Did PAS play a role in PAP’s supermajority win?

FMT:

Did PAS play a role in PAP’s supermajority win?


3 hours ago
Tajuddin Rasdi

Were Singapore voters so spooked by the rising extremism PAS represents that they voted decisively to keep it out of their nation?

I have never commented on Singapore’s politics, as I have rarely found much to critique regarding its education system, economy, or racial and religious harmony.

In my view, the nation-state has crafted the right formula for both progress and social cohesion, establishing itself as a successful country in the 21st century.

So why, then, am I writing about the landslide victory secured by the PAP under Lawrence Wong’s leadership?

I am doing so because of Wong’s remarks on the need to curb toxic political rhetoric—venomous discourse emanating from none other than our own Malay politicians, particularly from a party notorious for demonising DAP and labelling people as infidels.


The key question here is: did Wong’s comments cause a surge in his party’s vote bank and give him a fresh and an unchallenged mandate to govern?

To me, it was a textbook example of astute political timing coupled with genuine action on a matter of public concern.

A second, equally compelling question: Did PAS once again shoot itself in the foot, just as it did in the humiliating Ayer Kuning by-election defeat?

When I first heard that PAS members were meddling in Singapore’s elections, my initial thought was to ask whether Muslims in Singapore truly felt threatened by the PAP government.

As someone who follows the news diligently, I had never encountered reports of Singaporean Muslims being barred from prayer, denied the right to perform their pilgrimage, or prevented from fasting during Ramadan.

Neither have I come across stories, either online or on social media, of Singaporeans raising white flags out of desperation during the Covid-19 pandemic, a stark contrast to what occurred in Malaysia.

Nor had I heard of Malay children in Singapore struggling with education—except of course in the case of those who choose to send their children to schools in Johor. These children tend to reflect a Melayu-Malaysia outlook. From my observations, they sound eerily similar to their Malaysian counterparts in their rhetoric and the way they prioritise religious and racial logic over academic reasoning.

So, what exactly was PAS trying to accomplish? Was the party attempting to “protect” Muslims in another foreign country? Were there not already enough Muslims in Gaza who “needed” their protection?

Or was PAS seeking to portray itself as a champion of Islam to the Malays in Singapore, signalling solidarity with them across the Tebrau Strait?

So, who’s next? Malays in Brunei? Then perhaps those in Sabah and Sarawak?

It’s odd because, in all of these places, Malays appear to be better off than those in Kelantan—many of whom leave in droves to cari makan in Kuala Lumpur, Johor Bahru, or even Penang, which the party often brands as being led by “kafir” (infidels).

PAS has used the term “kafir” so liberally that perhaps we should incorporate it into our political lexicon. Some muftis with PhDs seem keen to endorse it, so why not?

Perhaps PAP’s supermajority win signals that Singaporean voters are ready to move away from the Lee Kuan Yew dynasty.

But could it also mean that, much like the Malaysians of Ayer Kuning, Singaporeans fear the rising extremism PAS represents?

PAS has demonstrated through its rhetoric and actions that it lacks a formula for harmonious coexistence among Malaysians.

It may also very well have spooked Singaporean voters into handing an unchallenged mandate to a moderate party that is free from religious extremism.

If so, thank you, PAS, for contributing to PAP’s 67% vote share and 87 out of 97 seats.

In Malaysia, however, a troubling reality persists—educated and highly educated Malays still think like kampung Malays.

Recently, two senior academics used harsh words—going so far as to brand a simple human error by Sin Chew Daily in reproducing the Malaysian flag as “treason.”

These academics, however, were quieter when a similar faux pas was committed by none other than our own education ministry—the very institution responsible for instilling national pride and loyalty in our children.

The risk of Malaysia becoming a breeding ground for extremism is real, and Singapore, along with other neighbouring countries, must remain vigilant.

I had once hoped that the leaders of our education and higher education would spearhead change by challenging an increasingly entrenched conservative-extremist mindset. But that hope has long faded.

Many of these academics, it seems, are cut from the same cloth.

As progressive and courageous as I believe Anwar Ibrahim to be in his moderate stance on Islam, Asia, and global affairs, even he cannot reverse the transformation that has occurred among Malays over the past two decades.

Singapore’s prime minister was justified in taking swift action to prevent PAS’s venomous rhetoric from taking root. And if PAS’s behaviour inadvertently helped secure PAP’s landslide victory, that was merely the icing on the cakec.

Well done, Mr. Wong, and congratulations to the people of Singapore.