Dr M’s “war” on Malaysians: The tragedy that befell Pakatan
He destroyed our parents' hopes and dreams
During his 22 years of dictatorship and ways
In PH govt, still recalcitrantly racist he schemes
Easily fooling greedy guppies with his evil plays
POLITICAL observers locally and abroad had long anticipated the simmering tension within the fragile Pakatan Harapan (Pakatan). It was an odd marriage of convenience, to begin with.
Central to Pakatan’s political aspiration is for a multiracial and dynamic Malaysia to live in harmony under one roof. Whilst this idealism is generally agreed by the more urban population of the Peninsula’s west coast, it is not a concept that is relatable to the voters in the Malay heartland.
Without the rural Malay votes, Pakatan would need Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah) to be strong in the eastern Peninsula states. However, it was overly ambitious, if not near impossible, for Amanah, a PAS splinter party, to defeat its own “big brother”.
Out of this desperation for Malay votes, Pakatan had included the Malay-only Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) into its coalition. On the surface, it was paradoxical for Pakatan to accept a clone of the very party that it is contesting against – but for the criminal records. In fact, the Malay votes were too important to lose that Pakatan had even selected Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Bersatu’s founder and former UMNO president, as its chairman and de facto leader.
Surely enough, the feel-good factor did not last long despite the Pakatan finally establishing its power in Putrajaya. Mahathir’s administration did not seem to be able to balance the equitable distribution of wealth to all Malaysians on the need-based basis with affirmative actions, which have long favoured the Malays.
Yet what lay in store for us was years of political instability, mired by infighting and conflicting agendas, with the only constant factor being the presence of the elder statesman, Mahathir.
Despite being elected on a platform that promised a more equitable society, we were ultimately barraged with the same-old, same-old “the poor don’t work hard enough” narrative that is synonymous with Mahathir.
All is not lost?
What Malaysians actually asked for was a new vision that represents Malaysia Baru – one that includes Malaysians from all walks of life.
Instead, we got a return to Malaysia Lama – one that is characterised by Mahathir’s own brand of outdated and dangerous thinking.
As Pakatan began losing a series of by-elections, Mahathir continued to ignore the political realities on the ground and continued his “tried-and-tested” attempt to rally support. However, in his reutilisation of siege mentality, he inadvertently had a united Malay-Muslim front of UMNO-PAS as a political alternative – which would cost him greatly in the Sheraton Move.
Meanwhile, the non-Malays began questioning Mahathir’s sincerity towards an inclusive development. Topics such as Chinese schools and Dr Zakir Naik continued to be left unaddressed and permeated within the non-Malay polity, leading to the disastrous election loss at Tanjung Piai’s by-election.
Tanjung Piai, a thoroughly Malay and Chinese electoral seat – had rejected Pakatan in its entirety in a short span of a few years. A far cry from the exuberance that came with GE14.
There are many factors that contributed to this sordid end, but one thing was for certain – if only Mahathir had stopped playing his old-games and allowed Pakatan to fulfill its promises.
Instead, Malaysians once again will have to deal with the lost legacy left by the old man, one that hopefully we may still save in GE15.- Dec 28, 2021.
- kaytee moc
POLITICAL observers locally and abroad had long anticipated the simmering tension within the fragile Pakatan Harapan (Pakatan). It was an odd marriage of convenience, to begin with.
Central to Pakatan’s political aspiration is for a multiracial and dynamic Malaysia to live in harmony under one roof. Whilst this idealism is generally agreed by the more urban population of the Peninsula’s west coast, it is not a concept that is relatable to the voters in the Malay heartland.
Without the rural Malay votes, Pakatan would need Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah) to be strong in the eastern Peninsula states. However, it was overly ambitious, if not near impossible, for Amanah, a PAS splinter party, to defeat its own “big brother”.
Out of this desperation for Malay votes, Pakatan had included the Malay-only Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) into its coalition. On the surface, it was paradoxical for Pakatan to accept a clone of the very party that it is contesting against – but for the criminal records. In fact, the Malay votes were too important to lose that Pakatan had even selected Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Bersatu’s founder and former UMNO president, as its chairman and de facto leader.
Surely enough, the feel-good factor did not last long despite the Pakatan finally establishing its power in Putrajaya. Mahathir’s administration did not seem to be able to balance the equitable distribution of wealth to all Malaysians on the need-based basis with affirmative actions, which have long favoured the Malays.
Yet what lay in store for us was years of political instability, mired by infighting and conflicting agendas, with the only constant factor being the presence of the elder statesman, Mahathir.
Despite being elected on a platform that promised a more equitable society, we were ultimately barraged with the same-old, same-old “the poor don’t work hard enough” narrative that is synonymous with Mahathir.
All is not lost?
What Malaysians actually asked for was a new vision that represents Malaysia Baru – one that includes Malaysians from all walks of life.
Instead, we got a return to Malaysia Lama – one that is characterised by Mahathir’s own brand of outdated and dangerous thinking.
As Pakatan began losing a series of by-elections, Mahathir continued to ignore the political realities on the ground and continued his “tried-and-tested” attempt to rally support. However, in his reutilisation of siege mentality, he inadvertently had a united Malay-Muslim front of UMNO-PAS as a political alternative – which would cost him greatly in the Sheraton Move.
Meanwhile, the non-Malays began questioning Mahathir’s sincerity towards an inclusive development. Topics such as Chinese schools and Dr Zakir Naik continued to be left unaddressed and permeated within the non-Malay polity, leading to the disastrous election loss at Tanjung Piai’s by-election.
Tanjung Piai, a thoroughly Malay and Chinese electoral seat – had rejected Pakatan in its entirety in a short span of a few years. A far cry from the exuberance that came with GE14.
There are many factors that contributed to this sordid end, but one thing was for certain – if only Mahathir had stopped playing his old-games and allowed Pakatan to fulfill its promises.
Instead, Malaysians once again will have to deal with the lost legacy left by the old man, one that hopefully we may still save in GE15.- Dec 28, 2021.
There is nothing wrong with old Malaysia where dozens of Chinese billionaires were made.
ReplyDeleteApa lagi cina mahu.???
Many of u read mamak wrongly.
ReplyDeleteHe is not here to unify the m'sians of various races, religions & cults!
His mission is to dismantle the very foundation of ketuanan agenda that he helped to establish!
Thus, give credit where credit is due - mamak has indeed initiated the path of the ketuanan demise. & fortunately &/or unfortunately, depending on what's yr personal belief, he is the ONLY one capable of doing so in this time & day!
Do praise that the path he has sat to demolish umno would be firmly grounded before he meets his maker.
The old buffoon managed to ride roughshod over his Pakatan "allies" simply because people like LKS and son LGE thought that the old fool's s**t smell like roses.
ReplyDeleteUnfortunately, the feel good that the rakyat enjoyed was really short lived and, to my mind, will not happen again unless the "old guard" in PH step down.