 2016, Brexiteers talked up the prospects of a free trade deal with the US when the reality in 2026 is a US that has put up higher trade barriers and weaponised tariffs. A decade ago, the idea was floated that the EU could collapse - it hasn't, and has introduced protections for its manufacturers. And China is now increasingly assertive.

The questions the above raise about UK global economic strategy are almost entirely different questions to those posed a decade ago.

It's possible an economically independent UK is well placed to deal with this volatile world. It's also possible that the opposite is true and that UK exporters would benefit from rejoining the EU single market.


AFP via Getty Images
Brexit, and its impacts on the economy, remain very much with us


What's clear from the data is that many UK goods exporters, especially smaller ones, have not become used to Brexit and that in certain sectors it's not getting any better.

Does the UK align itself with the US and its focus on lightly-regulated tech and in particular AI? Can a closer UK-EU relationship be squared with that? The EU has responded to the new economic nationalism with "Made in Europe" legislation that may require a certain percentage of parts to be made in Europe - it's unclear if the UK is included or not. An early test will be steel next month, and then a deal to avoid UK-EU electricity car tariffs at the end of the year.

UK officials recently suggested establishing a single market for goods trade with the EU as part of the next phase of a Brexit reset, something the EU says is incompatible with current government red lines around freedom of movement.

Unions have shifted position from wanting to rejoin the customs union, to looking for a Swiss-style deal in the European Economic Area.

In recent weeks government ministers have begun to quietly say that these red lines are specifically for this Parliament and will be looked at again. What path Sir Keir Starmer's replacement as prime minister decides to go down, we don't yet know.

Next month's UK-EU summit has now been postponed. Sir Keir had wanted to seal a deal to row back many of the post-Brexit frictions on food and farm trade that have impacted the cross-Channel trade flows. Other political parties have vowed to rip up the government's EU reset or even try to row back on elements of the post-Brexit deal.

Put bluntly, the status quo will not hold. Ten years on, Brexit, and its impacts on the economy, remain very much with us, and the policy debates may be about to return.


Mamdani-backed candidates sweep New York City Democratic primaries



Mamdani-backed candidates sweep New York City Democratic primaries

Democratic socialist candidates backed by New York City mayor win key primaries, ousting two sitting congressmen.

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s slate of progressives has swept establishment-backed Democrats in New York’s closely watched congressional primaries, ousting two sitting congressmen in a show of force for the democratic socialist leader of the United States’s largest city.

On Tuesday, Adriano Espaillat, who leads the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and is in his fifth term, was defeated by Mamdani’s most polarising pick, Darializa Avila Chevalier, a democratic socialist who once helped organise pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University.

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Dan Goldman, a two-term incumbent, was beaten by the Mamdani-backed former city comptroller Brad Lander, a fixture among New York progressives who has often shown sympathy to the democratic socialist movement. And another Mamdani ally, democratic socialist state Assembly Member Claire Valdez, defeated Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso, the handpicked successor of retiring US Representative Nydia Velazquez.

New York’s primary will determine which challengers the party nominates to run in the midterm elections in November. That vote will, in turn, decide which party controls Congress, giving its lawmakers the power to aid or impede US President Donald Trump’s legislative agenda for his final two years in office.

Most congressional districts in New York City are solidly left-wing bastions, meaning the winners of those races are all but assured to skate to victory in November.

Tuesday’s primaries represented a major political gamble for the 34-year-old mayor, whose strength is surging, and a potential headache for Democratic leaders, who fear that Mamdani and his loyalists may push the party too far left ahead of November’s midterm elections.

The sweep also sends an undeniable message to establishment Democrats in Washington, including House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries, who campaigned against Mamdani’s candidates and lost. Mamdani and his slate were openly fighting for dramatic change on key issues, with Israel’s genocidal war against Palestinians in Gaza and affordability chief among them.

The mayor ping-ponged across the city to celebrate his allies’ victories, declaring that his election had helped ignite a new era.

“A year ago, it was not the end of a political movement. It was the beginning,” a smiling Mamdani charged at Valdez’s celebration party in Brooklyn, reflecting on his mayoral victory last year, as the crowd chanted, “DSA! DSA!”

Later, at Avila Chevalier’s celebration in Manhattan, he added: “We are showing there is a new path for politics in our city and in our country.”

In Washington, Jeffries downplayed the influence of the Mamdani-backed candidates.

“We have agreed to strongly disagree,” Jeffries said of Mamdani on Capitol Hill. “There are 215 members of the House Democratic caucus. A handful of primaries that go in one direction or the other, in a given state or two, aren’t going to reshape who we are as House Democrats.”

Meanwhile, Democrat Jack Schlossberg, the 33-year-old grandson of former President John F. Kennedy, failed in his bid to write his own chapter in Camelot lore as he competed in a crowded field for a seat being vacated by retiring US Representative Jerry Nadler. Mamdani made no endorsement in that hotly contested race.

Establishment Democrats celebrated the victory of state Assembly Member Micah Lasher, a longtime government hand backed by Democratic leaders, who prevailed in a field that also included anti-Trump activist George Conway and Assembly Member Alex Bores, whose proposals to regulate artificial intelligence triggered tech industry blowback.

Mamdani, whose first six months in office have drawn praise from establishment Democrats and even Trump, had made a big push to promote the three congressional candidates who challenged Democrats supported by the party’s leadership.

MRCB stadium suit: Abdul Razak silenced, Hunter faces trial in absentia






The Shah Alam High Court has entered a consent judgment against activist Abdul Razak Ismail in Malaysian Resources Corporation Bhd’s (MRCB) conspiracy suit over social media postings on the Shah Alam Stadium redevelopment. - Pexels pic, June 24, 2026


MRCB stadium suit: Abdul Razak silenced, Hunter faces trial in absentia


Activist Abdul Razak bound by consent judgment in MRCB’s stadium redevelopment suit, permanently restrained from repeating allegations, while blogger Murray Hunter faces trial in absentia with judgment set for July 17


Scoop Reporters
Updated 1 minute ago
24 June, 2026
5:14 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR — The Shah Alam High Court has entered a consent judgment against activist Abdul Razak Ismail in Malaysian Resources Corporation Bhd’s (MRCB) conspiracy suit over social media postings on the Shah Alam Stadium redevelopment.

Judicial Commissioner Shoba Rajah recorded the terms on June 22, after Abdul Razak agreed to a permanent injunction restraining him from publishing or republishing the impugned allegations.

He must also remove all relevant postings within 72 hours and undertake not to conspire with blogger Murray Hunter or any other parties in relation to similar claims.

MRCB’s counsel Datuk Selva Mookiah confirmed that proceedings against Hunter, believed to be in Thailand, will continue in absentia. The court has fixed July 10 for plaintiff submissions, with judgment scheduled for July 17.

This is not Abdul Razak’s first entanglement with MRCB. In 2023, he was forced to retract remarks and apologize in court in another consent judgment settlement over defamatory statements concerning the same stadium project, as reported by Malay Mail.

MRCB initiated the suit against Abdul Razak and Hunter, alleging that their online publications amounted to economic sabotage, damaging the company’s reputation and undermining the stadium redevelopment project.

Selva told reporters after the proceedings that the company views the allegations as serious attempts to derail public confidence in the project.

Abdul Razak was represented by Rajesh Nagarajan. – June 24, 2026


***




Will PAS campaign in Bersatu seats? Sanusi says 'we'll see'










Will PAS campaign in Bersatu seats? Sanusi says 'we'll see'


N Faizal Ghazali
Published: Jun 24, 2026 4:52 PM
Updated: 7:08 PM




Despite the seat allocation among component parties being settled, PAS has not given a clear answer on whether the party will campaign in seats contested by Bersatu in the upcoming Johor state election.

PAS election director Sanusi Nor instead only said that the party would campaign for Perikatan Nasional.

“We will campaign for PN. That will happen on the ground; we’ll see.

“We will have states coming in to help; we will arrange things as usual, the election process as usual,” he told the media when met at the PAS headquarters in Kuala Lumpur today.

Sanusi (above) said this when asked about cooperation between PAS and Bersatu, particularly on campaigning in the state election, following the end of their political cooperation.

The Kedah menteri besar stressed that what matters now is voter support in Johor, by whatever means possible.




“We want Johor voters to vote for PN. Whatever we can do, we will do,” he said.

Earlier, Sanusi, who heads PN’s seat negotiation committee for the state election, said the seat allocation process among the four component parties had been resolved harmoniously.


Multilateral ties

PAS central committee member Annuar Musa, when asked about cooperation between the two parties, explained that PAS and Bersatu’s relationship within PN is multilateral.

“That is bilateral (PAS-Bersatu); this is multilateral (PN). PN is one thing, PAS is another. There is no overlap.

“In Perlis, the menteri besar remains, the exco remains. PN remains, looking for the best way forward without emotion.

“The four parties sat down, divided the seats properly, and laughed together,” said Annuar, who also took part in the seat negotiation process that ended today.

Highlights of Johor BN candidates: Seat swaps, heavyweight returns, notable absence










Highlights of Johor BN candidates: Seat swaps, heavyweight returns, notable absence


Alyaa Alhadjri & Ayesha Sheik Mazrul
Published: Jun 24, 2026 6:39 PM
Updated: 10:09 PM




BN has unveiled its full line-up of 56 candidates for the 16th Johor state election, with caretaker menteri besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi, who will defend the Machap seat, leading the announcement.

After an initial delay amid speculation of last-minute negotiations, Onn, who is also the Johor BN chief, took to the stage at the Johor Umno headquarters in Johor Bahru today to deliver his speech and formally disclose the slate.

The list comprises 37 Umno candidates, including Onn, alongside 15 from MCA and four from MIC.

BN’s line-up features a series of notable seat swaps between component parties, the return of several senior figures, and the omission of some long-serving incumbents.

Among the most significant changes is the redistribution of several traditional strongholds between Umno, MCA and MIC.

One of the key changes is the reshuffling of traditional strongholds among Umno, MCA, and MIC. Layang-Layang, previously held by Umno’s Abdul Mutalip Abd Rahim, has been allocated to MCA, which is fielding the Johor caretaker menteri besar’s special officer Chua Jian Boon.


BN candidate for Layang-Layang, Chua Jian Boon


In return, Tenggaroh, long regarded as an MIC stronghold, has been handed to Umno, which is fielding Youzaimi Yusof as its candidate.

Former Tenggaroh assemblyperson and exco member Ravinkumar Krishnasamy will contest in Kemelah, while Pannir Selvan Paliksina has been fielded in Perling, a seat MCA contested in the last election.

In several urban and semi-urban seats traditionally associated with Pakatan Harapan and Muda, BN is fielding a mix of new faces.

In Puteri Wangsa, MCA’s Teow Chia Ling will contest the seat vacated by Muda president Amira Aisya Abdul Aziz, setting up a high-profile contest against former education minister Maszlee Malik, who is running under the Harapan banner.

BN is also targeting Johor Jaya, where newcomer Chan San San has been fielded following the departure of long-serving DAP assemblyperson Liow Cai Tung.


ALSO READ: Onn pledges no coalition govt if BN retains power in Johor


In neighbouring Skudai, Tan Hiang Kee will attempt to reclaim the seat for BN after incumbent DAP assemblyperson Marina Ibrahim opted not to defend it.

In Penggaram, Boo Chin Long has been tasked with challenging the opposition’s hold following the retirement of veteran DAP lawmaker Gan Peck Cheng.

Also present at the candidate announcement today were the MCA and MIC presidents, Wee Ka Siong and SA Vigneswaran.


Heavyweight returns, notable absences


One of the most high-profile returns is former health minister Adham Baba, who has been nominated for Pasir Raja, replacing incumbent Rashidah Ismail.

The list also marks the absence of former Johor menteri besar Hasni Mohammad from Benut, a seat he has long held. BN has instead fielded Sumali Reduan there.

Johor exco member and Umno Youth vice-chief Hairi Shah has been retained in Larkin.


Former health minister Adham Baba


In Endau, Alwiyah Talib will defend the seat under the BN banner after returning to Umno. She previously won the constituency in 2022 on a Perikatan Nasional ticket, prompting Onn to quip, “welcome back”.

Mahkota incumbent assemblyperson Syed Hussien Syed Abdullah, who won a landslide victory in the 2024 by-election, has been selected to defend the seat for a full term.

MCA Youth chief and Johor exco member Ling Tian Soon will also contest Yong Peng, one of the state’s key Chinese-majority constituencies.



What happened to banning child marriage?





What happened to banning child marriage?


Banning child marriage does not require us to be disrespectful of faiths or customs; it requires us to decide that a child is not someone the law should hand to a spouse





From Hartini Zainudin


In 2018, the government committed to ending child marriage and began work towards legislation to that effect. Since then, the government has changed hands more than once. With each transition, this commitment has been quietly deprioritised, drowned out by other agendas, never formally abandoned but never acted upon.


What followed was the National Strategy Plan in Handling the Causes of Child Marriage, a five-year programme launched in January 2020 involving 61 agencies, 17 strategies, and 58 programmes. That plan expired in 2025. No public progress report has been tabled. No government since has answered for it.


The numbers are sometimes offered as reassurance. Registered child marriages have declined, from 1,467 in 2019 to 923 in 2023. We are told this is progress. But 923 children married in a single year is not a trend to celebrate. It is a crisis that continues. And those are only the registered cases.


In the whole of Malaysia, only two states have raised the minimum marriage age to 18 in law: Selangor in 2018, and Kedah in 2022. Even then, both retain exceptions allowing shariah judges to approve marriages below 18, meaning the floor is not actually firm.

The remaining states fall into three categories, none of them acceptable.

Penang, Sabah, Johor, Melaka, Perak, and the federal territories, including Kuala Lumpur, agreed years ago to amend their laws. They have not done so. There has been no explanation and no timeline. A promise made and quietly abandoned is still a broken promise.

Pahang, Terengganu, Perlis, Negeri Sembilan, and Kelantan have refused outright. They have offered no credible justification for why the children in their states deserve less protection than children elsewhere. When a 14-year-old in Kelantan was married to a 40-year-old man, I filed a police report against him, here, in Petaling Jaya. No one from the Kelantan authorities ever called me. Only the police at the Petaling Jaya police station questioned me.


Sarawak is a category of its own and, in some ways, the most instructive. It has the highest number of child marriages in Malaysia. Yet in February 2026, the state government proposed standardising the minimum marriage age at 18 across all three of its legal frameworks: civil, shariah, and customary law. Community consultations are underway. The Bidayuh community has already agreed. Other groups are still in discussion. No law has passed yet but the work is being done, respectfully and seriously.

Sarawak shows what genuine engagement looks like. It also shows that cultural sensitivity and child protection are not in conflict. They can be pursued together, with patience and political will. The question for every other state is: why aren’t you doing the same?

This is not a federal-state jurisdictional impasse. It is a political choice, repeated across state after state, year after year. The federal government has watched it happen and decided not to compel action. That, too, is a choice.


The flawed excuse

The most common objection to a ban is that it disrespects Islamic law, customary traditions, and state rights. This argument conflates very different things.

A ban on child marriage does not ban religious ceremonies. It does not prohibit courtship, betrothal, or community traditions. It does not erase culture. It simply says: the state will not legally recognise a marriage where one party is a child. The ceremony can take place. The legal protections of marriage, which flow from registration, not ritual, will wait until both parties are adults.

Countries with far more complex religious and indigenous legal landscapes than Malaysia have managed this. Colombia banned child marriage in 2024 while introducing specific provisions to support indigenous communities affected by existing unions. Sierra Leone and Belize eliminated all exceptions without abandoning their cultures. They decided their children were worth protecting within them.

The sweetheart clause, the concern that two young people in love should be allowed to marry, is also a separate matter, and one that can be addressed through thoughtful policy rather than through leaving all children unprotected. Two teenagers who love each other can still love each other at 18. What they cannot easily do, if married young, is undo the health consequences of early pregnancy, recover years of lost schooling, or leave a marriage that turns abusive when they lack the legal standing to do so.

A ban and respect for culture are not in conflict. They are separate questions. We must stop treating them as the same.


Our ask


Parliament has just resumed sitting. We call on the federal government to:

  • Table immediately the progress report on the National Strategy Plan in Handling the Causes of Child Marriage (2020–2025), and make it available in full to Parliament, civil society, and the public.
  • Commit to federal legislation setting 18 as the minimum age of marriage for all Malaysians, accompanied by a policy framework that meaningfully addresses cultural, religious, and customary concerns through proper engagement, not by leaving children unprotected.
  • Require all states to align their laws, with a clear timeline and accountability mechanism. The inconsistency between states is not a feature of our system. It is a failure of it.
  • Answer the question Malaysia deserves an answer to: 
    • what happened to the commitment to end child marriage, and when will this government act?

Banning child marriage does not require us to be disrespectful of faiths or customs. It requires us to decide that a child is not someone the law should hand to a spouse.

We have decided this for non-Muslim children already. Non-Muslims cannot be legally married below 18. It is time we decided the same for every child in this country, regardless of religion, regardless of state, regardless of how long this promise has been deferred.



Hartini Zainudin is co-founder of Yayasan Chow Kit, Founder of Kasih Madhya, and Co-Founder of Voice of the Children.


Azmin seen as Bersatu’s bridge to PH if Muhyiddin steps aside





Azmin seen as Bersatu’s bridge to PH if Muhyiddin steps aside


Analysts point to the Bersatu secretary-general's decade-long tenure as PKR deputy president


Former PKR deputy president Azmin Ali was expelled from the party in February 2020 and joined Bersatu in August 2020.


PETALING JAYA: Bersatu secretary-general Azmin Ali could emerge as a key figure in any future bid to revive cooperation between the party and Pakatan Harapan, but analysts say such a move remains unlikely as long as Muhyiddin Yassin holds firm control over the party’s direction.

Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri of Global Asia Consulting said Bersatu’s increasingly constrained position, following tensions within Perikatan Nasional and strained relations with PAS, may force the party to reconsider its political future.

He said the party may need to reassess its leadership structure and identify figures capable of negotiating a new political arrangement ahead of upcoming state elections and the next general election (GE16).

Johor is set to go to the polls on July 11, followed by Negeri Sembilan on Aug 1.


Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri.


Zaharuddin said Azmin’s extensive political network and experience in inter-bloc negotiations place him among the few Bersatu leaders capable of facilitating such a shift, particularly if the party decides to re-engage PH.


“If survival demands that Bersatu renegotiate with old rivals, including PH, Azmin has a ‘strong mandate’ to do so in order to save the party,” he told FMT, pointing to his decade-long tenure as PKR deputy president.

Azmin was sacked from PKR in February 2020 following his involvement in the Sheraton Move, which saw Bersatu’s exit from PH which ultimately brought down the PH government.

Zaharuddin said that unlike Hamzah Zainudin, who was expelled amid internal conflict, Azmin does not necessarily need to mount an internal challenge to emerge as a key Bersatu figure to replace Muhyiddin.

“He does not need to challenge directly, but he could take over by default,” he said, suggesting a transition could happen organically if pressure over the party’s survival intensifies.

Azmi Hassan.


Meanwhile, Azmi Hassan of Akademi Nusantara said cooperation with other parties, including PH, is among Bersatu’s best options for political survival.

Azmi said PH could also benefit by broadening its appeal among Malay voters through such cooperation.

“However, PH’s history with Muhyiddin is very ‘dark’ and this has closed the door to cooperation,” he said.

Muhyiddin and Azmin have previously denied claims that Bersatu is seeking closer ties with PH, calling such allegations baseless and malicious.

Muhyiddin, the former PN chairman, has maintained that Bersatu will remain in PN “forever” despite internal strains, even as Azmin was recently removed as the coalition’s deputy secretary-general.


***


A very Machiavellian person, he's always plotting, scheming to get to the top


Johor Umno punk trying to teach Grandpa Puad how to suck weggas





Don’t teach me about loyalty, Puad tells Youth leader


Responding to remarks by Johor Umno Youth chief Noor Azleen Ambros, the Supreme Council member says he has stood by the party through thick and thin


Puad Zarkashi (left) told Noor Azleen Ambros he defended Umno even though he was left without a post twice – after losing in GE13 and again when BN lost power in GE14.


PETALING JAYA: Umno Supreme Council member Puad Zarkashi has defended his loyalty to the party after being told by Johor Umno Youth chief Noor Azleen Ambros to be a disciplined party member and avoid making provocative remarks.

Puad said he did not need to be taught about the meaning of loyalty, as he had stood by the party during its most difficult periods.

“Perhaps he has forgotten that I was without a post twice … first after losing in GE13 and again when Barisan Nasional lost power in GE14.


“At that time, I still defended the party even though I was sued for RM10 million by Muhyiddin Yassin. He was the eighth prime minister then,” he said in a Facebook post.

Puad said he had also independently used his podcast platform “Jangan Berlapik” to defend Umno without any funding from the party.


The former Rengit assemblyman said loyalty to the party did not mean remaining silent when issues could harm its struggle.

“I am loyal to the party’s struggle, not individuals. But when leaders become puppets, then I have the right to speak up to save the party. Blind silence will destroy the party,” he said.

He also criticised Noor Azleen, who had earlier urged him to set a good example for younger members on the meaning of loyalty.

“You are a young leader giving the wrong example to young people about loyalty,” he said.

Noor Azleen had earlier told Puad to remain loyal to the party and abide by its decisions after Puad expressed reservations about BN’s candidates for the coming state election.

Israeli soldiers ‘celebrate’ inside displaced Lebanese family’s home




Israeli soldiers ‘celebrate’ inside displaced Lebanese family’s home

A video from southern Lebanon shows Israeli soldiers apparently celebrating a completed religious study inside a home whose residents had been forcibly displaced.




Hoodlums


ALA-BAPAK! GUAN ENG'S WIFE ALSO KENA CORRUPTION CHARGES IN COURT!! RM11.6 MILLION !!

 

Wednesday, June 24, 2026

ALA-BAPAK! GUAN ENG'S WIFE ALSO KENA CORRUPTION CHARGES IN COURT!! RM11.6 MILLION !!

 





Guan Eng, wife, businessperson to be tried for RM11.6m corruption
Farah Solhi
Published:  Jun 24, 2026 

Former Penang chief minister Lim Guan Eng and his wife Betty Chew, as well as businessperson Phang Li Koon, will face trial over corruption charges linked to a RM11.6 million migrant workers’ hostel project.

This came after the Court of Appeal panel, led by judge Azman Abdullah, unanimously dismissed the trio’s appeal against the Penang High Court’s rejection of their application to strike out the charges on the grounds of double jeopardy.


MY COMMENTS:

This here is actually a message for the Pendekar Bugis. You aint gonna see the light of a free day Mr Pendekar, not until you have paid your full dues to society. Those who you thought were your friends are not going to lift a finger to spring you from jail earlier than your convicted terms. House arrest or imprisonment inside your jacuzzi are just not going to happen. So just relax and chill in jail.

Likewise if this duo (or trio) get convicted I dont think their friends will lift a finger to help them either. Not in the present political climate in the country where the governments do not last a full term. Negeri and Johor are two of the latest examples. Negeri Sembilan's term in office has been cut short by two years and Johor by about one year. Now there is more speculation that the general elections may be held by end this year. The full term can go up to early 2028.

Full term or no full term you can rest assured that the gomen will change, the menteri besar, the prime minister will all change. 

So which politician is going to be so stupid to want to stick their heads out to bend the rules to help anyone ? What for? If they goof up then the next new gomen  can investigate them and have them thrown in jail instead.

This is what has been happening. 
After Pendekar Bugis lost power he got thrown in jail.
After Dr Mahathir lost power they investigated him. 
After Muhyiddin lost power they investigated him.
They investigated the late Tun Daim.
So just wait for the next general elections.

To conclude here is an old sung sung by Sammy Davis Jr. It was the theme song for the detective series Barretta. It says 'If you cant do the time then dont do the crime'.

I want to dedicate this song to all the politicians in Malaysia.