Murray Hunter
PKR’s second purge a reminiscence of the Azmin saga
KL Pundit
May 23, 2025
PKR is once again undergoing a purge reminiscent of its first major internal crisis during the Azmin Ali era. The party’s deputy president, Rafizi Ramli, and his faction are now being systematically sidelined, echoing earlier efforts to remove Azmin, who was once the powerhouse doing much of the heavy lifting within PKR.
In the Azmin Ali saga, the tipping point came when Anwar reneged on his truce pact with Azmin. That decision would haunt PKR until today. At the 2019 PKR National Congress in Melaka, following Anwar’s “Si Kitol” reference, a veiled jab at Azmin, Azmin’s supporters staged a dramatic walkout in protest. The same evening, they gathered at the Renaissance Hotel.
This gathering foreshadowed the infamous Sheraton Move that followed months later, when Mahathir Mohamad resigned as Prime Minister, causing MPs to realign and throw support behind Muhyiddin Yassin to become the next Prime Minister, effectively ending Pakatan Harapan’s rule.
When the Sheraton Move played out Azmin and his faction were in government. PKR was not. Even later, when UMNO’s Ismail Sabri succeeded Muhyiddin as Prime Minister, UMNO didn’t sack them—they remained part of the ruling coalition. Had PKR taken a similar route and retained Azmin, like how UMNO did during Ismail’s administration, PKR might have remained in power or been a central player in the post-crisis alignments.
That first purge ended with Azmin’s sacking, passing over an opportunity for PKR to remain in government. If Anwar Ibrahim had not moved to expel him, PKR might today be in a stronger position, instead of playing second fiddle to a tainted UMNO and making unnecessary concessions.
Fast forward to 2025, and Rafizi Ramli staged a comeback, winning the deputy presidency with Anwar’s endorsement. Yet in 2025, a familiar pattern emerged. Allies of Rafizi, such as Akmal Nasir, lost their divisional leadership posts despite their teams winning the majority of committee seats. The party’s election committee reported no wrongdoing, but the optics were hard to ignore.
A former PKR and now a PN member, replied when asked whether Rafizi is facing the same uphill battle as Azmin Ali once did:
“Different. Last time, Azmin had the support of the grassroots members in PKR. And even with DSAI’s (Anwar Ibrahim) endorsement towards Rafizi back then, we (Azmin’s faction) as a team managed to win the party election handsomely. The challenge last time (was) when the winning team were not acknowledged and were sidelined. That, in the end, caused the exodus.”
Ironically, Rafizi Ramli was the very person who created a faction with the party to challenge Azmin for the deputy presidency back in 2019, attempting to help Anwar remove him. Yet Rafizi now finds himself on the receiving end of a similar purge, with many of his supporters losing divisional positions despite their committee members’ electoral victories. Those losing divisional positions include prominent figures such as Negeri Sembilan Aminuddin Md Hanafiah MB, Minister of Natural Resources and Environmental Sustainability Nik Nazmi, Deputy Minister of Energy Transition and Water Transformation Akmal Nasir, Minister of Science, Technology and Innovation Chang Lih Kang, and Deputy Youth and Sports Minister Adam Adli.
The party’s election committee also found no wrongdoing in the defeat of key leaders at the divisional level, effectively endorsing the purge despite protests from members. The shift from a one-member-one-vote to delegate system voting several months ago is also seen as a move to tighten Anwar’s dominance over grassroots voices by reducing grassroots members’ direct influence over leadership choices and strengthening the control of party elites. Many argue this shift undermines the democratic ideals PKR once championed.
Rafizi is currently challenged by Nurul Izzah Anwar, Anwar’s daughter for the deputy presidency. This contest highlights the ongoing factional battle within PKR and raises questions about nepotism as the party’s leadership becomes increasingly concentrated within the Anwar family. With the father as president, the mother as party advisor, and now the daughter vying for deputy president, dynastic politics are becoming more evident. Despite projecting a united front, Anwar’s leadership has consistently enabled factionalism just to maintain his grip on power.
Rafizi Ramli recently released a detailed list of candidates aligned with his faction, known as “Hiruk” (Hidupkan Idealisme Reformasi dalam Ujian Kuasa), ahead of the party’s central leadership election.
However, the PKR election committee director Zaliha Mustafa issued a stern warning to Rafizi. She said that the public announcement of such a “cai” list violates the party’s election guidelines. The committee described the act as undermining the fairness of the electoral process and has referred the matter to the disciplinary committee for further action.
PKR’s repeated purges reveal a party that compromises democratic principles for self-interests. The consequence of these internal conflicts is the risk of alienating reform-minded supporters and undermining its own relevance ahead of GE16.
May 23, 2025
PKR is once again undergoing a purge reminiscent of its first major internal crisis during the Azmin Ali era. The party’s deputy president, Rafizi Ramli, and his faction are now being systematically sidelined, echoing earlier efforts to remove Azmin, who was once the powerhouse doing much of the heavy lifting within PKR.
In the Azmin Ali saga, the tipping point came when Anwar reneged on his truce pact with Azmin. That decision would haunt PKR until today. At the 2019 PKR National Congress in Melaka, following Anwar’s “Si Kitol” reference, a veiled jab at Azmin, Azmin’s supporters staged a dramatic walkout in protest. The same evening, they gathered at the Renaissance Hotel.
This gathering foreshadowed the infamous Sheraton Move that followed months later, when Mahathir Mohamad resigned as Prime Minister, causing MPs to realign and throw support behind Muhyiddin Yassin to become the next Prime Minister, effectively ending Pakatan Harapan’s rule.
When the Sheraton Move played out Azmin and his faction were in government. PKR was not. Even later, when UMNO’s Ismail Sabri succeeded Muhyiddin as Prime Minister, UMNO didn’t sack them—they remained part of the ruling coalition. Had PKR taken a similar route and retained Azmin, like how UMNO did during Ismail’s administration, PKR might have remained in power or been a central player in the post-crisis alignments.
That first purge ended with Azmin’s sacking, passing over an opportunity for PKR to remain in government. If Anwar Ibrahim had not moved to expel him, PKR might today be in a stronger position, instead of playing second fiddle to a tainted UMNO and making unnecessary concessions.
Fast forward to 2025, and Rafizi Ramli staged a comeback, winning the deputy presidency with Anwar’s endorsement. Yet in 2025, a familiar pattern emerged. Allies of Rafizi, such as Akmal Nasir, lost their divisional leadership posts despite their teams winning the majority of committee seats. The party’s election committee reported no wrongdoing, but the optics were hard to ignore.
A former PKR and now a PN member, replied when asked whether Rafizi is facing the same uphill battle as Azmin Ali once did:
“Different. Last time, Azmin had the support of the grassroots members in PKR. And even with DSAI’s (Anwar Ibrahim) endorsement towards Rafizi back then, we (Azmin’s faction) as a team managed to win the party election handsomely. The challenge last time (was) when the winning team were not acknowledged and were sidelined. That, in the end, caused the exodus.”
Ironically, Rafizi Ramli was the very person who created a faction with the party to challenge Azmin for the deputy presidency back in 2019, attempting to help Anwar remove him. Yet Rafizi now finds himself on the receiving end of a similar purge, with many of his supporters losing divisional positions despite their committee members’ electoral victories. Those losing divisional positions include prominent figures such as Negeri Sembilan Aminuddin Md Hanafiah MB, Minister of Natural Resources and Environmental Sustainability Nik Nazmi, Deputy Minister of Energy Transition and Water Transformation Akmal Nasir, Minister of Science, Technology and Innovation Chang Lih Kang, and Deputy Youth and Sports Minister Adam Adli.
The party’s election committee also found no wrongdoing in the defeat of key leaders at the divisional level, effectively endorsing the purge despite protests from members. The shift from a one-member-one-vote to delegate system voting several months ago is also seen as a move to tighten Anwar’s dominance over grassroots voices by reducing grassroots members’ direct influence over leadership choices and strengthening the control of party elites. Many argue this shift undermines the democratic ideals PKR once championed.
Rafizi is currently challenged by Nurul Izzah Anwar, Anwar’s daughter for the deputy presidency. This contest highlights the ongoing factional battle within PKR and raises questions about nepotism as the party’s leadership becomes increasingly concentrated within the Anwar family. With the father as president, the mother as party advisor, and now the daughter vying for deputy president, dynastic politics are becoming more evident. Despite projecting a united front, Anwar’s leadership has consistently enabled factionalism just to maintain his grip on power.
Rafizi Ramli recently released a detailed list of candidates aligned with his faction, known as “Hiruk” (Hidupkan Idealisme Reformasi dalam Ujian Kuasa), ahead of the party’s central leadership election.
However, the PKR election committee director Zaliha Mustafa issued a stern warning to Rafizi. She said that the public announcement of such a “cai” list violates the party’s election guidelines. The committee described the act as undermining the fairness of the electoral process and has referred the matter to the disciplinary committee for further action.
PKR’s repeated purges reveal a party that compromises democratic principles for self-interests. The consequence of these internal conflicts is the risk of alienating reform-minded supporters and undermining its own relevance ahead of GE16.
*KL Pundit is a longtime senior journalist in Malaysia.
Is the outcome of a vote tantamount to a purge ?
ReplyDeleteI don't think so.