FMT:
Leadership tussle, PAS friction cast shadow over Bersatu assembly
3 hours ago
Minderjeet Kaur
The party must also come to terms with how it can win non-Malay votes given party president Muhyiddin Yassin’s past ‘I am Malay first’ declaration
Bersatu’s top two, Muhyiddin Yassin and Hamzah Zainudin, are expected to project a united front at the party’s upcoming annual general assembly amid suggestions of a widening rift between them.
PETALING JAYA: Bersatu is set to convene its annual general assembly this weekend amid suggestions of rising internal discord and growing unease over its alliance with Perikatan Nasional ally, PAS.
Former prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who has led the party since its founding in 2016, is facing quiet dissent, according to Sivamurugan Pandian of Universiti Sains Malaysia.
Former prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who has led the party since its founding in 2016, is facing quiet dissent, according to Sivamurugan Pandian of Universiti Sains Malaysia.
Sivamurugan Pandian.
While one faction in Bersatu remains loyal to him, Sivamurugan says another is calling for a leadership transition in a bid to reinvigorate the party as the 16th general election (GE16), expected in two years, draws nearer.
“They want a new leader for the coming election. That’s why the poison-pen letters are coming about,” Sivamurugan told FMT.
“Muhyiddin could use this annual general assembly to announce his intentions — either to remain and lead the coalition into GE16 and stop all rumours and speculation, or state clearly when he wants to step down.”
Bersatu is scheduled to hold its assembly on Sept 6 and 7 at the Ideal Convention Centre (IDCC) in Shah Alam.
Azmi Hassan of Akademi Nusantara said the 78-year-old has been able to retain control because those who oppose him have yet to find consensus. So far, internal machinations designed to replace Muhyiddin have failed, he said.
While one faction in Bersatu remains loyal to him, Sivamurugan says another is calling for a leadership transition in a bid to reinvigorate the party as the 16th general election (GE16), expected in two years, draws nearer.
“They want a new leader for the coming election. That’s why the poison-pen letters are coming about,” Sivamurugan told FMT.
“Muhyiddin could use this annual general assembly to announce his intentions — either to remain and lead the coalition into GE16 and stop all rumours and speculation, or state clearly when he wants to step down.”
Bersatu is scheduled to hold its assembly on Sept 6 and 7 at the Ideal Convention Centre (IDCC) in Shah Alam.
Azmi Hassan of Akademi Nusantara said the 78-year-old has been able to retain control because those who oppose him have yet to find consensus. So far, internal machinations designed to replace Muhyiddin have failed, he said.
Azmi Hassan.
“The internal manoeuvring has been done delicately, and has not been successful, with Muhyiddin able to brush these tactics aside,” he said.
“Some factions feel that to instill more confidence within Bersatu, they need to make Muhyiddin an adviser, similar to the position held by Lim Guan Eng in DAP.”
Bersatu’s number two is deputy president Hamzah Zainudin, with party secretary-general and Muhyiddin loyalist, Azmin Ali, the third-in-line.
The faction seeking to dethrone Muhyiddin wants Hamzah to take over, claiming the latter was promised the presidency in a deal that saw Azmin take over as secretary-general.
A poison-pen letter sighted by FMT, however, accuses Hamzah of fabricating his claim to the top post.
It claims the “Gopeng Consensus”, reached in December 2023, was merely an understanding which saw Muhyiddin tasked with determining the appropriate leadership formula for party elections held last year.
The letter also accused Hamzah of attempting to undermine Muhyiddin’s presidency and spreading lies to divide Bersatu.
Sivamurugan said Bersatu should use the AGM to show the party is united.
“Poison letter rumours, sentiments, character assassination are normal in politics, and to have two or three teams within a party — that is also normal.
“The internal manoeuvring has been done delicately, and has not been successful, with Muhyiddin able to brush these tactics aside,” he said.
“Some factions feel that to instill more confidence within Bersatu, they need to make Muhyiddin an adviser, similar to the position held by Lim Guan Eng in DAP.”
Bersatu’s number two is deputy president Hamzah Zainudin, with party secretary-general and Muhyiddin loyalist, Azmin Ali, the third-in-line.
The faction seeking to dethrone Muhyiddin wants Hamzah to take over, claiming the latter was promised the presidency in a deal that saw Azmin take over as secretary-general.
A poison-pen letter sighted by FMT, however, accuses Hamzah of fabricating his claim to the top post.
It claims the “Gopeng Consensus”, reached in December 2023, was merely an understanding which saw Muhyiddin tasked with determining the appropriate leadership formula for party elections held last year.
The letter also accused Hamzah of attempting to undermine Muhyiddin’s presidency and spreading lies to divide Bersatu.
Sivamurugan said Bersatu should use the AGM to show the party is united.
“Poison letter rumours, sentiments, character assassination are normal in politics, and to have two or three teams within a party — that is also normal.
Syaza Shukri.
“It is a challenge any leader has to face. But they have to use this assembly to be united and committed and to be a viable alternative to the ruling government, outlining good policies.”
Syaza Shukri of the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM) said Muhyiddin and Hamzah would likely project a united front at the assembly.
“They will appear united but how they go about it would be interesting,” she told FMT.
PN poster boy dilemma
Another looming dilemma facing the party is the unresolved question of who should lead the opposition coalition as its prime ministerial candidate, and, by extension, serve as its “poster boy” for GE16.
“The current PN poster boy is Muhyiddin, but there may be issues raised because there are a number of people who may want more than one poster boy, perhaps three, including candidates from PAS.”
Following the last general election — where PAS emerged with the largest bloc in the Dewan Rakyat — several of its leaders, including party president Abdul Hadi Awang and vice-president Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, have been floated as potential poster boys for the opposition coalition’s next electoral campaign.
Malay or Malaysian first?
But above all that, at the heart of the crisis facing Bersatu, is how it should move forward, amid a realisation that non-Malay support is crucial for the opposition coalition in its bid to take over the reins of government.
Syaza expects Bersatu’s “larger strategy” to come under some scrutiny.
“How will they reconcile non-Malay parties with Bersatu, a Malay nationalist party? What will be the strategy going forward?
“Will it be ‘Malay first’, or now ‘Malaysia first’?” she said, referencing a remark Muhyiddin made 15 years ago as deputy prime minister in Najib Razak’s administration.
Responding at the time to a question by veteran DAP leader Lim Kit Siang as to whether he fully supported Najib’s 1Malaysia concept, Muhyiddin said: “I am Malay first. But being Malay does not mean you are not Malaysian. It is not a race issue.”
More recently, however, the Bersatu president has sought to downplay those comments, claiming he is “a Malay who cares for all Malaysians”.
But will that be enough to convince non-Malay voters?
Rift with PAS
Then there is Bersatu’s lingering rift with PAS, primarily premised on the claim that the Islamic party ought to lead PN given Bersatu only occupies 25 seats in the lower house.
Azmi, however, thinks it would be unwise for the matter to be raised at the general assembly.
“Unlike Bersatu, PAS is in a good position. (PAS’s) top five posts are not contested. They are stable,” he said.
In November last year, PAS spiritual adviser Hashim Jasin said his party was more deserving of leading PN since it had more MPs and a stronger grassroots network nationwide.
He also took issue with the fact that several elected representatives from Bersatu had changed their allegiances to support the unity government, unlike PAS members who have remained loyal to the opposition.
Bersatu was at the heart of the infamous Sheraton Move in 2020 that resulted in the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government it had been a part of.
In March of that year, Muhyiddin was appointed prime minister and went on to lead a Malay-centric administration. However, he lost support in August 2021, after only 17 months in power, and resigned as prime minister.
Over the years, Bersatu has struggled to expand its base, often relying heavily on PAS to mobilise voters in Malay-majority constituencies.
“It is a challenge any leader has to face. But they have to use this assembly to be united and committed and to be a viable alternative to the ruling government, outlining good policies.”
Syaza Shukri of the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM) said Muhyiddin and Hamzah would likely project a united front at the assembly.
“They will appear united but how they go about it would be interesting,” she told FMT.
PN poster boy dilemma
Another looming dilemma facing the party is the unresolved question of who should lead the opposition coalition as its prime ministerial candidate, and, by extension, serve as its “poster boy” for GE16.
“The current PN poster boy is Muhyiddin, but there may be issues raised because there are a number of people who may want more than one poster boy, perhaps three, including candidates from PAS.”
Following the last general election — where PAS emerged with the largest bloc in the Dewan Rakyat — several of its leaders, including party president Abdul Hadi Awang and vice-president Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, have been floated as potential poster boys for the opposition coalition’s next electoral campaign.
Malay or Malaysian first?
But above all that, at the heart of the crisis facing Bersatu, is how it should move forward, amid a realisation that non-Malay support is crucial for the opposition coalition in its bid to take over the reins of government.
Syaza expects Bersatu’s “larger strategy” to come under some scrutiny.
“How will they reconcile non-Malay parties with Bersatu, a Malay nationalist party? What will be the strategy going forward?
“Will it be ‘Malay first’, or now ‘Malaysia first’?” she said, referencing a remark Muhyiddin made 15 years ago as deputy prime minister in Najib Razak’s administration.
Responding at the time to a question by veteran DAP leader Lim Kit Siang as to whether he fully supported Najib’s 1Malaysia concept, Muhyiddin said: “I am Malay first. But being Malay does not mean you are not Malaysian. It is not a race issue.”
More recently, however, the Bersatu president has sought to downplay those comments, claiming he is “a Malay who cares for all Malaysians”.
But will that be enough to convince non-Malay voters?
Rift with PAS
Then there is Bersatu’s lingering rift with PAS, primarily premised on the claim that the Islamic party ought to lead PN given Bersatu only occupies 25 seats in the lower house.
Azmi, however, thinks it would be unwise for the matter to be raised at the general assembly.
“Unlike Bersatu, PAS is in a good position. (PAS’s) top five posts are not contested. They are stable,” he said.
In November last year, PAS spiritual adviser Hashim Jasin said his party was more deserving of leading PN since it had more MPs and a stronger grassroots network nationwide.
He also took issue with the fact that several elected representatives from Bersatu had changed their allegiances to support the unity government, unlike PAS members who have remained loyal to the opposition.
Bersatu was at the heart of the infamous Sheraton Move in 2020 that resulted in the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government it had been a part of.
In March of that year, Muhyiddin was appointed prime minister and went on to lead a Malay-centric administration. However, he lost support in August 2021, after only 17 months in power, and resigned as prime minister.
Over the years, Bersatu has struggled to expand its base, often relying heavily on PAS to mobilise voters in Malay-majority constituencies.
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