Hadi puts squeeze on Bersatu to assert PAS dominance, says analyst

Hadi puts squeeze on Bersatu to assert PAS dominance, says analyst


3 hours ago
Anne Muhammad


The PAS president's claim that Bersatu was no longer in PN is seen as his way of signalling that the power hierarchy in PN is changing

PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang dismissed Bersatu as a PN member after Muhyiddin Yassin spoke of forming a new alliance.

PETALING JAYA: The claim by PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang that Bersatu had automatically ceased to be part of Perikatan Nasional was the Islamic party’s way of asserting dominance, according to a political analyst.

Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri said it was naive to think that Hadi’s claim was just an interpretation of PN’s constitution when he stated that any party that chose to join or form another alliance would automatically lose its membership.

Instead, it was a message to Bersatu that the power hierarchy in PN was changing and that PAS wanted nothing to do with Muhyiddin Yassin’s party, said Zaharuddin.


“This is about who is at PN’s steering wheel in the run-up to the 16th general election,” said Zaharuddin, who is with Global Asia Consulting. He told FMT that PAS had growing strength at the grassroots level, and had shown improved performance at elections.

Hadi made the claim about Bersatu’s status following Muhyiddin’s announcement after the Negeri Sembilan state election last month that his party would form a new political alliance.


In response to Hadi, Bersatu secretary-general Azmin Ali said the PAS chief’s claim contradicted PN’s constitution. Azmin said there was no clause that provided for the automatic termination of a party’s membership. Bersatu’s status as a PN member party could be finalised only by the presidential council, he said.

However, Zaharuddin said that the spat between PAS and Bersatu posed a huge risk that voters would not see PN as an alternative, but as a coalition preoccupied with securing the most number of seats.

“When coalition partners tussle for the leadership post, voters will be asking who among them is really interested in serving (the people). And if PN components cannot live under one roof, how will they convince the people they can rule together?” Zaharuddin said.

Another analyst, Syaza Shukri of International Islamic University Malaysia, said Hadi’s remarks on Bersatu was an attempt to resolve the spat between the two parties without going through the proper process.


She contended that Bersatu could not remain in PN if it were to form a new coalition.

However, as it was difficult for Bersatu to let go of PN, as it is currently an extremely powerful Malay coalition, Bersatu would consider itself still to be part of PN until its membership is terminated as stipulated by the PN constitution, said Syaza.

***

It also shows the bullsh*t about 'Malay Unity', and the sheer greed and viciousness of PAS

2 ex-MPs pour cold water on Sim’s plan to moot policy changes

2 ex-MPs pour cold water on Sim’s plan to moot policy changes


Kua Kia Soong says Steven Sim should outline his proposals, while Charles Santiago points out that the minister already has the chance to speak with the prime minister at the weekly Cabinet meetings

Ex-MP Kua Kia Soong wants Steven Sim to outline his proposals while Charles Santiago wonders why Sim does not raise his concerns during the weekly Cabinet meetings.

PETALING JAYA: Two former DAP MPs poured cold water on Steven Sim’s plan to meet the prime minister to propose policy changes in the aftermath of Pakatan Harapan’s defeat in the Johor and Negeri Sembilan elections.

Kua Kia Soong said Sim, who is the Penang DAP chairman, should not just talk about policy changes without outlining the details.

He said policies that should be implemented included those made as early as 2018 in PH’s election manifesto that year. However, many of them, including federal recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC), remain unresolved.


Kua, who was Petaling Jaya MP from 1990 to 1995, also wondered if Sim could list the misgivings voters had with PH.

“DAP is behaving like the MCA did when Barisan Nasional was in power and voters are sick of such politics,” he told FMT, alluding to past criticism of MCA “kowtowing” to the Umno-led government.


“Don’t just talk about policy changes in an attempt to wiggle out of basic questions,” he added.

Kua also expressed curiosity about how effective Sim’s planned meeting with Anwar would be.

“If the DAP secretary-general cannot influence the prime minister, why would Sim be any different?” he asked, referring to Loke Siew Fook.

Loke had, in the aftermath of the wipeout at the Sabah polls in 2025, said the party would gather feedback and accelerate its reform agenda over six months together with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who is also PH chairman.


Kua also wondered if Sim would speak about reforms within DAP at the upcoming congress, as it was “not all the government’s fault”. One issue is whether the party should adopt the “one leader, one elected legislature” principle.

“The other question to ask is how so-called ‘reformists’ only realise there is a problem when they are knocked out in elections. Are these not discussed in the DAP CEC meetings?”

Charles Santiago is bemused by Sim’s remarks as he is already a member of Anwar’s Cabinet. Sim is the entrepreneur and cooperatives development minister.

“They meet every Wednesday,” the former Klang MP pointed out, referring to the Cabinet meetings.


“Is Sim saying that he did not push these policies then?” he asked, adding that such statements would invite ridicule.

He also questioned the need to meet with the prime minister only after being defeated at the polls.

“People would have thought that meeting the prime minister to discuss plans was part and parcel of being in the Cabinet.”

Santiago went on to say that the government could implement many “low-hanging fruits” such as a minimum wage for gig workers or a national school meal plan.

He said rolling out such policies could even help the government win votes.

“It’s not rocket science. We already have the mechanisms. It is a matter of implementing them,” Santiago added.

Should Nurul Izzah have entered politics in the first place?

Should Nurul Izzah have entered politics in the first place?

Mariam Mokhtar
Published: Aug 8, 2026 7:30 AM
Updated: 10:22 AM



COMMENT | It is an uncomfortable question, but one Malaysians should not avoid.

Not because Nurul Izzah Anwar has decided she may wish to step away from frontline politics. Every politician has the right to choose when public life becomes too demanding.

The question is why that decision appears to come at a moment when her party, her supporters and the Reformasi movement itself are facing one of their most difficult periods.

Leadership is not tested when circumstances are favourable. It is tested when morale is low, confidence is declining, and supporters need reassurance.

For many Malaysians, the timing creates an uncomfortable impression: that one of PKR's most recognisable figures may be stepping away just as the party needs experienced voices to steady the ship.

Whether that perception is fair or not, politics has always been about perception as much as reality.

Perhaps the deeper question is this: Was politics ever truly Nurul Izzah's calling, or was it a path created by history?

Her journey was unlike that of almost any other Malaysian politician.

In 1998, the dismissal and imprisonment of Anwar Ibrahim transformed his eldest daughter from a private citizen into one of the public faces of reformasi. She travelled, lobbied and spoke for her father's release. Many Malaysians admired her courage and resilience during those difficult years.

Anwar Ibrahim’s arrest in 1998


She became more than Anwar's daughter. She became a symbol of hope.

Although history can open a door, it cannot determine what happens after someone walks through it.

Nearly three decades later, Malaysians are entitled to ask: what political legacy belongs uniquely to Nurul Izzah?

Political identity

Many politicians become identified with defining causes. Their names immediately evoke issues they fought for relentlessly.

Hannah Yeoh became associated with institutional reform, youth development and family issues. Dr Fuziah Salleh with the Lynas campaign. Yeo Bee Yin with environmental protection. Maria Chin Abdullah with electoral reform and civil liberties.

These politicians are not perfect, but when people hear their names, a cause immediately comes to mind.

With Nurul Izzah, the answer is less clear.

This is not to deny her contributions. It is to ask whether a politician once discussed as a possible future first woman prime minister has created a political identity distinct from the historical circumstances that brought her into public life.

Leadership is not only about holding office. It is about the willingness to champion difficult issues, especially those involving people with little political power.

It also remembers the moments when they choose not to speak. Or when they appear to retreat from positions they once defended.

The controversy over her remarks on Article 11 and freedom of religion was one such moment. Those who admired her reform credentials expected a politician willing to defend difficult principles.

After public criticism, some supporters saw it as caution where they had expected conviction. We know that Malaysian politics is complicated. Unfortunately, she lacked the political courage and instinct to navigate those storms.

Malaysia has repeatedly confronted difficult questions involving child protection, child marriage, women's rights and social justice. Many expected Nurul Izzah, given her profile and influence, to be one of the strongest voices on these issues.

Yet many felt her public advocacy was quieter than expected.

Perhaps she believed change was better achieved behind the scenes. Perhaps she chose a different approach.


Two visions of reformasi

But public leadership also requires the courage to speak openly when the moment demands it.

Silence, too, sends a message.

This perception became more pronounced during PKR's deputy presidency contest.

After a period of relative quiet in national political debates, she returned prominently during one of the party's most significant internal battles, and many supporters noticed the contrast.

She defeated Rafizi Ramli for the PKR deputy presidency, but this was more than an internal contest. It became a choice between two visions of reformasi.

Rafizi Ramli


Later, when the most outspoken advocate for faster reforms was sidelined and subsequently left, many supporters questioned whether PKR had weakened its own future.

Why did this political energy emerge most visibly during an internal contest rather than during the wider struggle to rebuild confidence in Reformasi?

Why was there not a similar level of visibility when supporters were questioning the pace of reforms and the direction of the party?

She cannot be held responsible for every problem facing the party, but leadership carries responsibility.

When morale declines, leaders are expected to inspire. When divisions appear, leaders are expected to unite, and when supporters become disillusioned, leaders are expected to restore confidence.

It was especially important now, with PKR facing electoral setbacks, internal uncertainty and growing questions about whether the Reformasi promise has been fulfilled.


Next generation of leaders

There is also the unresolved issue of succession.

After almost three decades, why does Malaysian politics still revolve around the same generation of leaders, the old guard of which her father is one?

Where is the next generation being prepared? Where is the missing planned transition of leadership?

A movement that promised institutional change must also build institutions strong enough to survive beyond personalities.

Nurul Izzah has always carried the complicated burden of being Anwar's daughter. It brought enormous recognition but also enormous scrutiny.

Nurul Izzah and her father Anwar Ibrahim


Critics questioned occasions when she appeared alongside official delegations despite holding no formal government role, raising concerns about privilege and political inheritance.

Whether justified or not, such moments contributed to a wider debate about whether a movement born from opposition to old political practices was becoming too closely associated with one family.

That perception matters because reformasi was supposed to be bigger than any individual.

Which brings us back to the question of stepping aside.

No one should be forced to remain in politics, but timing matters.

Leaving when a movement is strong is one thing, but leaving when supporters are uncertain and the party is struggling creates terrible optics.

The daughter who stood beside her father during his darkest days became a symbol of courage.

She inherited a legacy, but did she create one?

MARIAM MOKHTAR is a defender of the truth, the admiral-general of the Green Bean Army, and the president of the Perak Liberation Organisation (PLO). Find her on her website and on X.

'Mee pok' mistaken for pork, Johor kopitiam mulls legal action against FB page

'Mee pok' mistaken for pork, Johor kopitiam mulls legal action against FB page


Published: Aug 8, 2026 7:00 PM
Updated: 9:02 PM



A 95-year-old kopitiam in Segamat, Johor, is mulling legal action against a Facebook page for spreading misinformation that it served pork.

Taking to Facebook, Nan Yang Coffee Shop today criticised the "Halal inquiry Company direktori" page for confusing "mee pok" with a pork dish.

Mee pok is a type of Chinese noodle commonly used in Teochew dishes in Singapore and Malaysia. It is commonly served tossed in a soy-based sauce or in soup.

The page issued an apology yesterday, stressing that it had deleted the post three minutes after publishing it after realising that there was a misunderstanding of its information.

According to screenshots attached to Nan Yang Coffee Shop's post, the accusation against it had lambasted Malays for eating at the kopitiam despite it serving "pok" - a Teowchew word meaning "thin" in reference to the texture of the egg noodles used.

A screenshot of the accusation against the coffee shop


Nevertheless, Nan Yang Coffee Shop said it is seeking help to pursue legal action against the page.

"The previously published content has caused serious misunderstandings and impacted our reputation, customer trust, and business," it claimed.

So far, the kopitiam said it has lodged a defamation report with platform owner Meta and kept evidence of the original post, including screenshots.

"The next step is to hand this matter over to a lawyer and consider issuing a letter of demand," it said.

It called on the public to contact the kopitiam if anyone has any information about the person behind the "Halal inquiry Company direktori" page, but cautioned against doxxing the individual concerned.

"We just want this matter resolved through legal channels," it added.

‘Give corrections due transparency’

In explaining its action, the business highlighted that the impact of the post did not disappear with the deletion.

While acknowledging that the page had publicly apologised, the kopitiam questioned why comment limitations were imposed on its apology, unlike with the original post containing the allegations.

"If you dare to bring an issue to the public, corrections should also be given due transparency," it said.

It further asked whether the post with the allegations had been intended to drive traffic using a controversial issue.

In another post, the kopitiam claimed that other businesses have taken legal action against the page, citing publicly shared information.

"Deleting a post does not mean that the matter never happened. Apologising also does not necessarily undo the damage that has been done.

"We respect freedom of speech and the right of the community to make remarks. But before making public accusations against any business, the facts should be checked first," it said.

The apology


The "Halal inquiry Company direktori" describes itself as a halal awareness page. It was created in January 2019 and classifies itself as a journalist page.

Supporters may purchase subscription packages ranging from RM9.90 to RM19.90 a month, unlocking access to "exclusive" content.

The issue of halal food is a perennial issue in Malaysia, where a majority of the population are Muslim.

Critics have pointed to the politicisation of such issues by those intending to stir up trouble through linking them to race and religion.


READ MORE: 

Fact-check: No pig's blood in drink maker Yeo's products

Fact-check: Kopi Alicafe, Kluang Rail Coffee halal, unrelated to DAP

KK Mart says ham is halal chicken, Jakim states sandwich not certified

BN to stay in Penang govt, says Chow

BN to stay in Penang govt, says Chow


4 hours ago
Dineskumar Ragu


Chow Kon Yeow says this was the unanimous decision of the Penang Pakatan Harapan leadership

Penang chief minister Chow Kon Yeow speaking at the Penang PH press conference, flanked by state chiefs of DAP and PKR, Steven Sim (second from left) and Mohamad Abdul Hamid (second from right).

GEORGE TOWN: Penang Pakatan Harapan has decided to maintain its cooperation with Barisan Nasional in the state despite BN forging an alliance with opposition coalition Perikatan Nasional in Negeri Sembilan.

Chief minister Chow Kon Yeow, who is also Penang PH chairman, said the leadership unanimously decided to retain BN’s sole executive councillor, Rashidi Zinol, in the state administration.

Rashidi, the Sungai Acheh assemblyman, is the state rural development, agro technology, food security and entrepreneurship committee chairman.


“This is in line with the electoral pact PH and BN made during the 2023 state election,” Chow said at a press conference at Penang DAP’s headquarters here today.

He said BN chairman Ahmad Zahid Hamidi had vowed that the coalition would continue backing the federal unity government until the end of its term.


This comes amid growing tensions between PH and BN following the Johor and Negeri Sembilan state elections.

PH was defeated in both elections, with PN making way for BN in multiple seats in Johor, and both coalitions joining forces in Negeri Sembilan.

Yesterday, Chow’s predecessor, DAP adviser Lim Guan Eng, had urged the Penang PH leadership to “act decisively” since PN has “turned into Umno’s firm friend”.

SHAMSUL SAAD AND BRIAN HAVE BEEN RELEASED. THEY ARE BOTH HOME NOW.

 

OutSyed The Box

Friday, August 7, 2026

SHAMSUL SAAD AND BRIAN HAVE BEEN RELEASED. THEY ARE BOTH HOME NOW.

In a dont-know-how-to-describe-it turn of events both Shamsul Saad and Brian have been released from Police custody and they have both returned home. I spoke with Shamsul briefly just now (before 11 PM). He is fine. I believe they were released about 7 pm. 

He said he did not have to post any bail.  Obviously no charges were filed against them. So they were treated to Police hospitality for 24 hours. 

Lets go back in history. On 10th September 2008 there was an allegation in a ketuanan newspaper that YB Theresa Kok had been involved in a complaint/petition asking a mosque in Puchong/Kinrara to reduce the volume of the azan.  Theresa Kok denied making such a request.

Too late. Two days later YB Theresa Kok was arrested under the ISA (which had not yet been abolished at that time).  She was arrested under Section 73(1) of the ISA 1960. That was the age of Umnosaurus Patheticus. The Minister of Home Affairs then was Chrome Dome (picture here). 

Then  seven days later, on 19 September 2008  YB Theresa Kok was released, just like that, and told to go home. She had been treated to free hospitality for seven days. 

Welcome home Shamsul and Brian.  

Lord Moloch loves child sacrifices

From the FB page of:

The Church Of The Eternal Sinner

All eyes on Wong Chen who is rumoured to have resigned as a PKR MP

All eyes on Wong Chen who is rumoured to have resigned as a PKR MP

On Aug 5, PKR MP Wong Chen writes on Facebook that he had a long discussion with the Dewan Rakyat Speaker on his political future, adding that he will make an announcement on the evening of Monday (Aug 10).

“This morning, I had a longer-than-expected meeting with Dewan Rakyat Speaker Tan Sri Johari Abdul.


“We were supposed to meet for 30 minutes but ended up talking for 1.5 hours. The important thing is I delivered my letter to him. I will release a press statement on the evening of next Monday,” he wrote.

In a statement to Berita Harian, Johari said Wong had voiced his intention to resign as Subang member of parliament.

He said that Wong had expressed his intention to resign during their recent meeting.


“He intends to resign as a member of parliament and stated the reasons behind this,” he said in a brief reply to the Malay-language daily.

On the other hand, PKR said that it did not receive any resignation letters from any of the party’s MPs.

PKR Secretary-General Datuk Fuziah Salleh told Sinar Harian that there were no letters from any of its MPs.

“So far there is none,” she said briefly on Friday (Aug 7).

Several MPs have voiced their frustration with the party after their allocations were blocked, making it difficult for them to assist their constituents in need.

It appears that the party has decided on these MPs, Wong, who is also the Subang MP, Ampang MP Rodziah Ismail and Petaling Jaya MP Lee Chean Chung. All three had their MyKhas access revoked.

Months ago, they were seen at the launch of the Bersama party by their then colleague Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli who is one of the two PKR MPs who have so far resigned from the party and from their Parliamentary seats. The other MP is Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, the MP for Setiawangsa.

Meanwhile, Rodziah is putting up a fight after announcing that her MyKhas access was revoked. She is raising funds with asam pedas meals and has appealed to supporters to contribute to her fundraising efforts.

On Facebook, she said she is raising RM300,000 for urgent health, education, and welfare needs, inviting public donations, resources, and volunteer support. — Aug 8, 2026

Shamsul Saad Was Detained, To Be Taken To Court on Friday Morning (7th Aug 2026).

RSN Rayer wants explanations on the arrest of podcaster duo

JELUTONG MP RSN Rayer has urged Home Minister Datuk Seri Saifuddin Nasution and Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Khalid Ismail to explain the arrests of two men over a podcast discussing secularism and liberalism.

Police said the pair, aged 30s and 60s, were detained for allegedly making seditious remarks and wounding religious feelings. Police reports were made against them over a video clip from the podcast.


Rayer argued that “podcasting is not a crime” and warned that political discourse should not be criminalised.

He also pressed authorities for updates on investigations into preacher Ridhuan Tee Abdullah’s alleged racist Facebook posts and Jempol MP Datuk Shamsulkahar Deli’s remarks linking DAP to an image deemed insulting to the Sultan of Selangor.

“What was so controversial about their podcast? The public demands answers,” said the DAP MP in a statement.


“Podcasting is not a crime. Political discourse must not be governed by a fear of reprisals. Their arrests do not reflect the spirit of Reformasi.

“A political discussion, even if controversial, uncomfortable, and containing strongly expressed political opinions — however distasteful — cannot automatically become a criminal matter warranting arrests by police,” he added.

Social media was flooded with reports of their arrest, with some detailing how the authorities proceeded in putting the duo in remand.

The Klang Magistrate’s Court granted a two-day remand order for Let’s Get It Podcast producer Bryan Kong and The Gut Shot Podcast producer Shamsul Saad following their arrest on August 6, 2026, the Good Cast podcast said on Facebook.

The arrests stem from complaints regarding clips of a controversial podcast episode uploaded to two TikTok accounts, which allegedly incited racial and religious tension.

The Facebook post also said Royal Malaysia Police are investigating the producers under the Sedition Act 1948, the Penal Code, and the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998.

James Chin, in a post on Facebook, said the two were released on Friday (Aug 7). — Aug 8, 2026

***

OutSyed The Box

Friday, August 7, 2026

Shamsul Saad Was Detained Last Nite, To Be Taken To Court This Morning (Friday 7th Aug 2026).

I received the following message last nite:

• Folks, Sam and Bryan have been detained (at IPD Shah Alam?) and they will try to remand them tomorrow at Klang Magistrate court.
• Because of this video:   https://youtu.be/O4OGDqQTUyw?si=aqk8utKDXg63zrkz

Shamsul Saad was detained last nite for something he had said in the podcast called Lets Get It Podcast.  Bryan is the host of that podcast. Shamsul is being taken to the Klang Magistrate's Court this morning (possibly over by now, its 9:55am).  

Thats all the info I have for now. I have been checking the local media but I cannot find any mention of this case. I believe Threads has said something about the same.

There is a YouTube video here with Siti Kasim, Shamsul and Bryan in a car - I think on their way to meet the Police.   Click the link:   https://youtu.be/sRDDdQANiOs?si=EYyhOs0g8EZxLk2w

Umno warns against ‘third parties’ disrupting alliances

Umno warns against ‘third parties’ disrupting alliances


Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki says Umno has seen alliances fail due to third parties, pointing to PAS deserting MN to form PN with Bersatu

Umno secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki said the party remained very cautious about cooperating with others, including PAS.

PETALING JAYA: Any party that wishes to cooperate with Umno must be careful about being influenced by third parties, says party secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki.

Asyraf said Umno has seen alliances fail due to the devices of third parties, pointing to the Muafakat Nasional (MN) pact with PAS which fell apart after the Islamic party formed Perikatan Nasional with Bersatu.

He warned that these third parties may even come from within, Berita Harian reported.


“Our efforts to establish political cooperation have often been thwarted by third parties. The same goes for MN as it failed because of third parties (Bersatu).

“In this borderless era of social media, some parties want to pretend to be heroes, issuing statements that overstep their boundaries, thus causing unease within their own party,” he was quoted as saying.


While Umno led Barisan Nasional in cooperating with PN in the Aug 1 Negeri Sembilan polls, Asyraf said the party remains very cautious about cooperating with others.

“Once bitten, twice shy. It wasn’t us who betrayed the MN pact; they (PAS) are the ones who left. So we are taking a cautious approach so that Umno isn’t betrayed again. We have dignity,” he added.

BN won 18 seats in the Negeri Sembilan polls while PAS-led PN secured seven, giving their alliance a two-thirds majority in the state assembly.

While BN chairman Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said their pact will continue in the Melaka polls, which is expected by the end of the year, the two coalitions appear to have reached an impasse in seat negotiations.


Zahid said BN intends to defend all 21 seats it won in the last state election, but PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang insists preliminary talks are still going on.

Hamzah Zainudin, president of PN component Wawasan, had also called for both coalitions to adopt a give-and-take approach in seat talks.

MACC, police and IRB ramp up investigations into alleged Tabung Haji irregularities after RCI report

 

MACC, police and IRB ramp up investigations into alleged Tabung Haji irregularities after RCI report



The RCI report, which examined TH’s operations between 2014 and 2020, highlighted numerous governance weaknesses and alleged excessive political interference in profit distribution and haj operations. — File picture by Hari Anggara


Summary

• Following the release of the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) report on Lembaga Tabung Haji (TH), Malaysian enforcement agencies have intensified investigations into alleged management irregularities.
• The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has detained five individuals from diverse professional backgrounds and separately delved into an RM370 million share acquisition case involving a statutory body.
• The Royal Malaysia Police and the Inland Revenue Board are also probing discrepancies in asset ownership and income declarations, respectively.
• The RCI report, which scrutinized TH's operations from 2014 to 2020, uncovered governance weaknesses and financial inconsistencies, prompting recommendations for forensic audits.
• These findings will be examined in a special Dewan Rakyat sitting on August 11.

First Published: Saturday, 08 Aug 2026 2:53 PM MYT
Last Modified: Saturday, 08 Aug 2026 2:54 PM MYT




KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 8 — Enforcement agencies have stepped up action following the release of the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) report on Lembaga Tabung Haji (TH), with investigations now focusing on individuals linked to alleged management irregularities at the institution.


By yesterday, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) had remanded five individuals to assist in investigations into various alleged misconduct uncovered in the 211-page report released on July 29.


Those remanded for between three and five days comprised individuals from various professional backgrounds, including a former plantation manager, a design company director, a deputy general manager for construction, an occupational safety and health manager, and a project director of a statutory body’s property company.


Separately, the MACC Special Task Force detained the former chief executive officer (CEO) and former chief financial officer (CFO) of a statutory body on Aug 4 to facilitate investigations into alleged abuse of power involving a RM370 million share acquisition involving two plantation companies.


However, both suspects, aged 68 and 60, were released due to health reasons. The former CFO completed giving his statement yesterday, while the former CEO remains on medical leave.

Meanwhile, the Royal Malaysia Police (PDRM), through its Commercial Crime Investigation Department (CCID), has opened five investigation papers following nine reports lodged by TH, its subsidiaries and members of the public.


CCID director Datuk Rusdi Mohd Isa said investigators were in the process of recording statements from witnesses in Malaysia and abroad, as well as obtaining relevant documents to complete the investigations.

The Inland Revenue Board (IRB) has also begun investigating several individuals after detecting significant discrepancies between their ownership of luxury assets and their declared income.

It said its tax risk analysis had uncovered inconsistencies in the individuals’ income declarations, prompting raids at several premises to seize documents and verify facts relevant to the investigations.

The RCI report, which examined TH’s operations between 2014 and 2020, highlighted numerous governance weaknesses and alleged excessive political interference in profit distribution and haj operations.

Among the report’s most striking findings was that TH should have recorded a net loss of RM1.4 billion for the 2017 financial year, but instead reported an extraordinary profit of RM3.4 billion in its financial statements.

Following severe asset impairment, the report recommended forensic audits into several high-risk investment decisions involving PT TH Indo Plantations, Emrail Sdn Bhd, Wellspring Worldwide Limited, Abraj Sdn Bhd, Putrajaya Perdana Bhd, TH Plantations Bhd, TH Properties Sdn Bhd, Alam Maritim Resources/TH Marine, TH Hotel & Residences Sdn Bhd and FGV Bhd, which allegedly resulted in substantial losses to depositors’ funds.

It also proposed several measures, including recovering RM2.19 million in bonuses paid to TH Properties’ board members and management after finding that the payments did not comply with established regulations.

The report further described bonus payments equivalent to between two and 13 months’ salary awarded to TH staff between 2010 and 2017 as excessive and unjustifiable given the institution’s financial position during that period.

The findings and recommendations are expected to come under scrutiny during the special Dewan Rakyat sitting scheduled for Aug 11 to debate the RCI report.

On Aug 5, Communications Minister Datuk Seri Fahmi Fadzil said between 35 and 40 MPs had expressed interest in participating in the special sitting. — Bernama

 

How Israel and the European far right tried to exploit Ceuta

A potent narrative is emerging linking migration to anti-Semitism in an effort to undermine pro-Palestinian solidarity.

By Ahmed Najar

Palestinian political analyst and playwright.

Published On 3 Aug 20263 Aug 2026

Spanish police officers and soldiers escort a big group of migrants to the border to take them out of Spain, after mass crossings from Morocco, in Ceuta on August 1, 2026 [Fabian Bimmer/Reuters]

The scenes from Ceuta were tragic. Thousands of desperate people attempted to cross from Morocco into the Spanish enclave, which left dozens dead and reignited one of Europe’s most contentious political debates. Yet almost as quickly as the humanitarian dimensions of the crisis emerged, they were eclipsed by something else.

Within hours, social media was filled with warnings of an “Islamic invasion”. The hashtag #StopIslam spread rapidly among far-right networks. Politicians who had long campaigned against immigration seized on the events as proof that Europe faced not simply a border challenge, but a civilisational one. Calls for tougher border controls quickly followed, while Italy announced it was reintroducing border checks with Spain.

end of list

The speed of that transformation is perhaps the most revealing aspect of the crisis.

Before investigators had established the full circumstances of the crossings, before many of those who died had even been identified, prominent politicians, commentators and online campaigners already appeared certain of what Ceuta meant. That certainty deserves as much scrutiny as the tragedy itself.

The question to pose right now, therefore, is who benefited from the way the events in Ceuta were immediately interpreted.

The beneficiaries were quickly apparent. Europe’s nationalist right found fresh material to reinforce long-standing warnings about migration and Islam. Anti-Muslim campaigners gained another opportunity to portray Muslims as an internal security threat. At the same time, the events fed into a broader narrative advanced by the Israeli government and echoed by its political allies in Europe: that Muslim immigration, rising criticism of Israel and concerns about anti-Semitism are increasingly intertwined.

That narrative has become more pronounced since the war in Gaza. As public outrage over Israel’s genocide has grown across Europe, Israeli officials have repeatedly argued that changing European attitudes are driven less by the scale of destruction in Gaza than by demographic change and the growing political influence of Muslim communities.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been one of them. In speeches and public remarks, he has portrayed Israel and Europe as partners in a shared struggle against radical Islam, mass migration and what he describes as a broader challenge to Western civilisation. In this telling, Israel is no longer simply defending itself; it is defending Europe itself.

This framing has profound political consequences.

It shifts the debate away from Israel’s genocidal conduct in Gaza and towards the identity of those criticising it. Opposition to Israeli policy is no longer presented primarily as a response to humanitarian catastrophe, occupation or violations of international law. Instead, it is increasingly framed as a consequence of demographic change and the political influence of Muslim communities.

Never mind that across European nations, majorities of up to 78 percent hold unfavourable views of Israel – nations where Muslims make up less than 10 percent.

Still, political leaders including Viktor Orban, Geert Wilders and Marine Le Pen stick to this narrative, expressing strong support for Israel while pursuing hard-line anti-immigration agendas. In Britain, figures such as Tommy Robinson have similarly presented Israel as the front line in a broader civilisational struggle with Islam. Increasingly, support for Israel has become intertwined with a wider political project defined by opposition to immigration, multiculturalism and Islam.

The convergence is striking.

For parts of Europe’s nationalist right, support for Israel provides an opportunity to present themselves as defenders of Jewish communities while pursuing policies directed against Muslim minorities and migrants. For Israel’s current government, these movements offer reliable diplomatic support while reinforcing a narrative that links criticism of Israel to broader anxieties about migration and security. The political interests are distinct, but they increasingly reinforce one another.

The consequences extend well beyond electoral politics.

Across Europe, debates about Palestine are increasingly discussed through the language of security. Demonstrations against the war in Gaza are sometimes portrayed less as expressions of political dissent than as potential public order concerns. Muslim organisations are viewed through the lens of counter-extremism. Campaigns for Palestinian rights are, in some quarters, presented not as movements grounded in human rights or international law, but as vehicles for imported anti-Semitism.

None of this diminishes the reality of anti-Semitism. It remains a serious and persistent form of racism that must be confronted wherever it appears.

But there is an important distinction between combating anti-Semitism and broadening its meaning to encompass criticism of Israeli government policy. When that distinction becomes blurred, legitimate debate is narrowed, and a vital tool for confronting genuine anti-Semitism risks being weakened through overuse and politicisation.

Seen in this context, Ceuta becomes more than a migration story.

The remarkable speed with which politicians, commentators and activists converged around familiar themes suggests that the political infrastructure for interpreting such events already existed.

Whether coordinated or entirely independent, the political effect is the same. One narrative reinforces the next. Fear of migration fuels hostility towards Muslims. Hostility towards Muslims makes solidarity with Palestinians appear increasingly suspect. Once support for Palestinian rights is reframed as a security concern rather than a political or humanitarian one, scrutiny of Israel’s actions becomes easier to dismiss.

This matters because the debate is no longer only about borders.

It is about legitimacy. It is about whose voices are considered credible, whose suffering deserves recognition and which political causes are regarded as legitimate. If solidarity with Palestinians can be portrayed as the product of demographic change rather than a moral response to the devastation of Gaza, then attention shifts away from the conduct of states and towards the identities of those raising concerns.

Ceuta should have been remembered first and foremost as a humanitarian tragedy. Instead, it became another chapter in Europe’s culture wars.

When humanitarian disasters are understood less through the lives they destroy than through the political narratives they can sustain, truth risks becoming secondary to political utility. Fear ceases to be merely a reaction to events and instead becomes a governing ideology.

And once fear becomes ideology, impunity is never far behind.