Has Tony Pua been seditious by querying intervention of royalties in politics, election campaigns?

Has Tony Pua been seditious by querying intervention of royalties in politics, election campaigns?

THAT some royalties have been outspoken on political and policy matters at the Federal government level in recent times have made some learned citizens feeling uneasy or wondering if the lines have been blurred given the country’s stature as a constitutional monarchy whereby


In the Malaysian context, constitutional monarchy is taken to mean that the country is governed by an elected Parliament while the King a.k.a. the Yang di-Pertuan Agong serves as “official Head of State”.


His powers are defined and strictly limited by the Federal Constitution which thus requires him to act on the advice of the Prime Minister.

The latest example which has triggered a query from vocal DAP disciplinary committee chairman Tony Pua is the manner Johor Regent Tunku Ismail Sultan Ibrahim countered Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim that his state is not plagued by financial leakages but rather a revenue drain by Putrajaya.

Tony Pua

on Sunday

Question:

When senior members of the Royalty get openly involved directly (or even indirectly) with politics and political campaign, demonstrating bias and partiality, are they then not subjecting themselves to rebuttals and retorts?

In that case, are these Royalty members above reproach or debate?

...See more

2.4K

369

105

“When senior members of the royalty get openly involved directly (or even indirectly) with politics and political campaign – demonstrating bias and partiality – are they then not subjecting themselves to rebuttals and retorts?” penned the three-term DAP lawmaker (two-term Petaling Jaya Utara and one-term Damansara) in a Facebook post.

“In that case, are these royalty members above reproach or debate? Will the Sedition Act still apply (on Pua)?”

‘Royalties must be sporting’

Responding to PMX’s remark that Johor is a wealthy state facing a leakage problem, Tunku Ismail has over the weekend (June 21) called on the federal government to return at least a quarter of the revenue collected from the state.

The Crown Prince further contended that Johor contributes more than RM40 bil annually to the federal government but receives only about RM2 bil to RM3 bil meet the needs of Johor’s nearly five million residents.

Editor’s Note: In painting” a true picture” the following day (June 22), PMX who is also the Finance Miniter claimed that Johor received more federal funding than what it contributed in the past three years.

HRH Crown Prince of Johor

on Monday

DYAM Tunku Mahkota Ismail, Pemangku Sultan Johor terima mengadap YAB Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Perdana Menteri.

“Terima kasih atas keperihatinan YAB Perdana Menteri di atas perhubungan erat di antara Kerajaan Persekutuan dan Negeri Johor. Saya turut bertukar pandangan dengan Perdana Menteri berhubung kerajaan Persekutuan harus sentiasa komited dengan pembangunan Negeri Johor demi kesejahteraan rakyat Johor.” titah Baginda.

Pertemuan YAB Perdana Menteri bersama Pemangku Sultan...

See more

13K

1.6K

798

Based on records of the Finance Ministry, the southern state contributed about RM14 bil in revenue to federal coffers between 2023 and 2025 but received RM16 bil from the federal government through various projects, operating allocations and programmes, according to PMX.


Well, this is certainly not the first and will not be the last time Pua be posing a question that borders 3R (race, religion, royalty) breaches.

As Malaysiakini succinctly puts it, the DAP loyalist no stranger to ruffling royal feathers, having recently come under police investigation after a deluge of reports were lodged against him for stating that the constitutional system binds Malaysian monarchs, hence they should not issue binding decrees to legislate all aspects of people’s lives.

Recount that his insinuation that the decree of Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah to prohibit pig farming in Selangor as having fallen outside the realm of the Federal Constitution has landed Pua in hot soup with some 120 police reports lodged against him.

His statement came in the wake of the Selangor ruler telling DAP Seri Kembangan state assemblywoman Wong Siew Ki and former party stalwart Ronnie Liu to visit Dataran Selangor and understand the principles of the Rukun Negara displayed on the monument plaque there.

Whether Pua truly has “nine lives of the feline” for daringly defending the constitutional rights of lay Malaysians or otherwise by subjecting himself to be called “biadap” or “derhaka”, the truth is that royalties have to be sporting enough if they wish to participate in politics whether directly or indirectly.

“They must be prepared to listen or ready for backlash against their opinion as nowadays the rakyat are more educated on certain issues,” remarked one commenter to Pua’s FB post.

“It’ll be seen differently if they give impartial advice and non-partisan and the rakyat should take heed. Tony said the right thing but the hardest as it could be seen and interpreted differently.” – June 24, 2026

***

As the late RPK told me, when "They" wanna git ya, "They" will   😂😂😂😈

Mat Sabu downplays 'boycott' of Sharon Teo, Amanah's sole non-Muslim candidate

Mat Sabu downplays 'boycott' of Sharon Teo, Amanah's sole non-Muslim candidate


Published: Jun 24, 2026 2:04 PM
Updated: 5:29 PM



For the first time, Amanah is fielding a non-Muslim woman as a candidate, with Sharon Teo set to contest the Permas state seat in the Johor state election.

Speaking to reporters, Amanah president Mohamad Sabu dismissed concerns over her candidacy.

"There is no problem (with fielding the candidate), we have settled everything. God willing," Mohamad (above) was quoted as saying by Berita Harian in response to Pasir Gudang Amanah's announcement that it would boycott the candidate.

Earlier, Pasir Gudang Amanah held a press conference declaring its decision to boycott the Pakatan Harapan candidate for Permas.

The division's assistant secretary, Haini Harun, said the move was made unanimously as the division continued to back Pasir Gudang Amanah chief Syed Othman Abdullah as its preferred candidate, arguing that he was more deserving based on his leadership and service in the constituency.

He said the division had repeatedly raised objections to the possibility of an outsider being selected, but had received no response.

Sharon Teo

According to Haini, fielding a candidate unfamiliar to the grassroots machinery would make it difficult for the party to mobilise its campaign effectively within a short period.

"Therefore, we have decided to boycott the candidate and will not assist in her campaign. However, we will not obstruct or undermine campaign machinery from outside the area," he said.

Sending a message

Johor Amanah had previously announced Teo as its candidate for Permas, making her the party's only non-Malay and non-Muslim candidate in the state election.

Teo, who previously served as Johor Amanah assistant secretary and Johor Warda (party’s women's wing) chief, said her candidacy sends a message that Amanah is a multiracial party.

"Amanah is a multiracial party for everyone. We uphold the concept of 'rahmatan lil alamin' (mercy for all creation)," said Teo, who acknowledged that she was mentored by the late former Amanah deputy president, Salahuddin Ayub.

In the last election, BN’s Baharudin Taib won the Permas seat in a crowded field, securing 23,492 votes.

Ronnie Liu: What we should truly rejoice over is not the victory of any single party

Ronnie Liu: What we should truly rejoice over is not the victory of any single party


Planning coordination is necessary, yet it must never leave citizens feeling segregated by tiered treatment, much less devolve into a symbolic hierarchy of status

Updated 5 hours ago · Published on 24 Jun 2026 9:20AM

Some hail this as a victory for the people; others view it as a successful fight by religious communities to claim their rights. - June 24, 2026



THE Selangor state government has announced amendments to the Guidelines for Planning Non-Islamic Places of Worship, rolling back several provisions, including height restrictions, which have drawn widespread public attention across society.


Some hail this as a victory for the people; others view it as a successful fight by religious communities to claim their rights.

Yet I believe a more accurate framing is this:

What we ought to be truly thankful for is not that one side prevailed, but that Selangor has ultimately chosen to return to a path upholding constitutionally guaranteed religious freedom while balancing sound urban planning logic.

Policies may be formulated, but they must also remain open to review.

Planning coordination is necessary, yet it must never leave citizens feeling segregated by tiered treatment, much less devolve into a symbolic hierarchy of status.

A mature society judges spaces for worship not by how tall any house of faith’s roof stands, but by whether every citizen receives equal treatment.

This set of amendments proves, at the very least, one truth: policies are not set in stone.

With sustained public attention and rational civic discourse, the government retains room to revisit its decisions and realign itself with the principles of equitable governance.

That said, these revisions have also brought forth another critical issue worthy of deliberation.

If a controversial planning policy can be subjected to reassessment, ought other long-debated governance matters in Selangor also be revisited?

One prominent such issue is the state’s pig farming industry.

Challenges surrounding pig farming are not a nationwide predicament, but a long-standing flaw in Selangor’s industrial planning.

If pollution lies at the heart of the concern, internationally proven, mature solutions already exist: modern closed-house farming, biosecurity protocols, wastewater treatment infrastructure, designated concentrated livestock zones, and stringent law enforcement.

If technology, regulation and industrial upgrading can resolve pollution concerns, the public naturally poses a fair question:

If planning constraints on non-Islamic houses of worship are open to revision, will Selangor also commit to reopening discussions on viable space for a modernised pig farming sector?

After all, pork is more than a dietary preference for segments of the population. It ties to longstanding living customs, food supply chain security, livelihoods built around the industry, and legitimate market demand.

If pollution is the problem, tackle pollution head-on.

If poor oversight is the problem, strengthen regulatory governance.

If lax enforcement is the problem, bolster law enforcement rigorously.

Should the ultimate solution amount to a blanket phase-out of the industry, citizens will inevitably question whether the move prioritises genuine environmental remediation, or simply forces an entire trade out of the state.

Likewise, the halal certification system fulfils genuine religious requirements and carries tangible value for global trade, giving it a solid practical rationale.

Most members of the public do not oppose halal certification, nor do they dismiss the faith-based needs of the Muslim community.

The real debate worth having centres on whether public administration is drifting toward excessive labelling and over-secularisation of state affairs.

For instance, separating food into halal and non-halal categories is reasonable, as this adheres to religious dietary codes.

But must waste segregation, public amenities, municipal administration and public sanitation systems continually be assigned religious categorisations?

If waste management aims to boost recycling rates, improve hygiene and cut pollution, sorting frameworks should be built around environmental science, circular resource principles and public health imperatives — rather than making citizens feel that even routine waste disposal is defined by divisive identity labels.

Food safety ought to fall under food safety governance;

Sanitation and hygiene ought to fall under environmental health governance;

Religious certification ought to remain confined to dedicated religious regulatory frameworks;

Urban planning ought to abide by professional planning standards.

Governance’s core mandate should not revolve around managing group identities, but around risk mitigation, evidence-based professional administration and equitable public service delivery.

A truly mature pluralistic society does not merely grant reasonable operational space to all faiths. It must also accommodate diverse ethnic communities’ ways of life, dietary needs, industrial livelihoods and economic entitlements.

What the public has always yearned for is never triumph for one faction alone.

What citizens genuinely seek is a government willing to listen, adapt and progress.

Selangor’s recent revisions to the planning rules governing non-Islamic places of worship mark a promising starting point.

Yet if these amendments signal the state government’s commitment to realigning with constitutional spirit, professional governance and impartial administration, Selangor must summon the courage to revisit many other long-running contentious issues next:

Can pig farming policy shift away from a blanket phase-out framework toward modernised, regulated industry management?

Can public administration move beyond divisive identity labelling and return to neutral, professional public service?

Governing a plural society is never merely a matter of roof height limits for places of worship.

More fundamentally, it concerns whether every citizen on this land will be fairly recognised, reasonably treated and served through impartial, professional state administration. – June 24, 2026


Ronnie Liu Thian Khiew is a former Selangor executive councillor and DAP leader

Manipulating tradition as a tool for power

Manipulating tradition as a tool for power


Negeri Sembilan has entered a highly charged political environment following the collapse of the state government’s majority and the calling of fresh elections

Updated 2 hours ago · Published on 24 Jun 2026

There are moments in a nation’s history when the issue before us is not merely legal, political, or constitutional. It is moral. - June 24, 2026


by Vinod Sekhar


LET’S first get one thing straight. There is only ONE recognised constitutional Ruler of Negeri Sembilan - Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir. Recognised by the state and federal government.


There are moments in a nation’s history when the issue before us is not merely legal, political, or constitutional. It is moral.

Negeri Sembilan now finds itself at such a moment.

For months, Malaysians have watched a deeply troubling spectacle unfold: competing claims to the throne, competing interpretations of Adat Perpatih, competing declarations of legitimacy, and increasingly, competing political interests seeking advantage from a crisis that should never have become political in the first place.

The latest episode—the continued promotion of a purported proclamation of a new Yang di-Pertuan Besar despite ongoing legal and constitutional disputes—raises a simple question.

Who truly benefits from keeping this crisis alive?

Certainly not the people of Negeri Sembilan.

Certainly not the institution of monarchy.

And certainly not the dignity of Adat Perpatih itself.

The defenders of this movement have repeatedly sought refuge behind the language of tradition and custom. Yet tradition loses its moral authority when it becomes indistinguishable from political manoeuvring.

Consider the role played by Tan Sri Rais Yatim.

For months, he presented himself publicly as a scholar of Negeri Sembilan customs and a defender of Adat Perpatih. Yet he has also emerged as an active participant in the movement supporting the purported installation of Tunku Nadzaruddin and has publicly championed that position.

Public reports have also highlighted his new role as Chairman of a political party of ex-Bersatu members, many of whom played a role in the collapse of the state government coalition.

That does not invalidate his views

But it does raise legitimate questions as to his bias. And his motivations.

When political actors become deeply involved in royal disputes, the public has every right to ask whether the motivation is preservation of tradition or acquisition of influence.

The timing is difficult to ignore.

Negeri Sembilan has entered a highly charged political environment following the collapse of the state government’s majority and the calling of fresh elections.

The continuation of a narrative that there is already a “new ruler” inevitably carries political implications.

If a future state administration were sympathetic to that position, it could seek to alter the state’s recognition of the existing ruler and reshape the entire dispute.

Perhaps intended, the royal crisis has become intertwined with political calculations.

That alone should concern every Malaysian.

Monarchies survive not because they possess power.

They survive because they possess legitimacy.

The moment a monarchy becomes perceived as merely another arena for political contestation, everyone loses. History teaches us that institutions are rarely destroyed by external enemies. More often, they are weakened from within by those claiming to defend them.

The greatest threat to Negeri Sembilan’s unique constitutional and customary heritage is not disagreement. It is the appearance that custom can be selectively interpreted whenever it serves a particular faction.

Equally important are the questions surrounding leadership itself. If an individual seeks to be recognised as the ruler of a state, then scrutiny is not an insult.

It is a necessity.

The office of Yang di-Pertuan Besar is not merely ceremonial. It represents the highest moral and constitutional authority within the state.

The holder of that office should be subject to the highest standards of public examination.

That examination should include experience.

It should include judgment.It should include public service.

And yes, it should include a careful examination of one’s record in business, public life, and leadership. It is time, Tunku Nadzaruddin, who now seems to be promoting himself as the "new Ruler" of Negeri Sembilan, to undergo that scrutiny.

These are not attacks.

They are responsibilities.

A throne is not an inheritance alone

It is a trust.

The people of Negeri Sembilan deserve transparency. They deserve answers. They deserve confidence that anyone seeking to occupy the state’s highest institution can withstand the most rigorous public scrutiny.

Above all, they deserve leaders—whether elected or hereditary—who place the interests of the state above personal ambition.

The tragedy of this entire episode is that Negeri Sembilan has long been a model of moderation, stability, and constitutional evolution.

Its unique system of governance survived colonialism, independence, and modernisation because generations before us understood a simple truth:

Power must always serve the institution.

The institution must never serve power.

Today, that principle is being tested.

The question before Negeri Sembilan is no longer who sits on a throne.

The question is whether the throne itself will emerge stronger or weaker from this ordeal.

For the sake of the state, for the sake of Adat Perpatih, and for the sake of future generations, one hopes wisdom prevails over ambition.

History is watching.

And history is rarely kind to those who mistake personal victory for public service. – June 24, 2026



Datuk Dr Vinod Sekhar is the publisher of The Vibes and Chairman of the Petra Group

Hot Negeri Sembilan polls

Hot Negeri Sembilan polls

Bridget Welsh
Published: Jun 22, 2026 10:46 AM
Updated: 12:55 PM



COMMENT | Of the two coming state elections, Negeri Sembilan has more potential political hazards ahead. Like the famous dish of the state, masak lomak, its politics are heated.

This state election will be decisive in shaping the fate of state governance and the future of Anwar Ibrahim’s federal coalition and leadership. As the caretaker menteri besar Aminuddin Harun described, it is a “live and death” test for the Madani government.

The reasons are simple, although the context is complicated:

1. Weight of incumbency:

Negeri Sembilan has been governed by the prime minister’s party and coalition since 2018, making the contest a direct test for Pakatan Harapan’s governance. Since 2022, Negeri Sembilan has used the Madani label for its programmes, heightening the tie to Anwar’s leadership.

Incumbency usually gives an advantage, but having to call early polls has undercut some of this leverage. These elections were called without meaningful ground preparation.

2) Higher electoral competitiveness

A greater share/number of seats is highly competitive.

In the 2023 state polls, no coalition won a majority. Harapan secured a plurality of 17 seats, followed by Umno-BN with 14 and Perikatan Nasional with five. A third of the seats (12 out of 36) were marginally won with less than 10 percent of voters.

Disproportionately, most of these close contests were for Umno seats, yet all coalitions were impacted.

It is noteworthy that Aminuddin won his seat by an 11 percent majority, a low share for an incumbent state leader. This is one of the reasons he may move to another seat.

Caretaker Negeri Sembilan menteri besar Aminuddin Harun

A preliminary look at potential swings and dynamics on the ground suggests that 18 seats are highly competitive (can be won with a small swing/change in turnout), with another 12 competitive.

Of the 18 highly competitive seats, nine of these are too close to call at this juncture. Among the open seats are Gemas held by Bersatu, Paroi held by PAS, Nilai held by DAP, Linggi held by Umno, and Pilah held by PKR.

Only six seats are seen as safe, a little over half of DAP seats, but, as written previously in my Johor preliminary analysis, given fluid voting patterns, no seats are completely safe. In short, the high level of competitiveness makes for uncertainty in outcome.

3) Lack of Madani voter transferability

In 2023, state Madani coalition victories were won with a degree of voter transferability, support for different Madani coalition partners from traditional core voter bases.

Core Harapan supporters supported Umno-BN and vice versa, although in varying degrees. The results varied by ethnicity (and across the six states in the 2023 state polls).

In these coming polls, with the main Madani coalitions going solo, there will not be any meaningful transfer of core support across the Harapan and BN divides, making contests even more competitive.

My statistical analysis of the 2023 Negeri Sembilan “saluran” (polling stream) results suggests that among Malays, an estimated 53 percent of BN traditional voters voted for Harapan, while 71 percent of Malay Harapan voters supported Umno-BN.

Non-Malay voters - Chinese and Indians who traditionally supported Harapan were the higher transfer voters, at an estimated 97 percent and 78 percent, respectively.

Umno-BN gained the most in 2023 from voter transferability, a gain that they will not win this round.

The lack of Harapan-Umno transferability will make this contest more competitive. Based on 2023 results, this factor alone impacts more than half of the seats in the state.

4) Multi-state stakeholder conflict

To add to the complexity, this election is not just about state elected representation. It is intertwined with the royal elite crisis, as perceptions of mismanagement of this crisis locally originally led to the destabilisation of the government.

READ MORE: N Sembilan chieftains order Friday sermons to pray for Tunku Nadzaruddin

Subsequent responses by various parties, from Umno’s leadership ambitions and departure from the state government, Bersatu leaders supporting some of the royal elites, and Harapan master of ceremony’s insensitively referring to royal (fifth) positions, have heightened these issues.

The story of the Negeri Sembilan state government's collapse in April is well-known, triggered by the withdrawal of Umno from the government.

The drama over the last few months has involved debate over the state constitution, contested interpretations of cultural “adat perpatih” (the Minangkabau customary law) traditions, and (over)reactive politicking.

Differing views of these emotive and sensitive issues will spill over into the coming polls, especially among the 60 percent of Minangkabau voters who are part of the “adat perpatih” practicing community, and especially among older voters who adopt stronger “adat” practices.

Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir

Parties have long played an “adat perpatih protector” role in Negeri Sembilan. This was traditionally held by Umno, as the party has traditionally been seen as protecting local customs and institutions, with its candidates part of the “suku” or clans in the various areas of the undang or chieftains.

In recent years, the “adat perpatih protector” role has become more contentious.

Contestation over “adat perpatih” has been growing for some time, well before the crisis.

Discontent has been rising over issues of land/development, inclusion in decision-making, especially of women who are prominent in the Minangkabau community, and management of personalities with ambitions.

Divisions have grown among royal elites as the role of Negeri Sembilan’s “adat” society has changed. Youth, for example, are not as strongly attached to “adat perpatih” customs compared to the past due to a variety of reasons, not least of which is mobility and a brain drain from the state.

Recent dynamics have undercut Umno’s support from the “suku”, evident in voting results. First, there has been the rise of conservative Islam, which has been in tension with “adat”.




This has been most impactful among the young, who are increasingly influenced by conservative religious schools. Second, there has been Umno’s loss of the state government leadership since 2018, curtailing the party’s local role to resolve issues on the ground and strengthen its local network.

Third, Umno support among the “suku” (and more broadly among voters in the state) has eroded, with some of the party elites in the state seen to be more concerned with their own interests rather than protecting institutions.

Competition for the “adat perpatih protector” role has increased. Harapan has worked to establish and strengthen its own “suku” ties, often working around Umno’s networks. This has fed discontent and led to displacement.

Similarly, Bersatu (and now Parti Wawasan Negara with former Bersatu leaders) has launched a challenge to win over “adat perpatih” voters, starting in the last state election.

In seats like Klawang and Juasseh (both highly competitive seats), these issues were intertwined with support for candidates in 2023, and this is likely to be the case in these polls too, given the salience of “adat” issues.

The complicating intertwined dynamic between “adat perpatih”, royal elite dynamics, tight social networks, and party positioning has further added to the uncertainty, and taken this contest directly into local communities, making the polls highly personalised for some voters and raising stakes in the outcome.

This factor could similarly influence voting in more than half of the state seats.

5) The second-half campaign reaction

There is another factor that heats up the polls - the cili padi of an ethnic campaign. The emotional discourse in this campaign is already evident, with narratives around blame and betrayal percolating.

A worrying racialised overtone is already present on the ground. Increasingly, the move toward ethnic polarisation is growing.

Negeri Sembilan’s campaign looks more poised to become rhetoric-intensive (at least for now) compared to the Johor polls, in part because of the higher political fragmentation and the significant stakes of the polls.

Umno-BN goes into Johor with a clearer incumbent advantage than the Madani government does in Negeri Sembilan.

What will make the Negeri Sembilan campaign unique is that it is effectively longer and will have spillovers from the Johor contest and its results. This will inevitably impact turnout and the campaign narratives.

Traditionally, higher overall turnout usually benefits Harapan, but in these polls, given ongoing swings away from Harapan in recent elections and complexities of local conditions, this may not be the case.

Managing risk ahead

The election is thus a precarious one. Uncertainty is high, with stakes similarly so.

It will be challenging for all of the main coalitions to get enough seats to form a majority in a context of high political fragmentation.

Based on recent voting, this will not be easy for any of the coalitions.

It will require statesmanship for cooler heads to prevail after a heated campaign. Based on recent attacking political rhetoric, this will also be challenging.

It will make the Negeri Sembilan polls critical to watch, not just for its voters, but for Malaysia’s political future ahead.

BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute, a senior research associate at Hu Fu Centre for East Asia Democratic Studies, and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com

Iran war live: Trump, Tehran at odds over nuclear inspections, Hormuz

By Lyndal Rowlands and Daniel Khalili-Tari

Published On 24 Jun 202624 Jun 2026

• US and Iran offer conflicting statements, including on nuclear oversight, as negotiators push for a final deal within a 60-day window.
• US Secretary of State Marco Rubio says Iran will not be able to charge tolls in the Strait of Hormuz when a final deal is agreed upon.
• Iran has rejected US claims that it will allow nuclear inspectors back into the country, after US President Donald Trump said Tehran had agreed to the “highest level” of monitoring.
• Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian says Tehran’s ballistic missile programme remains outside the ongoing negotiations with the US.
• Israel and Lebanon kick off a fifth round of US-brokered talks, with the Israeli envoy describing the discussions as a “train-wreck”.

• 7m ago

  (03:30 GMT)

  Rubio says Iran has ‘an opportunity to do incredible things’

  We can now bring you more from the US Secretary of State’s comments to reporters in Abu Dhabi.

  He said if Iran makes the decision “that they want to be a country, instead of a revolutionary movement” they could benefit from new economic opportunities, including investments.

  “They’re going to have an opportunity to do incredible things in Iran,” Rubio said.

  “I’m not promising you that’s the choice they’re going to make. I’m saying if that’s the choice that they make, then there will be opportunities and those opportunities could include investment, as you’ve seen other countries in this region benefit from investment, from foreign direct investment. It won’t be our investment. It won’t be our government money,” he said.

  Rubio added that Iran’s political trajectory would depend on whether progress is made on a “host of other security issues” that will be discussed in the coming days.

  As we reported earlier, Rubio also said Iran will not be able to charge tolls in the Strait of Hormuz when a final deal is agreed, and declared that negotiations on Lebanon will be kept separate to the US’s talks with Tehran.

  

  US Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaks to the media upon his arrival at Al Bateen Executive Airport to discuss the interim deal between the US and Iran with Arab Gulf allies, in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, June 23, 2026 [Eric Lee/Pool via Reuters]
• 19m ago

  (03:18 GMT)

  

  Trump slams Senate’s war powers resolution

  The US president has responded to the Senate’s approval of a war powers resolution directing him to halt any military action against Iran.

  “So, I have Iran on the ‘ropes,’ ready to go down for the fall, willing to give us practically anything, and for the first time in decades, respecting the hell out of the United States and its President, ME, and the U.S. Senate decides to have a poorly timed and meaningless War Powers Act Vote,” Trump wrote on X.

  The resolution tells “the Number One Sponser [sic] of Terror in the World that the United States doesn’t like what I am doing to them, and I must stop, and by so doing has provided aid and comfort the Enemy”, he said.

  The president went on to slam the four Republican legislators who voted with the Democrats to approve the resolution, saying: “These Senators have just made my job more difficult, but I will get it done, one way or the other, because I always get it done!”
• 22m ago

  (03:15 GMT)

  What impact will the Senate’s war powers resolution have?

  

  By Alan Fisher

  Reporting from Washington DC, US

  Well, it is important, and I’ll tell you why.

  First of all, this has already passed the House. It’s been tried a few times in the Senate, but never managed to get through.

  It did this time because four Republicans voted with the Democrats. One Democrat voted with the Republicans, while two Republicans were missing.

  And effectively, this says that the US can’t go back to war with Iran unless it gets permission from Congress. Now, at the moment, we’re in the peace talks, so there’s no immediate sign of that happening.

  But the White House doesn’t really care about this. Now, they can’t veto this, but they think this has no real legal standing. And certainly, if the war had continued and this had been passed, then they’d be able to test the constitutionality of it – going as far as the Supreme Court.

  People at the White House have told me over the last couple of months that the president has the right to decide if America is at threat and whether or not to launch an attack.

  But it’s important because it’s also really the first big split between Republicans in the Senate and Trump during his second term in the Oval Office.

52m ago

(02:45 GMT)

What does the 14-point US-Iran MoU say?

• Iran and the US declared “the immediate and permanent cessation of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon”, and committed not to initiate war or military operations against each other.
• Upon signing, the US “will begin lifting its naval blockade” and fully end the embargo, while Iran will make arrangements “for the safe passage of commercial vessels with no charge for 60 days only”.
• Until the termination of sanctions, the US “will issue waivers for the export of Iranian crude oil, petroleum products, and derivatives”.
• The US also “undertakes to make fully available for use the frozen uncertain funds and assets” of Iran, and the two sides “will mutually agree on the procedures related to the release of these funds during negotiations”.

Read the full text here.

Lim Guan Eng, wife to stand trial over RM11.6m Penang project-linked graft case

Lim Guan Eng, wife to stand trial over RM11.6m Penang project-linked graft case



DAP adviser Lim Guan Eng, his wife Betty Chew and businesswoman Phang Li Koon are set to stand trial on corruption and money laundering charges after their bid to strike out the charges was dismissed by the Court of Appeal. — Bernama pic

Wednesday, 24 Jun 2026 10:09 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, June 24 — DAP adviser Lim Guan Eng, his wife Betty Chew and businesswoman Phang Li Koon will stand trial on corruption and money laundering charges after the Court of Appeal dismissed their application to strike out the charges.

According to New Straits Times, the appeal centred on whether the charges should be struck out on grounds of alleged abuse of process and the use of evidence said to be linked to an earlier case involving Lim’s purchase of a bungalow on Jalan Pinhorn, Penang, in which he was acquitted and discharged in 2018.

The Court of Appeal’s decision clears the way for the trio to face trial over the charges.

On May 3, 2024, the Penang High Court had earlier dismissed the application, ruling that the principle of double jeopardy did not apply as the legal threshold had not been met.


Lim is accused of using his position as then Penang chief minister and chairman of the Penang Development Corporation tender board to obtain gratification linked to the approval of a foreign workers’ hostel project worth RM11.6 million.

He was charged under Section 23(1) of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act, which carries a maximum jail term of 20 years and a fine of not less than five times the value of the gratification or RM10,000, whichever is higher.

Phang is accused of conspiring with Lim to commit the offence at the same place and time.

Chew faces three money laundering charges involving RM372,009 allegedly received from Excel Property Management & Consultancy Sdn Bhd and credited into her Public Bank account between 2013 and 2016.

The offence falls under Section 4(1)(a) of the Anti-Money Laundering and Anti-Terrorism Financing Act, which carries a maximum jail term of five years, a fine of up to RM5 million, or both.

***

Will Guanee go to prison for a second time, but not again for a young Malay girl but because of ....

Read what Google AI has to say:

PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang made a controversial claim in August 2022, stating that non-Muslims and non-Bumiputeras make up the majority of those involved in corruption and are the "roots of corruption" in Malaysia. He asserted that those who chase illicit gains eventually control the economy and damage politics. [1, 2, 3, 4]

These sweeping remarks generated significant public backlash and widespread condemnation from politicians, civil society organizations, and religious groups across the country. [1, 2]

Reactions and Investigations:

• Police Action: The Royal Malaysia Police (PDRM) opened an investigation into the PAS leader following dozens of police reports lodged against him. Hadi was summoned to Bukit Aman to have his statement recorded. [1, 2]
• Condemnation: Critics, including Transparency International Malaysia, condemned the statements as baseless, provocative, and potentially seditious. They emphasized that corruption is color-blind and religion-blind. [1, 2]
• Political Fallout: Leaders across the political spectrum—including the Democratic Action Party (DAP)—criticized his remarks, arguing they were designed to sow discord in multiracial Malaysia. [1]

You can read more about the political context and community responses to his claims via the BFM 89.9 Podcast or by reviewing the police investigation details reported by Channel News Asia.