Monday, July 20, 2026

Six Negeri Sembilan seats that could tell the story of the election





Six Negeri Sembilan seats that could tell the story of the election



From left: Anthony Loke Siew Fook, Datuk Seri Aminuddin Harun and Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan. — Pictures by Firdaus Latiff and Bernama

First Published: Monday, 20 Jul 2026 7:00 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, July 20 — Six seats could tell the story of the Negeri Sembilan election long before the final results are in.

The state heads to the polls on August 1 following months of constitutional and political turmoil that triggered an early election less than three years after the previous one.


Some of these constituencies are home to the state's biggest political names. Others are long-time party strongholds facing fresh tests, while several could reveal whether support for Barisan Nasional (BN), Pakatan Harapan (PH) or Perikatan Nasional (PN) has shifted since 2023.

These are the six seats to watch.


1. Rantau: Can Tok Mat still deliver a landslide?


If there is one seat synonymous with Umno in Negeri Sembilan, it is Rantau.

Umno deputy president Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan, better known as Tok Mat, has represented the constituency since 2004 and has won at least 60 per cent of the vote in every contested election since then.


He secured 71.7 per cent of the votes in the 2023 state election, defeating PAS’ Rozmal Malakan by more than 10,000 votes.

Even during the closely watched 2019 by-election, triggered after his uncontested 2018 victory was declared void, Tok Mat comfortably retained the seat with 63.2 per cent of the vote.

Rantau is more diverse than many may expect, with Malays making up 54.8 per cent of voters, Indians 27.6 per cent and Chinese 16 per cent.

The constituency also has a relatively young electorate, with more than 14,000 voters aged below 40.

The question this time is not whether the former three-term menteri besar can retain the seat, but by how much.

Any noticeable reduction in his majority could suggest that BN’s momentum from the recent Johor election has not carried over into Negeri Sembilan, despite Tok Mat’s personal popularity.

Conversely, another commanding victory would reinforce BN’s confidence heading into a series of elections expected over the coming months.

2. Chennah: Will Chinese voters stick with DAP?

For DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke, Chennah has become more than just a safe seat even if the incumbent himself declared on Nomination Day that his chance of retaining it this time is still “50-50”.

The constituency has become a useful gauge of whether the party continues to command strong support among Chinese voters while maintaining its appeal across a mixed electorate.

Loke first won Chennah in 2013 and expanded his majority in 2023, polling 61.5 per cent against Bersatu’s Rosmadi Arif.

His narrowest victory came in 2018, when he secured just over half of the votes in a three-cornered contest.

Today’s Chennah reflects the demographic balance seen across many semi-urban constituencies.

Malays account for 46.3 per cent of voters, Chinese 44.3 per cent and Indians just over 2 per cent.

A swing away from DAP here could be interpreted as an early sign of shifting sentiment among Chinese voters towards the party after three years in the federal unity government.

3. Linggi: Can Pakatan’s Aminuddin break Umno's oldest fortress?

Few contests carry as much political symbolism as Linggi.

Caretaker menteri besar Datuk Seri Aminuddin Harun is leaving his Sikamat seat to contest Linggi, where he will face Umno’s Datuk Mohd Faizal Ramli, who previously served alongside him in the Negeri Sembilan executive council under the state unity government pact before vacating his position.

The contest will test whether PH, through Aminuddin, can wrest one of Umno’s most enduring strongholds.



Datuk Seri Aminuddin Harun (centre left) and Datuk Mohd Faizal Ramli (centre right) attend the Port Dickson District Vehicle and Transport Cooperative’s 2026 annual general meeting last month. Picture via Facebook/Dato’ Haji Mohd Faizal Ramli



Linggi has never changed hands since it was first contested in 1959.

It has consistently elected Umno assemblymen, including former menteri besar Datuk Seri Mohd Isa Abdul Samad, who represented the seat for more than two decades before moving to Bagan Pinang.

The constituency also forms part of the Port Dickson parliamentary seat, which Aminuddin has represented since the last general election.

In the 2023 state election, Mohd Faizal defeated Bersatu’s Zamri Md Said with 55.1 per cent of the vote.

This time, the challenge comes from the state’s caretaker menteri besar.

Demographically, Linggi has a Malay majority of 60.4 per cent, while Chinese and Indian voters each account for around 18 per cent.

If Aminuddin succeeds where no opposition candidate has before, it would represent one of the most significant victories of the election.

A loss would raise questions over Aminuddin's appeal beyond his traditional political base and deal a symbolic blow to PH's campaign.

4. Lenggeng: The state's classic marginal seat

Lenggeng has repeatedly demonstrated that political loyalties can change.

BN held the constituency continuously from 1959 before losing it to PH in 2018.

It reclaimed the seat in 2023, but by only 685 votes over PAS.

The constituency’s demographics explain why it is closely watched.

Around three-quarters of voters are Malay, with Indian voters making up 15.2 per cent.

The combination has made Lenggeng highly competitive whenever contests involve multiple coalitions.

If this election develops into another close multi-cornered fight, attention will be on whether PN can benefit from split votes and convert its growing support into victory.

The outcome may also offer clues about how much influence PAS, Bersatu and PN have gained in Malay-majority mixed constituencies.



Early voting for the Negeri Sembilan state election will be held on July 28, four days before the rest of the electorate goes to the polls. — Bernama pic



5. Lukut: A barometer for Port Dickson beyond the beaches

Lukut is often associated with Port Dickson’s beaches and tourism industry, but politically, it tells another story.

The constituency sits within the Port Dickson parliamentary seat, which is home to thousands of military personnel eligible to vote through early voting.

In the 2022 general election, more than 7,000 early voters from military institutions were registered within the Port Dickson parliamentary constituency.

DAP’s Choo Ken Hwa has dominated Lukut over the past two elections, winning almost identical vote shares of around 79 per cent in both 2018 and 2023.

The electorate is divided with Chinese voters at 49.5 per cent, Indians at 26.2 per cent and Malays at 22.7 per cent.

Although DAP enters as the favourite to retain the seat, Lukut remains important to watch because voting patterns here can offer a broader indication of urban sentiment and the military vote within Port Dickson.

6. Nilai: Where young and urban voters could shape the result

No constituency better reflects Negeri Sembilan’s changing population demographics than Nilai.

Bordering Selangor and located close to the Kuala Lumpur International Airport, the rapidly growing township has become home to universities, industrial parks and thousands of commuters who work in the Klang Valley.

It is also the state’s largest constituency by electorate among these six key seats, with more than 41,000 registered voters.

Almost 14,200 are aged below 30, making Nilai one of the biggest concentrations of young voters in Negeri Sembilan.

DAP’s Arul Kumar Jambunathan has held the seat since 2013 and won comfortably in both 2018 and 2023, polling more than two-thirds of the votes each time.



Young voters are expected to be a key electoral bloc, with Nilai alone having almost 14,200 voters aged below 30. — Bernama pic



The constituency’s electorate is relatively balanced, comprising 42.5 per cent Malays, 32.6 per cent Chinese and 21.9 per cent Indians.

If younger voters turn out in large numbers, Nilai could provide an early indication of how first-time and younger voters are shaping the political landscape in Negeri Sembilan.


What to watch on polling day


The Election Commission has fixed July 28 for early voting and August 1 for polling.

While the final result will depend on all 36 constituencies, these six seats could provide some of the clearest signals about the direction of Negeri Sembilan politics.

Together, they will test whether Umno can defend its traditional strongholds, whether PH’s senior leaders retain their appeal, how much ground Perikatan Nasional has gained since 2023, and whether younger and urban voters continue to shape the state’s political future.

¡Enhorabuena, EspaΓ±a!





¡Enhorabuena, EspaΓ±a!
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US attacks Iran nuclear site; Kuwait desalination plant hit

 



Iran war live: US attacks Iran nuclear site; Kuwait desalination plant hit



Israel warns will respond to any Iranian attack with ‘full force’





Israel warns will respond to any Iranian attack with ‘full force’


The comments come after Israeli and Jordanian forces intercepted an Iranian missile launched towards a Jordanian city near the border with Israel


Defence minister Israel Katz said Israel is prepared both defensively and offensively for attacks from Iran. (EPA Images pic)


JERUSALEM: Israel’s defence minister said Sunday that his country would respond powerfully to any attack by Iran, after Israeli and Jordanian forces intercepted an Iranian missile launched towards the Jordanian city of Aqaba.

“If Iran fires missiles at Israel, we will attack them with full force,” Israel Katz said during a visit to a rescue service facility.

“If the United States changes its policy, which is also something that could happen, we are prepared for both defensive and offensive” action against Tehran, he added.


Aqaba lies just across the border from the Israeli city of Eilat.

Later, Israeli military chief Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir also vowed to retaliate with “determination” if Iran attacked Israel.


“We monitored today’s launch toward the Aqaba area, and our Aerial Defence Array remains on alert to protect Israeli civilians,” Zamir told military commanders in the occupied West Bank, according to a statement issued by the military.

“We are prepared to immediately resume combat and will act with great determination against anyone who harms us.”


***


Israel warns will respond to any Iranian attack with ‘full force’

With US supplied aircraft, bombs, missiles, etcπŸ˜†

Sunday, July 19, 2026

I’ll quit Cabinet if ordered by PM, says Tok Mat





I’ll quit Cabinet if ordered by PM, says Tok Mat


The foreign minister also says he has no intention of attacking other leaders in the unity government during the Negeri Sembilan election campaign


BN deputy chairman Mohamad Hasan said he was not offended by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s warning, as it is considered common practice during election season.


PETALING JAYA: Foreign minister Mohamad Hasan says he is prepared to resign from the Cabinet if ordered to do so by the prime minister.

The Barisan Nasional deputy chairman, who is contesting the Rantau seat in the Negeri Sembilan state election, also said he had no intention of attacking other leaders in the unity government during the campaign.

“We want to ensure that our message reaches all voters. We will not make personal attacks. However, if the prime minister orders me to resign, I am willing to do so.


“It is up to the prime minister because he is responsible for appointing Cabinet ministers and their deputies,” he was quoted by Utusan Malaysia as saying in Mambau, Seremban, today.

Earlier today, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim warned ministers, deputy ministers and officeholders in government agencies against attacking one another while campaigning in state elections.


Anwar, who is also the Pakatan Harapan chairman, said those who turn state elections into a platform to attack others should step down from their positions.

PH Youth also called on all BN ministers and deputy ministers to resign from the Cabinet following the coalition’s cooperation with Perikatan Nasional in the Johor and Negeri Sembilan elections.

Mohamad said he was not offended by Anwar’s warning, describing it as common practice during election season.

“Campaigning during election season does not mean we have to be personal enemies. I ask for the public’s understanding and support for BN,” he said.


US and Iran exchange strikes after two US soldiers killed in Jordan





US and Iran exchange strikes after two US soldiers killed in Jordan


3 hours ago
Claire Keenan


EPA/Shutterstock
Officials inspect a bridge damaged by a US strike in southern Iran on Saturday


The US launched another round of air strikes against Iran on Saturday night, targeting its coastal surveillance and air defence facilities, US military officials said.

US Central Command (Centcom) said forces successfully hit Iranian military capabilities, while Iranian state media said Qeshm Island in the Strait of Hormuz had been struck.

Centcom said it also targeted Iran's Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) responsible for the attack that killed two US troops in Jordan on Friday, where another service member remains missing.

In response to the latest strikes, Iran's army said it carried out drone attacks on two US bases in Kuwait, according to state media.

The US and Iran have ramped up attacks against each other in recent days, with both sides accused of striking critical infrastructure.

On Saturday, Iran said it carried out "large-scale attacks with kamikaze drones" against an American military "depot at Camp Udairi" and another at "Ali Al Salem Air Base in Kuwait", according to the IRGC-affiliated Tasnim news agency.

The US strikes, on the eighth successive night of attacks, were "designed to further degrade Iran's ability to threaten commercial shipping in the Strait of Hormuz", Centcom said.

The strikes were to "swiftly punish Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps forces who launched attacks against American service members in Jordan last night," the statement continued.

It followed a week of renewed hostilities in which Washington reimposed its blockade of Iranian ports and Tehran declared the Strait of Hormuz closed, as their preliminary ceasefire collapsed less than a month after it began.

In a statement earlier on Saturday, Centcom said: "Two US service members in Jordan were killed in action as US Central Command (Centcom) and partner forces defended against Iranian ballistic missile and drone attacks. Additionally, one service member is currently missing."

US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth responded to the deaths with a post on X that said: "Godspeed, heroes. Their sacrifice only stiffens our resolve."

The US death toll in the conflict has now risen to 16 after an American Navy pilot who went missing earlier this month was declared dead, marking the second increase in the toll this week.

In Iran, at least 50 people have been killed and more than 500 injured in US strikes over the past three weeks, the country's health ministry said.

Reuters
Smoke billows near an oil facility in Mangaf, Kuwait, on Saturday after Iranian strikes


The US and Iran have both been accused of targeting civilian infrastructure. The US has denied this, saying it "carried out strikes exclusively on military targets, including military logistics infrastructure" after Iran said bridges and a station were hit.

On Saturday the Gulf Cooperation Council accused Tehran of targeting civilian infrastructure after Kuwait said a power plant and a water distillation plant had been hit.

Under international law, attacking civilians or civilian areas is illegal. However, in certain circumstances, civilian objects - like a bridge or a power plant - lose their protection if they are used to support the enemy's war effort.

Washington and Tehran struck a preliminary deal to end the war in June, but the agreement unravelled within weeks - with President Donald Trump declaring the agreement "over" on 8 July.

Late on Saturday, Iran's Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei said in a written statement that America's "repeated breaches" of the agreement had "laid bare a fundamental truth: the signature of the US president is utterly worthless and devoid of credibility".

MCA ‘biggest loser’ in BN-PN Negeri Sembilan pact, says Loke





MCA ‘biggest loser’ in BN-PN Negeri Sembilan pact, says Loke


The DAP secretary-general says MCA gave up three traditional seats under the arrangement to avoid multi-cornered fights, but the strategy was disrupted by Bersatu


DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook speaks to reporters after a walkabout with DAP candidates at Pasar Besar Seremban.



SEREMBAN: DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook has described MCA as the “biggest loser” in the electoral pact between Barisan Nasional and Perikatan Nasional for the Negeri Sembilan state election, after the BN component party decided not to contest three seats traditionally associated with it.

Loke said MCA had effectively surrendered Lobak, Mambau and Lukut to PN in exchange for straight fights in other seats, and that strategy almost succeeded if it weren’t for Bersatu candidates.

He said the three constituencies remained significant to both MCA and DAP, pointing out that Lobak had the highest percentage of Chinese voters among the state’s seats, while Lukut and Mambau had previously been held by senior MCA figures.


“I want to thank Wee Ka Siong for being so generous. For me, I admit that if we were in the same position, our party might not be as generous,” he said in jest to reporters after a walkabout with DAP candidates at Pasar Besar Seremban.

“Even if we lost our traditional seats, we would still contest them. So this arrangement appears to be very generous. It is up to MCA members to judge.”


Under the arrangement, BN is contesting 25 seats while PN is contesting 11 seats, with no overlap.

Lobak, Mambau and Lukut, which are currently DAP strongholds, are among the seats ceded to PN to contest.

MCA is contesting seven seats, mostly in straight fights, except in Nilai, Temiang and Rahang, where Bersatu candidates are also contesting.

Wee had said the party’s decision not to contest Lobak, Mambau and Lukut was based on electoral calculations, noting MCA had failed to win the seats in the past three elections.


He said MCA had instead chosen to focus its resources on seats where it had a stronger chance of victory, while acknowledging that the move could be perceived as helping DAP.

Loke admitted that the BN-PN pact would be the biggest challenge for Pakatan Harapan, as it was designed to defeat PH by avoiding vote-splitting among Malay voters and allowing vote transfers between BN and PN.

“Nevertheless, we will continue to put up a strong fight in every seat, and PH still has a chance of winning a majority of seats in Negeri Sembilan. We will continue campaigning as one team.

Seven years’ jail, seven strokes for ENT doctor who sexually assaulted pre-teen patient






Seven years’ jail, seven strokes for ENT doctor who sexually assaulted pre-teen patient



A 42-year-old ENT specialist in Kuala Terenganu has been sentenced to seven years in prison and seven strokes of the rotan after being found guilty of multiple sexual assaults against a male patient who was 11 when the attacks began. — The Borneo Post file pic

First Published: Sunday, 19 Jul 2026 6:22 PM MYT


KUALA TERENGGANU, July 19 — An ear, nose and throat (ENT) specialist at a private hospital was sentenced to seven years’ jail and seven strokes of the cane today after being found guilty of sexually assaulting a young male patient.

Sessions Court judge Mohd Zul Zakiquddin Zulkifli convicted Mohd Safwan Mohd Soffian, 42, after ruling that the defence had failed to raise a reasonable doubt in the prosecution’s case.


The court found Mohd Safwan guilty on seven charges of sexually assaulting the boy, who was aged 11 and 12 at the time of the offences.

The offences were committed in the doctor’s consultation room at a private hospital here between September and November 2022, and again in April 2023.


For the first six charges, Mohd Safwan was convicted under Section 14(a) of the Sexual Offences Against Children Act 2017, while the seventh charge was under Section 14(d) of the same Act.


Both provisions carry a maximum penalty of 20 years’ imprisonment and whipping upon conviction.

The court sentenced him to five years’ jail, one stroke of the cane and two years’ police supervision for each of the first six charges.


For the seventh charge, he was sentenced to seven years’ jail, one stroke of the cane and two years’ police supervision.

Mohd Zul Zakiquddin ordered all prison sentences to run concurrently, with effect from today.

The prosecution was led by deputy public prosecutors Ahmad Hafizuddin Manjur Ahmad and Nur Azhani Azman.

Mohd Safwan was represented by lawyers Ahmad Kamal Abu Bakar, Arik Zakri Abdul Kadir and Ahmad Fairuz Jusoh. — Bernama


***


Worse than a beast


Umno’s dangerous dance with PAS





Umno’s dangerous dance with PAS


10 hours ago
A. Kathirasen


By quietly opening the side door for PAS in Negeri Sembilan, Umno is committing the oldest form of political miscalculation: it is validating the very force designed to replace it





The on-off Umno-PAS dalliance continues. Neither is ready to share a permanent bed; neither is ready to throw out the bed.

Now, in keeping with the times, they appear to be exploring the idea of being friends with benefits.


What began as a tactical truce in Johor is now being tested in Negeri Sembilan. PAS and Umno have reached what both sides call an “understanding” ahead of the Aug 1 state election—a continuation of the cooperation that helped Barisan Nasional sweep Johor on July 11.

In Johor, PAS instructed its members to back Umno and BN candidates in constituencies where Perikatan Nasional (PN) did not contest. Umno swiftly embraced the kind gesture, oozing with gratitude.


PAS president Hadi Awang explained that the cooperation between PAS and BN in Johor was forged to prevent fragmentation of Muslim political power and to ensure Malay-Muslim stewardship of the state.

The formula is now being extended to Negeri Sembilan. This was made crystal clear when nominations closed on July 18: BN is contesting 25 seats while the PAS-led PN is contesting 11 – none of which overlap.

BN chairman Ahmad Zahid Hamidi said on July 18 that the “tactical move” was to enable BN to regain control of Negri Sembilan.

He was, again, careful to stress that there was no binding pact, only an “understanding” between both coalitions.


BN was part of the previous state government led by PH, as it had 17 assemblymen to BN’s 14.

Under PN, PAS is contesting five seats, Wawasan four, and Gerakan and the Malaysian Indian People’s Party one each.

For PAS, this is probably the best strategy as it cannot win more than a handful of the 36 seats in Negeri Sembilan. It previously held three.

By stepping aside in certain constituencies and telling its base to support Umno, the party transfers part of its ideological brand to BN candidates. If Umno wins, PAS can claim credit for having “helped” or even “saved” its long‑time rival.


It is a clever arrangement. Umno gains a consolidated Malay vote and avoids a damaging three-cornered fight while PAS and PN secure more influence, support, and also, possibly, a share of power in a state PAS has long coveted.

But the arrangement has its dangers for Umno.

For more than half a century, Umno’s primary pitch to the Malay electorate was remarkably consistent. They were the rational, modern managers of the state—the ones who built the infrastructure and distributed the patronage—while PAS was painted as a collection of theological idealists completely unsuited for governance.

Umno also maintained a highly lucrative monopoly on the affections of the Malay electorate by positioning itself as the only rational defence against the theological eccentricities of PAS. Umno styled itself as the moderate party while PAS was framed as an extremist party which, in 1981, through what has come to be known as Amanat Hadi, labelled Umno supporters as “infidels”.

But now, in Negeri Sembilan, Umno appears to be inviting back the very force it spent half a century containing.

The Umno leadership may see this as a tactical truce. It isn’t. It’s really an existential concession that could haunt the party for years.

For, by quietly opening the side door for PAS in Negeri Sembilan, Umno is committing the oldest form of political miscalculation: it is validating the very force designed to replace it.

I’m surprised that Umno’s leadership does not realise that in today’s world, the forces of religious populism do not seek to share power; they seek to replace the “decadent” old order entirely.

Also, by trying to maintain a double identity—sitting in a reformist Cabinet in Putrajaya while collaborating with the fundamentalists in Seremban—Umno will be leaving a distaste in the mouth.

It remains to be seen if Umno can convince voters that its arch-rival, previously decried as an existential threat, is now an acceptable partner. It remains to be seen if Umno can convince voters that there’s nothing wrong in being with PH at federal level but also having an electoral “understanding” with PAS at state level.

However, it may not go down well with non-Malay voters.

While Malay voters form a majority in rural constituencies, Chinese and Indian voters make up significant numbers in urban seats such as Seremban, Rasah, and Nilai. This means the alignment with PAS may consolidate Malay votes in rural areas but risks alienating non‑Malay voters in urban constituencies.

To non-Malays, the PAS-Umno arrangement will carry the message that in Negeri Sembilan, the “Malay-Muslim” agenda is once again dominant.

It could, therefore, enable PH to make significant inroads in the mixed constituencies — enough to blunt any Malay majority constituency gains.

But whether that materialises or not will depend on the turnout and the tone of the campaign, not on the understanding itself.

A state-level compromise like this may provide a brief, comfortable illusion of Umno dominance. What happens when the temporary truce expires? What happens in the next General Election?

At the federal level, the prize is no longer state governments — it is Putrajaya. With roughly 80–85 Malay-majority parliamentary seats in play, the competition becomes a zero-sum game. A seat-sharing deal in Negeri Sembilan does not solve that arithmetic; it merely postpones the reckoning.

When that day comes, the polite smiles will vanish and the daggers will be unsheathed. We will likely witness an absolute, zero-sum dogfight for total power.

Umno may enter the arena fatally compromised by its own cleverness. Having lost its moderate allies in PH and handed legitimacy to its rival, it will be forced to fight on a cultural and religious playing field largely designed by PAS.

Whether this Umno-PAS/PN understanding proves a masterstroke of political management or a costly over-reach will be decided by the voters in Negeri Sembilan and the General Election.

But those like me who have observed politics for decades will tell you that a fatal flaw in political leaders is that they believe they can ride the tiger and dismount at a time of their own choosing.

They never realise, until the final, awkward moment, that the tiger is always hungry, and it does not care for “understandings”.

India’s Ram temple donation scandal puts billions in religious funds under the spotlight





India’s Ram temple donation scandal puts billions in religious funds under the spotlight



Devotees gather near the idol of Hindu deity Ram at the newly consecrated temple in Ayodhya on January 22, 2024. A probe into donations allegedly siphoned off at India’s grand Ram temple in 2026 has renewed scrutiny of how religious sites manage billions of cash and gold entrusted to them by devotees. — AFP pic

First Published: Sunday, 19 Jul 2026 12:00 PM MYT


NEW DELHI, July 19 — A probe into donations allegedly siphoned off at India’s grand Ram temple has renewed scrutiny of how religious sites manage vast amounts of cash and gold entrusted to them by devotees.

Police launched an investigation in June and arrested eight people responsible for handling donations at the revered Hindu shrine in the northern city of Ayodhya.


Authorities have not disclosed the amount allegedly stolen, but media reports say it could amount to 30 million rupees (RM1.3 million).

Ashok Prasad Kushwaha, an auto-rickshaw driver in Delhi who has visited the Ram temple three times in two years, said donations are acts of faith made even by people with modest incomes.


“When we donate, we believe the money is going for God’s work,” he said.


“Now if that hard-earned money gets stolen from a place like a temple, it feels like personal loss.”

The case is the latest in a series of scandals involving donations at major pilgrimage sites, including the Badrinath shrine and Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams, one of the world’s richest temple trusts with assets estimated at US$31 billion.


With some religious institutions managing vast sums of money and operating on a scale comparable to major corporations, ensuring transparency is a persistent challenge.

“The core systemic problem is the lack of transparency and accountability,” said Rahul Easwar, a Hindu activist and grandson of a former chief priest of Kerala state’s Sabarimala temple.

Fraught history

Large religious institutions need stronger financial controls, including mandatory receipts, digital accounting systems, CCTV monitoring of donation handling and independent oversight, Easwar told AFP.

The loopholes have been glaring at the Ram temple, with the accused reportedly taking advantage of weak counting processes and surveillance lapses.

Inaugurated in 2024 by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Ram temple has become one of India’s most prominent religious sites, drawing an average 90,000 visitors every day.

Devotees often bear offerings ranging from cash and gold to silver ornaments, generating a steady stream of donations.

The allegations of wrongdoing are particularly sensitive given the temple’s significance, standing on a site that was at the centre of one of India’s longest-running religious disputes.

Devout Hindus believe that the god Ram was born there more than 7,000 years ago, but that the Babri mosque was built over his birthplace by a 16th-century Muslim emperor.

The dispute erupted into nationwide unrest in 1992 when Hindu mobs demolished the mosque, triggering violence that killed more than 2,000 people.

In 2019, the Supreme Court awarded the disputed site for construction of the temple, paving the way for a huge fundraising drive across the country to finance the project.

According to the trust which manages the temple, the campaign raised some US$341 million.

Growing market

India’s religious and spiritual market was valued at US$70.14 billion in 2025 and is projected to reach US$135.41 billion by 2034, according to consultancy firm IMARC.

Legal experts say oversight varies widely across India because religious institutions operate under multiple laws and tax systems.

“There is no uniform national framework prescribing consistent standards of financial transparency across all religious institutions,” said Sonam Chandwani, managing partner at KS Legal & Associates.

Easwar pointed to the challenges posed by mass events such as the Kumbh Mela pilgrimage, where millions of devotees gather and large volumes of offerings are collected.

Political analyst Anurag Naidu said temples regularly handling huge amounts of cash need systems comparable to those in large public institutions.

“Religious institutions have grown far beyond traditional places of worship,” he said. “They need institutional systems with financial controls and independent oversight.” — AFP

NY mayor Mamdani floats Netanyahu arrest during UN summit — Israel fires back






NY mayor Mamdani floats Netanyahu arrest during UN summit — Israel fires back



New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani said his administration is examining whether it has the legal authority to act on the International Criminal Court’s warrant should Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visit the UN in September. — AFP pic

First Published: Sunday, 19 Jul 2026 9:50 AM MYT


NEW YORK, July 19 — New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani is in talks over whether to try to arrest Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu during an upcoming UN summit, he said in an interview published yesterday — prompting a sharp rebuke from Netanyahu’s camp.

“I believe that Prime Minister Netanyahu belongs in The Hague,” Mamdani told The New York Times. “He’s a war criminal who has been charged by the International Criminal Court.”


The leftist Mamdani, who has called Israel an “apartheid regime,” added: “That is an opinion that is held by many, purely because of what his actions have wrought over these last many years.”

Mamdani admitted he was not sure if he has the power to order the New York Police Department to detain a foreign leader but is discussing the matter with the city’s legal team.


“Whatever the law allows me to do in New York City, that’s what we will do,” he said.


The UN General Assembly, a major gathering of world leaders, takes place in September at UN headquarters in New York.

Mamdani in the past has vowed to send the NYPD to enforce arrest warrants against leaders wanted by the International Criminal Court, including Netanyahu or Russian President Vladimir Putin.


The Hague-based ICC said in 2024 that it had reasonable grounds to believe Netanyahu was responsible for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity related to Israel’s offensive in Gaza following the unprecedented October 7, 2023 attack by Hamas.

Danny Danon, Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, quickly called out Mamdani.

“Instead of focusing on his responsibilities as mayor and confronting the rising wave of antisemitism in his city, he has chosen to incite hostility and generate headlines by attacking the State of Israel,” Danon wrote on X.

“It will not change a thing. Israeli Prime Minister @netanyahu will come to New York, address the United Nations General Assembly with pride, and stand before the world to state Israel’s truth and its unwavering right to defend its citizens,” he said.

“And if anyone should be arrested, it is @NYCMayor Zohran Mamdani.”

Netanyahu has accused Mamdani of supporting Hamas, saying on a recent New York radio show: “I think, secretly, he hates America.” — AFP


PH Youth wants BN ministers, deputy ministers to quit over PN ties





PH Youth wants BN ministers, deputy ministers to quit over PN ties


Four leaders accuse BN of being 'two-faced' and say its stance raises serious questions about its commitment to the unity government


BN currently has 14 ministers and deputy ministers in the unity government, most of whom are from Umno, with one from Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah. (Facebook pic)



PETALING JAYA: Pakatan Harapan Youth has called on all Barisan Nasional ministers and deputy ministers to resign from the Cabinet following the coalition’s cooperation with Perikatan Nasional in the Johor and Negeri Sembilan state elections.

In a joint statement, they took issue with BN chairman Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s remarks describing the BN-PN understanding in Negeri Sembilan as a test case that could be extended to the 16th general election.

“Zahid’s admission shows the BN-PN cooperation is no longer temporary or tactical, but preparation for a new political alignment, raising serious questions about BN’s commitment to the unity government.


“The statement shows BN no longer values its cooperation with PH despite holding the deputy prime minister’s post, several ministries, and other senior unity government positions,” they said, adding that executive councillor seats in Penang and Selangor were allocated to BN after the 2023 state elections.

The joint statement was issued by PH Youth information chief and Amanah Youth deputy chief Ammar Atan, DAP Youth national publicity secretary Ho Chi Yang, PKR information chief Danish Hairudin and Amanah Warda communications bureau director Syazana Nasir.


They also accused BN of a “two-faced” approach and said that if its ministers stepped down, it would remove ambiguity over the coalition’s direction, allow it to focus fully on its cooperation with PN, and reduce the risk of internal moves that could destabilise the unity government.

“The public wants a government focused on development and unity, not a party playing racial and religious politics for narrow interests,” they said.

BN currently has 14 ministers and deputy ministers in the unity government, most of whom are from Umno, with one from Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah (PBRS).

In the Negeri Sembilan election, PH is contesting all 36 seats on its own, while BN and PN have reached an electoral understanding under which BN is contesting 25 seats and PN 11.


In the recently concluded Johor election, PAS had urged its members and supporters to back BN candidates in seats where PN did not contest.

DAP and MCA are trapped: What are they still for? — Khoo Ying Hooi





DAP and MCA are trapped: What are they still for? — Khoo Ying Hooi


First Published: Sunday, 19 Jul 2026 9:23 AM MYT


JULY 19 — The crisis confronting DAP and MCA is larger than the electoral fortunes of either party.

It concerns the meaning, leverage and future of political representation in Malaysia, and, more fundamentally, how both parties imagine the country they claim to serve.


For decades, DAP and MCA appeared to offer contrasting routes to political influence. MCA promised access through accommodation within the governing establishment. DAP promised change through opposition, institutional reform and a more equal conception of Malaysian citizenship.

Today, both claims are under severe strain. The deeper question is whether either party can still demonstrate that its presence meaningfully changes the direction or terms of power.


DAP and MCA increasingly offer two different routes to the same destination; participation in power without the capacity to determine the terms of participation.


DAP’s problem is that it entered government without successfully redefining what it is in government for. MCA’s problem is even more fundamental; it remains attached to a coalition whose political centre no longer depends on MCA in the way it once did.

Behind these institutional problems are two deeply embedded political mindsets.


DAP: From transforming Malaysia to managing its limits

For decades, DAP’s identity was built around resistance; opposing corruption, challenging authoritarian laws, defending institutional accountability and articulating an idea of Malaysia beyond the communal bargain represented by Barisan Nasional (BN).

Being in the government has demanded compromise from the DAP, and the party has not adequately explained the limits, purposes or achievements of those compromises.

The result is a widening gap between responsibility and influence. DAP is considered powerful enough to be blamed for government decisions, yet too restrained or too weak to alter the government’s wider direction.

At the time of writing, Anthony Loke had ruled out leaving Pakatan Harapan, arguing that slower reform was part of the price of governing and that returning to opposition would not necessarily produce better outcomes. While this is politically understandable, it reveals the party’s changing conception of power.

DAP once argued that Malaysian politics had to be restructured. It now appears increasingly convinced that the existing arrangement is too dangerous to challenge decisively.

Government stability, coalition consensus and the need to prevent a more conservative alternative have become not merely tactical considerations, but the organising logic of the party’s conduct. Every difficult decision is interpreted through the risk of destabilisation.

Every disagreement must be calibrated against the possibility of empowering PAS or PN. Every retreat can be defended as the lesser evil.

This is the central shift in DAP’s political mindset. The party no longer presents itself primarily as an agent capable of changing Malaysia. It increasingly presents itself as the responsible custodian preventing Malaysia from becoming worse.

When controversial decisions arise, DAP leaders invoke the need to work quietly from within. These considerations are real in a fragmented parliamentary system. But repeated too often, pragmatism begins to resemble an ideology of permanent retreat. It helps reproduce the trap whenever it treats the survival of the government as more important than defining the purpose of the government.



Barisan Nasional’s MCA candidate Chong Fui Ming (left) faces Pakatan Harapan’s DAP incumbent Teo Kok Seong in a straight fight for the Bahau state seat in Jempol, Negeri Sembilan. — Bernama pic



MCA: A communal bargain without bargaining power

MCA faces the opposite problem. It continues to present itself as a defender of Chinese interests, but it has lost much of the electoral constituency that would give that representation political weight.

Historically, MCA justified compromise with Umno by arguing that access to government allowed it to moderate policies, protect Chinese education and negotiate over community concerns.

That political model rested on a particular understanding of Malaysia. The country was viewed as an arrangement among distinct ethnic communities, each represented by its own elite intermediaries.

Politics took the form of negotiation among communal leaders, while ordinary citizens were expected to place their trust in those leaders’ access to power.

In this context, national unity did not require the transcendence of communal categories. It merely required careful management.

Citizenship was filtered through communal representation, and equality was pursued less through universal institutions than through negotiated allocations and protections.

That model was always hierarchical. Umno occupied the dominant position, while MCA and MIC sought concessions from within the coalition. That logic however no longer operates in the same way.

Umno does not need MCA to deliver the Chinese vote because MCA has repeatedly demonstrated that it cannot. Nor does Umno need MCA to legitimise BN as a multiethnic coalition to the same extent as in previous decades.

MCA remains organisationally established and locally relevant in certain constituencies, but its capacity to impose conditions on the coalition is severely limited.

A communal party that cannot reliably deliver the community it claims to represent becomes less a bargaining partner than a symbolic exhibit of coalition pluralism.

In December 2025, MCA resolved that it would leave BN if any BN party co-operated with DAP in the next general election, citing fundamental ideological differences. In Johor, MCA strongly supported BN’s decision to contest all 56 seats against PH.

Yet ahead of the Negeri Sembilan election, disagreement emerged within MCA over BN’s apparent cooperation with Perikatan Nasional (PN). MCA Youth secretary-general Saw Yee Fung was reportedly instructed to stay out of the campaign after publicly questioning the arrangement.

This raises a basic question. What exactly are MCA’s non-negotiable principles? MCA’s tragedy is therefore not simply that it has lost Chinese support.

It is that it cannot convincingly explain what political bargain voters receive in return for restoring that support.


Two competing and inadequate views of Malaysia

The deeper difference between DAP and MCA lies in how they conceive Malaysia.

DAP’s “Malaysian Malaysia” once represented a direct challenge to unequal citizenship and communal political ordering.

It imagined a nation in which political membership would not be mediated primarily by race. But DAP has struggled to translate this principle into a contemporary governing programme that connects constitutional equality with wages, housing, public education, healthcare, social protection and economic insecurity.

DAP’s demographic problem is therefore not merely a shortage of Malay candidates. It is the absence of a sustained political language showing Malay voters that accountable institutions, equal protection and constraints on arbitrary power are not minority interests. They are forms of security for everyone.

Anthony Loke’s recent acknowledgement that DAP cannot depend solely on Chinese support is important. But broadening the party’s appeal requires more than fielding candidates from different communities or softening rhetoric.

It requires DAP to articulate a Malaysia in which democratic reform is connected to the everyday vulnerabilities of the majority.

MCA’s understanding of Malaysia is almost the reverse. Its original purpose was rooted in communal representation through elite interethnic bargaining.

But that model assumed a stable political order in which each party could credibly claim to represent a distinct ethnic constituency.

That order has collapsed. The Chinese electorate no longer accepts MCA’s monopoly over representation. Malay politics is itself fragmented among Umno, Bersatu, PAS, PKR, Amanah and regional actors.

The federal government is formed through shifting coalition arrangements rather than a permanent Alliance-style bargain.

MCA is therefore defending a political architecture whose foundations have already eroded.

One risks turning “Malaysian Malaysia” into a moral brand without sufficient political content. The other risks turning “Chinese representation” into an organisational claim without sufficient bargaining power.

Neither proposition adequately answers the question of what Malaysia should become.


Beyond the competition for Chinese support

This is why merely asking which party better represents the Chinese is increasingly inadequate. The question assumes that Malaysian Chinese constitute a single political bloc whose primary concern is communal protection.

They do not.

Malaysian Chinese are divided by class, generation, geography, language, education and political outlook.

Younger voters may be concerned with housing, employment, wages, corruption, climate change, educational mobility and institutional fairness as much as with conventionally defined “Chinese issues”.

Many do not want a return to old-style communal bargaining. But they are also becoming sceptical of a multiracial reformism that invokes national ideals while delivering few visible structural changes.

The challenge is therefore not simply to recover “the Chinese vote”. Such language can itself reproduce the communal assumptions that both parties need to overcome.

The more important question is whether DAP and MCA can contribute to a form of politics in which minorities exercise influence not merely as ethnic voting blocs attached to larger Malay-led coalitions, but as equal citizens participating in the formation of national policy.

That requires more than Chinese ministers, more than seats allocated to component parties and more than statements on vernacular education or cultural rights.

It requires parties capable of connecting minority security with democratic institutions, socioeconomic justice and genuinely shared citizenship.

Moving forward, the answer cannot simply be for DAP to leave the government or for MCA to leave BN.

Both parties must move beyond the assumption that voters can be retained through fear; fear of PAS, fear of PN, fear of Umno, fear of instability, fear of marginalisation or fear that abandoning one party will strengthen something worse.

Fear may secure reluctant votes. It cannot restore political conviction.

The central question is no longer whether DAP or MCA can win back Chinese support. That is not merely a crisis for DAP or MCA. It is a crisis of political imagination.

Neither has yet answered the most important question. What kind of Malaysia does it still believe is possible and what is it actually prepared to risk in order to bring that Malaysia into being?


* Khoo Ying Hooi, PhD, is an associate professor at Universiti Malaya.


***


The truth, as I see it, is that Chinese voters have frigged both MCA and DAP, whilst both parties have also been less than correct.

In MCA's days the corruption in the nation was nauseating while in DAP's days the "balls" have to a frequent degree been missing. Chinese voters have been praised for their political astuteness but in reality they have through their 'punishment' voting (of either MCA and DAP, and indeed even Gerakan) emasculated both MCA and DAP (and Gerakan) to near-eunuch status.

However, one fact must be accepted - Chinese in Malaysia today constituted only 22% of the population (one-fifth), and not the near 50% it used to be, so accept that the majority Malays will politically dominate - now's for you to choose either PAS or UMNO, wakakaka. πŸ˜‚πŸ˜πŸ˜€πŸ˜“πŸ˜’ [😭 if your choice is similar to RTA and Wong]