Ayer Kuning by-election: BN’s tactical victory amidst PAS’ stagnation and PSM’s emerging appeal

Murray Hunter


Ayer Kuning by-election: BN’s tactical victory amidst PAS’ stagnation and PSM’s emerging appeal

P Ramasamy
Apr 27, 2025





The tightly contested by-election in Ayer Kuning has concluded, with the Barisan Nasional (BN) candidate emerging victorious, doubling the majority compared to the 2022 general election.

As anticipated, government resources and the full weight of state machinery played a significant role in assisting the BN’s UMNO candidate to secure the seat.

Meanwhile, the Perikatan Nasional (PN) candidate from PAS garnered over 6,000 votes, a noticeable decline of about 800 votes compared to their 2022 performance.

This drop is telling in a constituency with a Malay majority, where PAS, despite its stronghold status, struggled to expand its appeal.

The third-force candidate from Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) achieved a commendable performance, securing 1,106 votes — effectively doubling their previous showing. Much of this improvement came from disgruntled Indian voters who, dissatisfied with the dwindling patronage politics of the MIC, found a fresh alternative in PSM.

BN’s victory was significantly aided by the inertia of PAS, whose political strategy remained stubbornly exclusionary. Rather than reaching out to Chinese and Indian voters, PAS fixated on narrow communal narratives — including irrelevant issues like pig farming and river pollution — which alienated potential non-Malay support.

It was this inability to broaden its appeal that allowed BN’s UMNO candidate to appear as the relatively better option for the Chinese electorate.

Despite underlying skepticism toward UMNO, the Chinese and Indian communities were not prepared to give PAS — a party perceived as divisive — the benefit of the doubt. There was scant evidence to suggest PAS had any serious intention of embracing a more inclusive, multiethnic vision for Malaysia.

PN and PAS’s apparent indifference to Malaysia’s 40 percent non-Malay population was palpable. Despite forming non-Muslim wings, the parties have yet to convince the broader electorate of their commitment to a pluralistic Malaysia. It is, therefore, not surprising that many Indian voters, albeit with lower turnout rates, leaned toward the PH-BN coalition, viewing it as the “lesser evil.”

In areas like Simpang Tiga near Bidor, the familiar presence of out-of-constituency voters and the traditional offering of mutton curry dinners — a hallmark of MIC’s old patronage network — may have swayed some Indian votes back towards BN. Nevertheless, the influence of such tactics appears to be waning.

While MIC’s patronage model persists, it is clearly in decline. The surge in support for PSM during this by-election suggests that a segment of the Indian electorate is seeking more principled, progressive alternatives. However, PSM’s continued heavy reliance on class-based politics, without sufficiently addressing core issues of nationality, ethnicity, and religion, remains a strategic constraint on its broader appeal.

An interesting feature of the by-election was the relatively low Chinese voter turnout — a trend seen in recent by-elections. For those Chinese voters who did participate, the stark choice between BN and PN pushed them to opt for BN as the safer, if imperfect, alternative. Notably, the DAP, once a fierce opponent of UMNO, devoted its efforts to organizing dinners to bolster Chinese support for the UMNO candidate — a move that signals the pragmatic, if uncomfortable, political realignments taking place.

Ultimately, by-elections often reflect localized sentiments rather than broader national trends. While UMNO might claim a temporary resurgence in Ayer Kuning, questions remain about the sustainability of its support base in the longer term. Whether this “burning bright” phase for UMNO will endure or fade quickly is a story yet to unfold.