Monday, June 15, 2026

OPINION | The "Onn Hafiz Is A Racist" Narrative is going To Cost BN Substantially In The Johor Election



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OPINION | The "Onn Hafiz Is A Racist" Narrative is going To Cost BN Substantially In The Johor Election


14 Jun 2026 • 4:30 PM MYT



Image credit: Malay Mail


When caretaker Johor MB Onn Hafiz said that he would rather resign than "sit at the same table with DAP", was he being racist?


Let us not talk about the truth - let us just talk about the perception instead- instead of trying to figure out what was exactly in the heart and mind of Onn Hafiz, let us study instead just how the statement makes Onn Hafiz look in the eyes of the non-Malay, especially Chinese, voters.



Perception wise, I for one feel that the statement "will not sit in the same table as DAP" to be so impactful, that since hearing about it, I have been moved to make a couple of post about it already.


If Onn had just said that forming unity goverment with DAP is off the table, that would have sounded like a political position. But when he said that he will not "sit in the same table with DAP", unfortunately, it took a racial slant, regardless of whether Onn meant it that way or not. It definitely took a racial slant to me, and I am sure that it took a racial slant to the non-Malays, especially Chinese voters, even if BN and Onn are trying hard to make it sound as if the statement was about DAP rather than the non-Malays.



It is precisely because it took a racial slant that when political commentator Tajuddin Rasdi called out Onn's statement as racist, it created such an impact, that Onn, as well BN politicians like Wee Ka Siong and Chua Soi Lek are bending over backwards to deny that Onn is racist.


Will the denial be able to offset the view the view that Onn, and thus BN Johor by extension, is racist?


So far, my short answer will be no.


Right now, the idea that Onn hafiz is racist might not have made such a deep impact in the hearts and mind of the non-Malay, especially Chinese, voters.



However, during the campaign period, if rival politicians were to repeat the idea that Onn Hafiz has insulted the non-Malays, especially the Chinese, by saying that he won't even sit in the same table with DAP, likely because DAP represent the non-Malays and the Chinese, it will definitely make a significant impact in the heart and mind of the non-Malay, especially Chinese, Johor voters.


How significant an impact will it create?


Well, i think it will create a big enough impact that when a non-Malay, especially a Chinese voter, were to stand in front of the ballot box, and if so happens that the said voter doesn't see that big a difference between the BN candidate and other candidates, what Onn Hafiz said might reverberate so loudly in their heart and mind, that they will likely to vote against the BN candidate.



In a closely fought contest, that could impact BN decisively.


The impact will be most severely felt in constituencies where the main contest is between MCA and DAP.


MCA is already the underdog in its contest with DAP. With Onn Hafiz's "I will not sit at the same table with DAP" hanging like an albatross around their neck, MCA's chances of victory will go from low to nil.


As for Johor BN, we must remember that Johor BN's decision to call elections early and contest in all seats, without coming with a seat sharing arrangement with PH, is a sign of confidence.



BN has 40 of the 56 seats in the Johor state assembly.


Considering its confidence, it must come out of this election holding at least the 40 seat it has previously won in order to be declared the winner.


Out of the 40 seat it has won, 4 belongs to MCA and 3 to MIC.


The 7 seats held by MCA and MIC are at risk because of Onn Hafiz's statement.


In the remaining 33 seats held by Umno, BN might also face strong challenge from a resurgent PAS, that has shed its debilitating partnership with Bersatu and created a more viable alternative, with Dr Ahmad Samsuri and perhaps Hamzah Zainuddin, at the helm.



Where Umno faces fierce competition with PAS for the Malay vote, non-Malay vote might play a very important role in determining who the final winner is going to be.


When the battle is to be decided by how the non-Malay votes sway, Umno might find itself in trouble because of what Onn Hafiz said.


BN might just just need 29 seats to win the Johor election.


Considering that it has 40 and considering that it has a good track record of managing Johor, it will most likely win the minimum 29 seats it needs to continue ruling johor.



But if BN just comes out of the Johor election with just 29 seats, it will still be seen as as a loser even if it manages to form the goverment.


The perception that it is a loser, will most heavily affect the chances of Onn Hafiz to continue as the Menteri Besar of Johor.


Middle East crisis live: Iran warns of ‘imminent’ response to Israeli strike on Beirut as ceasefire deal looks shaky





Middle East crisis live: Iran warns of ‘imminent’ response to Israeli strike on Beirut as ceasefire deal looks shaky


Iran’s highest national security body appears unswayed by US president’s call for restraint; Trump says Israel should not have attacked Beirut


People gather at the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted a building in Beirut’s southern suburbs on Sunday 14 June, 2026. Photograph: Ibrahim Amro/AFP/Getty Images


Nadeem Badshah (now); Marina Dunbar, Yohannes Lowe and Fran Singh (earlier)
Mon 15 Jun 2026 05.19 AEST


From 2h ago

03.53 AEST
Iran warns 'imminent' response coming to Israeli strike on Beirut

Iran’s highest national security body warned on Sunday that a response was “imminent” following an Israeli strike targeting Tehran’s ally Hezbollah in Beirut’s southern suburbs.

“The response of the fighters of Islam is imminent,” the Supreme National Security Council said in a statement on X. “Lebanon is our life and violation of the red lines of the Islamic Republic will not be tolerated.”Share

Updated at 03.56 AEST

10m ago05.19 AEST

Iran’s state broadcaster said that flights at airports in the west of the country are cancelled, after Tehran warned it would respond to an Israeli attack on Beirut.

“Flights from airports in the western part of the country have been cancelled until further notice,” state television reported following the warning from Iran’s top security body.Share


31m ago04.57 AEST

Gaza’s civil defence service and hospitals said Israeli attacks killed at least six people on Sunday in the latest violence to hit the Palestinian territory despite a months-old ceasefire, AFP reported.
47m ago04.43 AEST

The Israeli military said it has killed a senior Hezbollah commander in a strike on southern Lebanon.

Ali Mussa Dakdouk was targeted on Friday in an area south of the Litani River, Israel Defence Forces said.

It described him as having “served as a source of knowledge with extensive operational experience”.

The IDF added that in recent years, Dakdouk “played a central role in advancing terrorist attacks and combat operations against Israel and IDF soldiers”.Share

48m ago04.42 AEST

An adviser to Iran’s Supreme Leader has responded to Israel’s attack in Beirut by writing on X: “We will teach the attackers a regrettable lesson.”

1h ago04.17 AEST
Jason Burke

Donald Trump was forced to call for restraint on Sunday after Israel launched fresh airstrikes on Beirut as mediators sought to conclude negotiations on a preliminary peace deal between Iran and the US that would bring the three-month war in the Middle East to a definitive end.

Trump played down new Israeli strikes but said “all sides should stand down”.

“We are very close to a Deal that will bring peace to the region, including to Lebanon … There should be no more attacks by Israel anywhere in Lebanon, but there should also be no more attacks by any other party, including Hezbollah, against Israel. This could be the beginning of a long and beautiful peace – Let’s not blow it!” the US president posted to his social media site.

Trump had previously suggested the US could sign an agreement with Iran on Sunday, but as the evening came in the Middle East, there was no sign of a breakthrough. Instead, Iranian officials threatened a military response to the Israeli attack on Beirut, which destroyed a building in the Lebanese capital’s southern suburbs, killing three and injuring six.

Trump told the Axios news site that the Israeli strike had “delayed the signing by a few hours” and, using an expletive, said he had told the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, he had no judgment.

Israel said it had targeted senior Hezbollah commanders after the militant Islamist organisation – which has close links with Tehran – launched three projectiles into northern Israel.

A strike on Beirut by Israeli forces a week ago triggered a short but intense new round of fighting between Iran and Israel, momentarily destabilising negotiations between Tehran and Washington.

‘Let’s not blow it’: Trump calls for restraint after Israel launches fresh airstrikes on Beirut

Read more

When Datuk Onn Hafiz said NO DAP, did he just 'revealed' that BN/UMNO might not obtain a majority mandate to govern?



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When Datuk Onn Hafiz said NO DAP, did he just 'revealed' that BN/UMNO might not obtain a majority mandate to govern?


14 Jun 2026 • 12:30 PM MYT



Malaysia-China Insight MCI Group
https://mcigroup.my/top-news/in-johor-we-have-our-own-way-onn-hafiz-draws-distinction-between-state-politics-and-federal-bn-pakatan-cooperation/


Otherwise, why single out DAP explicitly and exclusively?


Why not single out Pakatan Harapan, the coalition?



Or PKR? or Amanah?


All of them are in the political coalition publicly and formally known as Pakatan Harapan.


In the 1st place, there are no DAP representatives in the just dissolved Johor State Executive Council (Exco).


Zero.


Zilch.


The recently dissolved Exco lineup consists entirely of representatives from Barisan Nasional component parties (UMNO) along with Barisan-friendly parties (MCA and MIC).



No Pakatan Harapan (PH) or DAP members hold Exco positions in Johor.


What you declared was never an issue because it wasn’t an issue to begin with.


Except for 21 months from May 2018 until February 2020, where Johor was governed by the Pakatan Harapan coalition who has 36 seats – DAP (14), Bersatu (8), PKR (5) and Amanah (9) held the remaining 22 seats - DAP has always been on the outside peeping into and sniping at the heels of the government of Johor.


Even in the 21 months, representatives from DAP, who has oversaw the following portfolios:-Local Government, Science and Technology
Consumerism, Human Resources and Unity
Women Development and Tourism

A reshuffle by the a new Mentri Besar in 2019 resulted in DAP being given an additional portfolio, that of Youth, Sports, Entrepreneur Development and Cooperatives.



In the Johor election of March 2022, BN secured 40 seats, a majority, enabling BN / UMNO to govern the state on its own, without the need nor assistance from rival political parties.


And Datuk Onn Hafiz was appointed as the new Mentri Besar this time.


Naturally, he kept all exco seats strictly within the BN coalition.


Even with the formation of the Madani government at the Federal level post the 15th GE in Nov 2022 where BN/UMNO collaborated with Pakatan Harapan to form the government at Federal level, no representatives from Pakatan Harapan were invited or co-opted into the Exco in Johor by the Mentri Besar.



It has been that way for the last 4 years.


No DAP representatives at all in the administration and under the tenure of Datuk Onn Hafiz.


So why the need to highlight that should BN / UMNO obtain the same or better mandate to govern the state again, BN / UMNO will not work with DAP?


Unless the `stars’ told Datuk Onn Hafiz that there is a possibility that BN / UMNO will lose its majority and if he wants to continue governing Johor, he needs to collaborate with his political rivals.


Otherwise, why DAP and not Pakatan Harapan?


How Rohingya Have an Illegal Multi-Storey Sektor Redefined Hulu Langat’s Hinterland



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How Rohingya Have an Illegal Multi-Storey Sektor Redefined Hulu Langat’s Hinterland


14 Jun 2026 • 12:00 PM MYT






For years, the global conversation surrounding displaced populations has focused on makeshift camps, sprawling canvas tents, and temporary maritime crossings. From the sun-bleached shores of Cox’s Bazar to the volatile, porous maritime borders of Southeast Asia, refugees and undocumented migrants have long been framed as transient figures vulnerable souls floating on the periphery of statehood. Yet, a sudden structural transformation has shaken this conventional narrative. In Malaysia, where the sociological undercurrents of migration have simmered for decades under a surface of uneasy tolerance, the transient has quietly frozen into the permanent.



The physical manifestation of this shift erupted into the national consciousness following a viral video by local radio presenter Azad Jasmin, popularly known as Pak Azad, who stumbled upon a bizarre architectural anomaly tucked deep within the secluded green folds of Sungai Tekali, Hulu Langat, Selangor. What he found was not a temporary settlement of makeshift shanties, but an aggressively improvised, multi-storey flat-like structure that appeared to climb four levels into the sky. Built with exposed brick, haphazardly plastered walls, zinc sheets covering makeshift corridors, and chaotic webs of utility wiring, the building stood as an astonishing monument to unregulated urbanization.



Initial reports and public anger swiftly linked the structure to the area's growing Rohingya community. This revelation triggered immediate institutional responses, with Kajang District Police Chief Asisten Komisioner Naazron Abdul Yusof confirming that a joint enforcement operation under Ops Kutip had previously swept the very same location, detaining dozens of undocumented foreigners.


This development is not merely a localized municipal violation. It represents a profound sociological, economic, and institutional crossroads for Malaysia a sovereign nation grappling with the unintended consequences of systemic enforcement gaps, domestic collusion, and the unyielding survival instinct of a stateless diaspora.



The Anatomy of the Sungai Tekali Enclave


To understand how a four-storey architectural hazard could rise undetected in a rural enclave, one must look at the geography of Hulu Langat. Known for its lush eco-tourism spots, rivers, and weekend cycling routes, the region possesses isolated pockets that are shielded from daily municipal eyes. The structural oddity in Kampung Kenangan, Sungai Makau, within the Sungai Tekali sub-district, exposes the physical audacity of this illegal settlement.


According to analytical observations of the viral footage, the structure expands upward through a method of accretion literally piling house upon house, room upon room, without engineering blueprints or formal safety inspections. Haphazardly connected PVC water pipes run along its exterior facade, and uninsulated electrical conduits tap directly into the grid, posing extreme fire and structural collapse hazards to both occupants and the surrounding ecosystem.



The public reaction was immediate and highly volatile. Across social media platforms, ordinary Malaysians expressed intense anxiety, with users demanding that municipal authorities immediately demolish the building. The presence of the structure raises uncomfortable questions for locals who must navigate rigorous, expensive, and protracted bureaucratic processes just to secure a building permit or extend a kitchen porch on their own legal properties.


For a community of foreign nationals to erect a multi-family, multi-tier residential structure with apparent impunity challenges the rule of law. It creates a palpable sense of alienation among citizens who feel that the state's regulatory framework applies strictly to the tax-paying voter, while slipping away entirely in the dense brush of the informal sector.



The Economics of Local Collusion: The Real Landlord Issue


While public outrage naturally targets the undocumented occupants, deeper sociological analysis reveals that such structural defiance cannot exist in a vacuum. It requires domestic enablement. Dusun Tua ADUN, Datuk Johan Abd. Aziz, shattered the simple narrative of "foreign invasion" by identifying local landlords as the structural roots of the problem. Johan revealed that the primary driver behind this sprawling, unregulated settlement which is estimated to support an informal village of roughly 400 Rohingya individuals is the actions of Malaysian landowners who deliberately lease or permit their private property to be developed into illegal enclaves.



This dynamic points to a lucrative, underground economy operating within Malaysia's agricultural and suburban hinterlands. Private individuals exploit their land rights to generate high rental yields from a vulnerable, desperate population that is locked out of the formal housing market. Because undocumented migrants and UNHCR cardholders cannot legally own property or sign commercial tenancies, they rely on informal agreements with local citizens.


These landowners essentially monetize their sovereign immunity, acting as protective buffers between municipal enforcement agencies and illegal tenants. The state is then forced into a difficult position: it cannot easily seize private land without navigating lengthy legal processes under the National Land Code, yet it cannot allow private land to become an autonomous, extra-legal zone. Johan’s analysis emphasizes that enforcement strategies will continue to fail if they only target the transient occupants while ignoring the Malaysian citizens who profit off these shadow communities.



Institutional Inertia and the Cat-and-Mouse Encirclement


The institutional response to the Sungai Tekali flat illustrates a repetitive cycle of reactive enforcement rather than proactive systemic governance. Following the social media storm, police statements confirmed that the site was far from an undiscovered secret. In fact, a joint enforcement operation under Ops Kutip involving the Selangor Immigration Department and the Royal Malaysia Police (PDRM) had raided the exact location, detaining 42 undocumented foreigners including 35 men, three women, and four children under the Immigration Act 1959/63. At that time, an IMM 29 Form (Summons to Witness) was served to a local man who claimed to be the son of the landowner.



Yet, despite this massive state intervention, the physical structure remained standing. The Kajang Municipal Council (MPKj) found itself trapped within the fragmented jurisdictional boundaries that often plague Malaysian governance. While the Immigration Department handles the bodies of undocumented migrants, the local municipal council governs the physical structures, and the District Land Office oversees land-use violations.


This siloed approach allows illegal enclaves to regenerate. Once a raid is concluded and the detainees are sent to immigration depots, the physical infrastructure remains intact. New waves of migrants, driven by the same economic and social demands, quickly reoccupy the vacated rooms. This cycle transforms municipal enforcement into an expensive, repetitive game of cat-and-mouse that drains public resources without resolving the root cause.



The Geopolitical Dilemma Manifested on Local Soil


The multi-storey flat in Hulu Langat cannot be separated from the broader geopolitical realities of Southeast Asia. Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, meaning that legally, all displaced persons, including the Rohingya, are classified as undocumented or illegal migrants under domestic law. However, out of humanitarian concern, Malaysia has hosted over a hundred thousand Rohingya refugees registered under the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). This creates a profound legal paradox: the state recognizes their presence on humanitarian grounds but bars them from formal employment, public education, and legal housing.



This policy isolation forces the refugee community to build parallel, informal social systems to survive. Over time, these networks solidify into autonomous enclaves. The recent prosecution of Rohingya individuals for participating in illegal, unregistered ethnic organizations highlights how deep these community structures run.


The vertical expansion of the Sungai Tekali building mirrors this social reality. When a community cannot grow outward due to legal restrictions and shifting social dynamics, it grows upward and inward, establishing its own informal rules, economies, and infrastructure.



What do you think? I’d love to hear your opinion in the comments section.


The discovery of the Sungai Tekali enclave marks a pivotal moment in Malaysian socio-cultural relations. The long-standing, quiet compromise between the local population and displaced communities is fraying under the weight of demographic pressure and economic strain. When informal settlements begin competing with formal towns for infrastructure, water, and power, the strain can easily fuel xenophobic sentiment and erode broader social cohesion.



Resolving this crisis requires looking past simple border security narratives. The state must bridge the gaps between municipal planning, land administration, and immigration enforcement. It must enforce strict penalties against local landowners who compromise national laws for personal profit, and address the legal gray areas that allow informal communities to grow unchecked.


The four-storey structure in Hulu Langat is much more than a poorly constructed building; it is a visible warning sign of a fragmented governance framework. It serves as an urgent reminder that unless the state asserts comprehensive, unified regulatory control over both its land and its borders, the country's sovereign space will continue to be quietly reshaped by the unregulated forces of informal migration.



The sight of a makeshift multi-storey flat rising above the trees of Hulu Langat forces us to confront an uncomfortable truth about our national landscape. It challenges our assumptions about security, community responsibility, and the rule of law. It reminds us that governance is an active, daily duty, and that ignoring the cracks in our enforcement systems allows parallel realities to take root in our own backyards. As we watch the authorities step in to manage this specific flashpoint, the broader question remains: how will we choose to balance our humanitarian instincts with the absolute necessity of maintaining national sovereignty and community safety?


OPINION | “Finally, The Chinese Are Swinging Back To UMNO-BN...!!!” – Zahid Issues Bold Prophecy!!



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OPINION | “Finally, The Chinese Are Swinging Back To UMNO-BN...!!!” – Zahid Issues Bold Prophecy!!


14 Jun 2026 • 3:30 PM MYT



Isn't UMNO the most stable political party in the country right now? Credit Image: Sinar Harian.


Don't be alarmed. It just happens to be the "election season," when politicians tend to hallucinate and utter things that leave ordinary folks scratching their heads!


Recently, UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi likened Chinese voters to a clock's pendulum—suggesting that after swinging far away, they are now ready to swing right back to Barisan Nasional.



With his grip on the rejuvenated party looking rock-solid, is it any surprise the BN chairman feels confident enough to dish out some pretty wild predictions?


No doubt, those words must be sweet music to the ears of MCA, who have been sitting in the political wilderness for ages—desperately waiting for that life-saving phone call from “Big Brother.”


But what could have driven Zahid to this optimistic conclusion?


Perhaps it's all that talk in the coffee shops these days that non-Malays are thoroughly fed up with Pakatan Harapan—especially the DAP—which, of course, is true.



But here is the million-dollar question: what exactly is the value proposition that Zahid's party can bring to the Chinese community to prompt them to vote for BN?


True, many non-Malay voters are disgusted with PKR and DAP for an endless parade of broken promises, and have openly threatened to teach PH a lesson they won’t forget.


But here's the reality check…


In the real world, frustration with the incumbent does not automatically translate into votes for the opponent. After all, haven't most voters long resigned themselves to the fact that politicians rarely keep their word?



Perhaps, unknown to the UMNO president, the Chinese mindset tends to be highly strategic. They may be moved by emotion like others, but when push comes to shove, they are the ultimate pragmatists—wired to survive anywhere!


Sure, the Chinese community will happily use a by-election to flash their fangs and punish DAP and others, just to send a stern message. You can call that tough love, a brotherly warning, or whatever.


But historically, when the rubber hits the road—and especially in a crucial general election—their survivalist instinct always overrides their pent-up anger and disillusionment.



So the obvious question UMNO leaders need to ask themselves is this: why on earth would Chinese voters rush back to a party that is often accused of being deeply grounded in communal politics?


Moreover, with the vocal UMNO Youth leaders constantly hinting at a "twinning" with PAS—in the name of uniting the ummah—won't many voters be inclined to conclude that a vote for BN might just be a backdoor vote for the Islamist party?


To their credit, while Zahid and the party's top leadership may try hard to project the image of seasoned statesmen, their younger generals sometimes behave like aggressive salesmen—alienating non-Malays even further with their somewhat tone-deaf and polarizing narratives.



Ask the average Chinese voter and they will tell you that they have had enough of the bullying and taunting by UMNO Youth, from beer sponsorships to upside-down flags!


So, is it really a stretch to say that the Chinese community would rather give DAP a second chance—or even take a gamble on Rafizi’s Bersama—than accept the second-class treatment they expect from the nationalist party?


Critics may love to portray DAP as an arrogant, chauvinist party—but isn’t that exactly how PH supporters view UMNO?



Many also tend to perceive UMNO as utterly unremorseful about past financial scandals, inadvertently giving the impression that they aren’t serious about eliminating corruption.


Likewise, some in the party are seen to be obsessed with 3R (race, religion, and royalty) issues while fiercely opposing any public discourse on equality and meritocracy. These are the exact things that DAP has been consistently sticking its neck out for!


Have Zahid and his UMNO war room generals completely misread the ground sentiment then?



Did they surmise that this is the right time to strike, believing that frustrated PH voters may be suffering from collective amnesia—when in fact, it's UMNO, having just celebrated its 80th “birthday,” that seems to be suffering from severe political dementia?


Okay, Zahid may think the pendulum is swinging back to BN. But if you keep pounding non-Malays with demeaning rhetoric, that same pendulum could eventually swing back with enough force to knock you out cold.


Maybe UMNO has forgotten how divine retribution works?



The ignominy of being roundly routed in the last general election—and being fortunate enough to sit in Anwar's Unity Government for nearly four years—should have prompted UMNO to self-reflect and wake up from its stupor. But did it?


Ultimately though, whether Zahid gazes into a crystal ball, or a giant fishball, nothing is predictable in politics. Come GE16, things could even revert back to square one with a “hung” parliament.


When that happens, don't expect DAP to throw UMNO a life jacket. Instead, it may be forced to activate Plan B: boarding the same ship as PAS. And let’s be honest—do you really need to be a prophet to know who'll end up in the choppy seas?

Sunday, June 14, 2026

Coming GE: An open field for all?


Murray Hunter
Jun 14, 2026


Coming GE: An open field for all?


Although the prime minister, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, prefers completing his government’s full term, many pundits believe UMNO is manipulating the political environment to force an early election





THE coming general election is not due until early 2028, but it could be called anytime.

Although the prime minister, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, prefers completing his government’s full term, many pundits believe UMNO is manipulating the political environment to force an early election.

The last general election in November 2022 led to a hung parliament, where no single party or coalition could form a government.

The YDPA at the time played a major role in trying to facilitate the formation of a government that could lead to political stability and focus on running the nation. Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional, led by UMNO, became partners, even after the hot election campaign which saw them as fierce adversaries.

The coming general election is also expected to lead to party fragmentation, due to a divided Malay vote, where no single party or coalition can form a government on their own.

Consequently, the coming election will not lead to the formation of any government with a ‘Rakyat’s mandate’. There will be another formation of some type of ‘unity government’ once again.





Except for PAS, all parties in the coming general election face challenges they didn’t face in the previous election.

This time around, most of the parties will be running either solo or in a very loose coalition as compared to 2022.

UMNO only won 26 seats in 2022, which was considered a dismal performance, the worst in modern history.

The challenge for UMNO is to find some electoral popularity once again.

This is perhaps why UMNO pushed for the Johor and Melaka state elections, to gain strong results which can carry over to the general election.

For UMNO to play a major role in the next federal government, it needs around 45-50 to make it the largest Malay party.

To achieve this, UMNO requires other parties to have floundering performances, where it can take away seats.

Bersatu will be UMNO’s primary target.

Bersatu is in a very weak position due to its split and members defecting to Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin’s Reset movement.

PAS is playing a game of shrouds with Bersatu and Hamzah’s group. Whichever party wins a critical mass of seats will become a serious partner of Perikatan Nasional (PN).





There are rumours that Bersatu is looking for lifelines in other directions.

If UMNO deserts Pakatan Harapan, Bersatu might try to fill the gap, although such overtures have been rejected by Anwar.

All these angles and potential moves can only be speculative at this stage.

Hamzah’s reset movement, yet to have a party platform, could potentially take away many of Bersatu’s seats in the coming general election.

This would create a massive split, which makes for a totally unpredictable scenario.

Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli’s Parti Bersama will potentially challenge PKR and the DAP.

There is a belief that seven or eight PKR MPs will resign and cross over, but this hasn’t happened, probably to Rafizi’s frustration.

The DAP is not safe from Bersama, as voters dissatisfied now have a better option than not coming out to vote.

Disaffected PH voters now have an alternative.

However, how well Bersama will actually perform in a general election is a big question.

We only need to look back to 2022 when former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamed formed Pejuang, where all candidates lost their deposits, including Dr Mahathir himself.

Many influencers are now talking up the chances of UMNO in the coming state elections.

However, how UMNO will actually perform is still a large unknown.

There is a lot of conjecture around at the moment, rather than any real factual information.





There are now lots of new choices for voters who, as a group, haven’t had the time to absorb yet.

While all the talk is going on about new parties to contest GE16, PAS is there as an unknown quantity.

There are possibilities that PAS will now be in a position to pick up many Bersatu seats.

All the current disarray possibly runs in PAS’s favour.

There are 166 parliamentary seats in the peninsula, and many more of these seats will be in play in GE16 than were in the last election.

The coming election will be much more competitive, with up to 60 seats that will be competitive.

There will also be four to five candidates running in each seat, and this doesn’t include potential independents standing. This will add to the complexity of the vote.

The results will most probably be more fragmented than GE15.

The key to GE16 on the peninsula is to become the largest Malay party to make any substantive claim for the prime minister’s post.

To become prime minister, the candidate must show the YDPA that he has solid support.

This means that Sabah and Sarawak will potentially play a major role in deciding who will become the next prime minister in GE16.

Consequently, the field is open as to who can become Malaysia’s next prime minister.

There are as many as five candidates. The actual composition of the coalition that will make up the government is unknown.

Anyone who tells you that they know at present is just guessing. – June 13, 2026


UNEMPLOYMENT NOW ABOVE HALF A MILLION. SO WHAT? WHO CARES?

 

Saturday, June 13, 2026

UNEMPLOYMENT NOW ABOVE HALF A MILLION. SO WHAT? WHO CARES?

 

1. SINAR HARIAN


MY COMMENTS:  Amaran kepada kerajaan?  Segera bertindak? Macam lah kerajaan peduli apa pun? Depa peduli pun bukan depa tahu buat apa pun. Kalau depa tahu buat kerja, takkan pengangguran makin meningkat. 


2. SAYS.com



  • More than half a million Malaysians unemployed as of April 2026
  • unemployment rate climbed for first time in six months
  • according to Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM)
  • unemployment rose to 3.0% from 2.9% in March
  • number of unemployed people to 511,800
  • increase of 3,000 individuals in a single month 
  • highest level recorded since October last year
  • Malaysia's economy is expanding
  • exports are surging
  • businesses continue hiring
  • Of 511,800 unemployed nearly four in five looking for work 
  • ie 407,100 or 79.5% of all unemployed M'sians.
  • people not actively seeking jobs rose at faster pace
  • 104,700 people or one-fifth of country's unemployed 
  • unemployment aged 15 - 24 unchanged at 10.2%
  • more than three times national average
  • 290,800 youths in this group unemployed.
  • broader 15-to-30 age group worsening picture
  • unemployed individuals in this category 394,700.
  • more than 75% unemployed people in Malaysia below 30 
  • total number of employed persons rising to 16.82 million.


MY COMMENTS:  Total number of employed has increased to 16.82 million. Despite this, the unemployed has also risen to 511,800. Out of this 511,800 unemployed, 80% of them or 407,100 are actively looking for work but cannot find any suitable work.

Then it says:

  • Malaysia's economy is expanding
  • exports are surging
  • businesses continue hiring

So something is seriously wrong here. In an expanding economy, where exports are surging the unemployment rate is also rising. 

This begs the question - give a racial breakdown of the unemployed. I can guess that the majority of these young unemployed are Malays. Unemployable skill sets, poor language skills especially English, poor people skills, poor work skills etc. These are also the usual reasons why anyone would be unemployed in the first place. 

But I would add the THREE MILLION people in the gig economy - delivering food and parcels around the country - to the total number of unemployed. The gig economy is not full employment. It is part time employment. It is part of the informal economy. No regular working hours, no regular income, no EPF, no pension, no retirement scheme.

Ok time for soalan cepu emas. So what? Who cares? 
The unemployment numbers are creeping up. And then what? 
What are they going to do? 
Go to Pudu, buy some puttu and saa-pudu.
Thats it. Nothing is going to be done.

Rayuan saya: Orang Melayu please wake up. For the past 56 years (since 1970) they have been cultivating crows. Now the crows are coming home to roost. Things are breaking down. But not equally for everyone. That is why I say - give the racial breakdown. Some people are breaking down more than others. Because of silly and foolish racial policies. At last everything is being pulled down. 

The solution? It is so easy. I can fix the whole country in 12 months. Just ask Syed Akbar Ali. Or read my blog. Or listen to my podcasts. 

APABILA NEGARA DIJUAL: SEKOLAH KOMUNITI ROHINGYA? SO WHAT IS NEXT? KOLEJ KOMUNITI ROHINGYA KAH?

 

Saturday, June 13, 2026

APABILA NEGARA DIJUAL: SEKOLAH KOMUNITI ROHINGYA? SO WHAT IS NEXT? KOLEJ KOMUNITI ROHINGYA KAH?


  • https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/nation/2026/06/12/education-ministry-probing-claims-of-rohingya-school-in-terengganu
  • education ministry investigating Rohingya community school in T'ganu
  • deputy education minister said today.
  • “We will monitor situation in T'ganu and take appropriate action” 
  • media reports about Rohingya community school 
  • sparked concern and unease among residents since Feb

MY COMMENTS: Tuan-Tuan orang Melayu, bagi saya mudah saja nak faham. Negara kita sedang dijual. Dan siapa yang sedang jual negara kita? 

Dulu masa kaum pendatang datang ke sini, termasuk tok-tok saya, zaman itu negara ini dijajah orang putih. We had no control. Orang Melayu tak ada control. Penjajah yang control siapa keluar masuk negara kita. 

Tokong Cina Chen Hoon Teng dibina di Melaka pada tahun 1645 - 381 tahun dulu.
Kuil Hindu Murthi dibina di Melaka pada tahun 1781 - 245 tahun dulu.
Lembah Bujang warisan Hindu pula telah wujud  sejak 1,900 tahun dulu.

Tapi sejak 1957 - 69 tahun dulu - kita sudah Merdeka. 
Orang Melayu yang in charge negara kita.
Penjajah sudah tak ada. 
Habis siapa yang sedang jual negara?

Rohingya sudah masuk buat onar sejak puluh tahun.
Semalam kita baca pasal teroris Khalistan pun "menyusup" masuk Malaysia.
Macam mana dia boleh menyusup?
Menyusup bermaksud masuk secara perlahan-lahan, senyap-senyap, atau tanpa disedari ke dalam sesuatu tempat, kumpulan, atau keadaan.
Tapi Rohingya bukan menyusup. 
Depa lebih mirip tendang pecah pintu dan tingkap masuk ke sini.
Tapi bukan Rohingya saja boleh masuk.
Bangla, Afrika, Afghan, Iran, Syria, Yemen, Myanmar semua masuk.
Semua boleh masuk. 
Masuk panggung wayang kena bayar tiket. 
Masuk Malaysia pun mesti kena bayar.
Tapi bayar tiket kat siapa? 
Tuan-Tuan orang Melayu, siapa yang jual tiket masuk?
Siapa sedang jual negara kita? 

USTAZ ZAID IBRAHIM JOINS PAS

 

Sunday, June 14, 2026

USTAZ ZAID IBRAHIM JOINS PAS



My Comments: All the best bro. I hope Zaid Ibrahim will contest a seat. I hope he will win. 

For those of you who have forgotten (or are too young to recall) here is some personal history about Datuk Zaid Ibrahim:

Datuk Seri Zaid Ibrahim resigned from the Malaysian Cabinet in September 2008 after protesting the government's use of the Internal Security Act (ISA) against three detainees:

  1. Teresa Kok, a DAP Member of Parliament.
  2. Raja Petra Kamarudin.
  3. Tan Hoon Cheng.

Background

After the 2008 general election, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi appointed Zaid as Minister in the Prime Minister's Department responsible for legal affairs and judicial reform. He was widely viewed as a reform-minded figure brought into the Cabinet to improve the judiciary and legal system.

On 12 September 2008, the government invoked the ISA against Teresa Kok, Raja Petra and Tan Hoon Cheng. The ISA allowed detention without trial and had long been controversial. Zaid publicly criticized the decision, arguing that such cases should be handled through the normal court process rather than preventive detention.

Resignation

On 15 September 2008, Zaid tendered his resignation. He stated that the ISA arrests were the "final straw" and that he could not support the government's action. He remained firm even after Abdullah Badawi asked him to reconsider. 

Gambar hiasan sahaja. Looks good bro.