Wednesday, December 31, 2025

Why Muhyiddin’s Fall Was Inevitable — and Necessary

 





OPINION | Why Muhyiddin’s Fall Was Inevitable — and Necessary


31 Dec 2025 • 10:30 AM MYT



TheRealNehruism
An award-winning Newswav creator, Bebas News columnist & ex-FMT columnist



Image credit : Focus Malaysia


Muhyiddin Yassin’s removal as opposition leader did not begin with the Perlis crisis, nor with internal maneuvering within Perikatan Nasional. It began much earlier—with a fundamental misunderstanding of what leadership demands when one is losing.


When Muhyiddin appeared listless and detached at the Turun Anwar rally in Kuala Lumpur in July, it merely confirmed what had long been evident: he was a man profoundly ill-suited for the role he occupied. The Turun Anwar Rally was supposed to Muhyiddin's event. If Anwar was to turun, as the rally demanded, it was Muhyiddin that would have replaced him. Despite that, Muhyiddin was far from being the man of the rally. Even 100 years old Mahathir, who was not even a part of the opposition camp, outshined Muhyiddin in the rally.


From that moment on, the writing on the wall was that it was only a matter of time before Muhyiddin was to fall .


In truth, the writing on the wall had already been appeared years before that.


Muhyiddin is not without ability. He is competent leader, but he is just not a competent leader in the circumstances that the opposition is in at the present moment. Muhyiddin is best described as a coordinator, caretaker, a manager, a man who can preserve order when conditions are favourable. He is effective at smoothing tensions, balancing factions, and maintaining internal peace—but only when the coalition he leads has already ascended to the top.


To a coalition that is only trying to ascend to the top however, his leadership can only be described as pointless, clueless and lethargic.


That is precisely why his leadership failed.


The Wrong Man for the Wrong Moment

The Malaysian opposition today is not in a position of strength. It is not consolidating power; it is struggling to survive. It faces a government that is in a position of advantage that has increasingly strengthened itself over the past 3 years.


In facing such an opponent from a position of disadvantage, what an opposition requires is not tranquility, but agitation. Not balance, but confrontation. Not administration, but mobilisation. Not a gentleman, but a conqueror.


A losing coalition must be restless. It must feel urgency in its bones. It must be driven by anger, impatience, and a sense that time is running out. Above all, it needs a leader capable of converting frustration into motion.


Muhyiddin could do none of this.


Instead of sharpening the opposition’s edge, he dulled it. Instead of heightening urgency, he imposed calm. Instead of provoking action, he enforced order. What he mistook for stability was, in reality, paralysis.


Harmony as Decay

There is something deeply unnatural about peace in a time of defeat.


Under Muhyiddin, the opposition became oddly serene while steadily losing ground. This serenity did not reassure its members; it alienated them. Rank-and-file leaders could sense decline, yet saw no fightback. Over time, harmony ceased to feel virtuous and began to feel suffocating.


When a leader refuses to channel frustration, that frustration does not disappear. It mutates.


It turns into defiance.


And so, resistance began to emerge—not openly at first, but quietly, locally, and then unmistakably.
Perlis and the Collapse of Authority

The events in Perlis were not an aberration. They were the logical culmination of a leadership vacuum.


When Bersatu leaders in Perlis moved to unseat a PAS chief minister—despite PAS being a principal ally—it was not simply a tactical gamble. It was an act of open insubordination. A declaration that central authority no longer mattered.


What followed exposed the truth Muhyiddin could no longer conceal.


PAS acted decisively, expelling its own representatives without hesitation. Muhyiddin, however, could not bring himself to discipline the Bersatu figures who instigated the revolt.


At that moment, power revealed itself.


Muhyiddin still held titles, but he no longer commanded obedience. He could speak, but his words carried no weight. He could instruct, but his instructions could be ignored with impunity.


A leader who cannot discipline his own party is not a leader at all.


PAS understood this immediately.


The Unnatural Order of Perikatan Nasional

Politics, like nature, has its own hierarchy. Strength gravitates upward. Authority flows from power.


Within Perikatan Nasional, PAS is the dominant force. Bersatu is not. By the natural order of things, PAS should lead.


Yet Malaysian politics exists in a fragile equilibrium where the strongest party often cannot assume leadership without destabilising the nation. This is why DAP, despite being Pakatan Harapan’s most powerful component, ceded leadership to Anwar Ibrahim.


But such arrangements can only survive if the chosen leader possesses sufficient gravitas to naturalise the imbalance.


Anwar succeeded because he brought with him history, charisma, struggle, and authority. He made an unnatural hierarchy feel organic.


Muhyiddin did the opposite.


His weakness did not conceal the imbalance within PN—it magnified it. Every indecision, every failure to act, every compromise made the unnatural order more visible, more intolerable, and more unstable.


Under his leadership, PN drifted into confusion, lethargy, and self-doubt.


Why His Fall Was Inevitable

PAS may have tolerated Muhyiddin at the beginning, hoping he would grow into the role. But patience erodes when defeat becomes habitual—especially when those defeats feel self-inflicted.


Repeatedly, opportunities slipped away. Momentum dissipated. Victories were transformed into losses not through force, but through hesitation.


Eventually, PAS was forced to confront a simple, brutal question:


Why should we respect the authority of a man whose own party no longer does?


There was no answer—because none existed.


And so Muhyiddin’s removal was not a coup, nor a betrayal. It was a correction. A reversion to political reality, an inevitable naturalization of an unnatural order.


A Necessary End

Muhyiddin’s downfall was not tragic. It was instructive.


It demonstrates a timeless truth: leadership is contextual. The skills that preserve peace are not the skills that win battles. A man suited to maintaining order cannot always be the man who overturns it.


By clinging to a role he could not fulfil, Muhyiddin delayed the inevitable—and deepened the dysfunction.


His removal, painful as it may be for Bersatu, is the only way to restore coherence to the opposition. It is the only way to realign leadership with power, authority with strength, and form with function.


In that sense, his fall is not only inevitable.


It is necessary.


How deep and widespread is the rot in the armed forces? Or it is just another day in boleh-land?





OPINION | How deep and widespread is the rot in the armed forces? Or it is just another day in boleh-land?


31 Dec 2025 • 10:00 AM MYT


FLK
Used to do a bit of work in corporate restructuring, corporate undertaker



Bloomberg.com https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2025-12-28/malaysia-army-chief-placed-on-leave-amid-investigation-bernama


`Army chief put on leave pending corruption probe’ – the headline in an online news portal is truly unsettling and shocking to many.


For this, the country has to thank Badrul Hisham Shaharin, also known as Chegubard, who exposed this issue publicly.


Reportedly, the MACC started its investigation in Dec 2025 and found that from 2023 to 2025, there were 158 army procurement projects that exceeded RM500,000 and 4,521 projects below RM500,000 with several companies frequently awarded high-value contracts.


This Army Chief was appointed to the post only in September 2023 and before, he was the deputy between April and September 2023.


Based on the timeline investigated by MACC, it appears that it covers the period that includes the time when he was the Deputy Chief also.


What about the period before that when he was the Chief of Staff at the 3rd Malaysian Infantry Division HQ from 2016 to 2017, then Commander of the 5th Malaysian Infantry Brigade from 2018 to 2020 and Commander of the Western Field from 2021 to 2023?


Did the rot start from that time?


Can’t imagine how much he would have received and robbed the soldiers of better welfare if he was not investigated and continued for a further 5 years in his role until his mandatory retirement age of 60?


In Aug 2025, it was reported that military personnel apparently leaked operational intelligence to smugglers, facilitating the entry of contraband, including drugs, cigarettes, and various goods from neighbouring countries valued at approximately RM5 million per month into Malaysia.


The officers arrested by MACC reportedly are all from the Malaysian Armed Forces’ intelligence division.


In June 2020, 2 officers and 3 ATM personnel together with 18 policemen and civilians were arrested as part of a human smuggling syndicate in Johor.


When a top military official sells intelligence, it poses grave and far-reaching threats to national security, endangers lives and severely damages a country's relationships with allies. Such acts are considered a profound betrayal and carries severe legal penalties, including life imprisonment or even the death penalty.


This latest corrupt act that permeates even those put in charge of securing the nation, revealed right after the judgment handed down by the Courts on PM6 in the 1MDB case, shows corruption is really deeply entrenched at all levels of government.


When one diseased head is cut off, a new one emerged.


From top to bottom, right to left, front to back, you named it, which department is 100% clean?


In this case, for sure it is not the job of a single person.


His subordinates and suppliers are definitely involved.


What saddens the ordinary rakyat is that it appears corruption in Malaysia are not a series of isolated scandals.


It appears that it has become so deeply entrenched in the political and economic fabric of this country.


It cuts across race and religion.


From banking scandals to the global embarrassment of 1MDB, the pattern is clear. Corruption is not the exception but the norm, woven into the DNA of governance and business alike in this country.


Getting rid of corruption in the country is like trying to eliminate mosquitoes in its forests.


How many can they arrest when everyone from top to bottom is corrupted?


Removing one corrupt leader only allows another to rise in their place.


Does PMX has the political will and resolve to break this cycle?


The public should 'support' Ong Kian Meng's Grand Amnesty proposal





OPINION | The public should 'support' Ong Kian Meng's Grand Amnesty proposal


31 Dec 2025 • 3:00 PM MYT


FLK
Used to do a bit of work in corporate restructuring, corporate `undertaker



For illustration purposes only; Image Credit: Sinar Daily


DAP’s Ong Kian Ming was quoted to have said his stance on a full pardon for the country’s x PM was influenced by the “grand amnesty” proposal first mooted by Khairy Jamaluddin on the 20 August 2023, in a Keluar Sekejap episode.


In a Facebook posting, Ong Kian Meng said the grand amnesty would include not only a full pardon for PM6 but also the dismissal of ongoing cases against former finance minister LGE and PM8, Syed Saddiq and the Estate of the late Daim Zainuddin thus making room for a ‘political reset’ where the process of going after our political rivals using the instruments of the state once one side is in power is stopped.


He said this could be part of the process for greater political maturity that is much needed for this country.


1stly all those names mentioned by Ong Kian Meng i.e LGE, Syed Saddiq and Daim, are politicians or were politicians before.


It is a widely held expectation that politicians should have high morals and integrity when they, as public officials, are entrusted with significant power and resources to serve the public good and their actions have important consequences for society.


Because of the public trust they hold, they should be above reproach.


And if they are of unsound character, then they are not worthy of trust.


The politicians are serving the people and they are paid for entirely by the taxes of the people.


If the politicians are claiming they are more deserving of the position than the hundreds of thousands of others who want it, then it is not unreasonable for Malaysians to expect them to act like it.

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We demand the same from everyone be it the civil servants, the people in law enforcement, BOMBA, teachers, lawyers, accountants, IT professionals and a myriad of other workers.


All the above politicians are charged or accused for misusing public funds.


A politician who misuses public funds has violated a fundamental public trust and they should face appropriate consequences.


Consequences are intended to serve justice, deter future misconduct, and maintain integrity in the government.


That is the cornerstone of democratic governance and anti-corruption efforts.


If politicians in Malaysia are angels, we wouldn’t need laws and rules.


Politicians should start showing some respect and start being honest about their expensive habits and their corrupt practices.


For the last few decades, there is no accountability or responsibility for the way politicians and the government they led wastes our money that is why we are in the fiscal mess we are in now.


The politicians acted and behaved like they are given carte blanche on the use of public monies.


For political maturity to happen and practised in Malaysia, the public expects the politicians to engage in governance with foresight, integrity and a focus on the common good, moving beyond self-interest and divisive tactics, prioritising competence and national welfare over identity-based or fear-based politics.


The absence of corruption and the responsible handling of public funds are fundamental to political maturity and good governance.


It involves prioritizing public service over personal or party gain, demonstrating accountability and integrity, and building public trust in institutions.


Ong Kian Ming also reasoned that It is not easy for any 72-year-old to serve time in prison, more so if he is a former Prime Minister and a member of the Malaysian aristocracy and if he is any of Najib’s children or grandchildren, thinking about how their father and grandfather was sitting alone in the Kajang prison while most other people are enjoying their year end break and celebrating the holidays with their family and friends.


There are 117,211 male and 11,705 female that are in prisons across the country as at 16 Oct 2025.


The children and grandchildren of these prisoners are also thinking of them during this festive period and for sure it was not easy for these prisoners and probably some of them are as old or older than 72 years old.


As set out in the Constitution, Article 8, we all must be held to the same standards and same punishment.


If the 72 year old is given a full pardon for stealing public funds, shouldn’t the 117,211 male and 11,705 female prisoners, also be given a full pardon and be released back to their families and society?


Again, by his reasoning, all those bankrupts, regardless of age, should be also released from their bankruptcy immediately.


Their only offence? They failed to repay debts due to their creditors.


They did not STEAL or MISUSE PUBLIC FUNDS.


Their failure to repay their debts did not result any of their creditors closing their businesses or operations.


All the above, prisoners and bankrupts probably caused pain and suffering to the victims of their acts and there is no excuse for that.


But their acts did not cause sufferings to 32 million Malaysians who are now burdened with the repayment of the outstanding debts.


In the case of the 72 years old, he stole public funds which are meant for public projects and enhancement of the lives for every Malaysian.


The total population of Malaysia, 32 million people.


If the funds had been properly applied and used, future generations of Malaysians including Ong Kian Ming’s children and grandchildren might not necessarily need to join the exodus wagon known as brain drain that has plagued this nation perpetually for so many years.


9 judges namely the High Court judge, 3 Court of Appeal judges and 5 Federal Court judges have unanimously found the 72 years old guilty based on facts and evidence adduced in court and sentenced him appropriately.


Ong Kian Ming’s call for a full pardon now is truly insulting to these 9 judges.


By his own reasonings, the country might as well do away with the laws and Courts.


It is a widely held and frequently discussed public perception in how justice is administered and enforced, particularly in high-profile cases involving influential individuals that in Malaysia that there are "two sets of laws," one for the elite and one for ordinary rakyat.


And Ong Kian Ming, being an x MP, not only reinforced this perception but confirmed it that it is indeed true.


The voting public has no one to blame except for themselves for we are the one who put them there.


We are now paying the price for the 2 sets of laws.


happy New Year to all my visitors, mateys and secret lovers, wakakaka

 




OPINION | Loyalty in Tears, Power in Silence: A Rejoinder to Raja Sara Petra





OPINION | Loyalty in Tears, Power in Silence: A Rejoinder to Raja Sara Petra


31 Dec 2025 • 9:00 AM MYT


Mihar Dias
A behaviourist by training, a consultant and executive coach by profession



https://www.malaymail.com/news/malaysia/2025/12/26/judge-najib-no-country-bumpkin-attempts-to-paint-him-as-ignorant-doomed-to-fail/203305

By Mihar Dias December 2025


Raja Sara is right about one thing: in Malaysian politics, there was indeed a time when helping Najib Razak was the ultimate loyalty test. https://newswav.com/A2512_xri6mV?s=A_Ep9NNzj&language=en


And there was also a time when failing that test was fatal. Ismail Sabri Yaakob stands as the clearest cautionary tale — not toppled by voters, not felled by policy failure, but politically bled to death by a single accusation: that he did not do enough for Najib. https://newswav.com/A2512_xri6mV?s=A_Ep9NNzj&language=en


That accusation alone was sufficient. No court needed. No evidence required. In this country, loyalty has often been adjudicated faster than justice.


But where Raja Sara’s reflection deserves further interrogation is in what has happened since — and more importantly, in what has not happened.


Najib Razak today is no longer the all-powerful prime minister, nor the unchallenged Umno president-in-waiting.


He is Prisoner No. PFA 02041, serving a sentence that, on paper, stretches to an almost biblical 165 years, but in practical terms has been compressed to 15 years through concurrent sentencing.


Fifteen years that may yet be shortened further — through appeals, reviews, addendums, or that most Malaysian of political safety valves: a royal pardon.


This is where the conversation stops being legal and becomes nakedly political.


Because the addendum’s rejection, the slow grind of appeals, and the conspicuous lack of urgency from those who once swore undying loyalty are not simply about respect for the rule of law. They are about fear. Fear of recalibration. Fear of comparison. Fear that Najib’s return — even partially — would destabilise a political equilibrium built carefully on his absence.


Najib in prison is convenient. Najib out is complicated.


Raja Sara asks whether crying at PAU is enough. https://newswav.com/A2512_xri6mV?s=A_Ep9NNzj&language=en


It is a fair question, and perhaps too polite. Tears, after all, are cheap. They cost nothing politically. They offend no coalition partner, unsettle no Cabinet seat, and threaten no delicate unity government arithmetic. Public emotion, when carefully choreographed, becomes a substitute for action — a performance of loyalty without the inconvenience of risk.


If loyalty were truly alive, it would be noisy. It would be uncomfortable. It would involve names, timelines, and consequences.


Instead, what we see is ritualised grief and strategic silence.


This raises the sharper question Raja Sara hints at but does not fully unsheathe: if Ismail Sabri was removed for not helping Najib, who is helping Najib now? https://newswav.com/A2512_xri6mV?s=A_Ep9NNzj&language=en


Who is willing to stake political capital rather than crocodile tears?


Who will speak when silence is safer than speech?


Who will defend due process not when it is fashionable, but when it is dangerous?


Because silence, in Malaysian politics, is never neutral. It is a choice — often a very calculated one.


Those now pleading patience and “letting the legal process take its course” were rarely this devout when the law moved against their enemies.


Due process is suddenly sacred only when it aligns with political convenience. When it does not, we have seen how quickly morality is replaced with manoeuvre.


Najib remains in prison today. That is an unassailable fact. But the more revealing reality is not his incarceration; it is the choreography around it.


The careful balancing act of leaders who must appear sympathetic without being effective, loyal without being committed, and emotional without being accountable.


The irony is thick. Once, power in Umno was measured by proximity to Najib. Today, it is measured by distance — close enough to mourn, far enough to survive.


Yet, the story is not over. Najib’s name still moves crowds. His shadow still stretches across party halls and Cabinet rooms. The political class understands this, even if it pretends otherwise. That is why the silence is so loud. That is why half-measures are preferred to decisive stands.


When history looks back at this moment, it will not ask who cried the hardest at PAU. It will ask who acted when action carried a price. It will ask whether justice in Malaysia was guided by principle — or by fear of what happens when one man returns to the arena.


On that question, Raja Sara is right to provoke. But the answer, so far, is deeply uncomfortable.


Kedah FA, Mukhriz hit with RM500,000 court order over players’ EPF contributions


FMT:

Kedah FA, Mukhriz hit with RM500,000 court order over players’ EPF contributions


5 hours ago
V Anbalagan

The High Court rejects their contention of selective action, ruling that EPF is entitled to proceed against any or all office-bearers


The High Court held the Kedah FA and four office-bearers, including former menteri besar Mukhriz Mahathir, liable for RM503,681 in unremitted EPF contributions and related charges.



PETALING JAYA: The High Court in Alor Setar has ordered the Kedah Football Association (KFA), its former president Mukhriz Mahathir, and two other office-bearers to pay more than RM500,000 to the Employees Provident Fund for failing to remit contributions on behalf of several players.

Justice Johan Lee ruled that the plaintiff, EPF, had successfully established its case against the four defendants on a balance of probabilities.

Mukhriz Mahathir.

“The four are jointly and severally liable to the plaintiff for the sum of RM503,681, representing the outstanding balance of EPF contributions,” he said in a 36-page written judgment posted on the judiciary’s website today.


Lee also ordered the defendants to pay statutory dividends on the outstanding balance calculated at 5% per annum from Jan 1, 2019 until full payment of the judgment sum.

The defendants were also held liable for late payment charges calculated at 6% per annum from Jan 1, 2019 pursuant to Section 46(1) of the EPF Act 1991.



The judge said it was undisputed that Mukhriz, then honorary secretary Anas Hafiz Mustaffa and committee member Asmirul Anuar Aris were office-bearers during the default period, as evident from the corporate and KFA records tendered as evidence.

Mukhriz helmed KFA when he was the Kedah menteri besar.

In his ruling, Lee rejected the defendants’ contention that EPF had been selective in naming the trio as defendants, pointing out that the statutory body was entitled to proceed against any or all office-bearers.

“The defendants’ remedy, if they believe others should contribute, lay in seeking indemnity or contribution from those persons and not in resisting liability in this action,” he said.


The suit was discontinued against five other office-bearers – Abdul Rahman Abdullah, Khamal Idris Ali, Yusuri Yusof, Shahrul Samsudin and Ruzaini Radzi – after they paid just over RM1 million.

EPF brought the action after KFA, as employer, failed to remit monthly contributions for its players in accordance with the provisions of the EPF Act 1991.

According to EPF, the unpaid principal contributions stood at RM1,519,801.

Lawyers Abd Shukor Ahmad, Aaron Aiman Thangarajoo and Michelle Liew appeared for EPF, while Ahmad Taufiq Baharum represented the KFA.

Counsel Mior Haidir Suhaimi represented Mukhriz, Hafiz and Anuar.


***


Sap sap suoi for Mukhriz




Perlis skips by-elections; Chuping, Bintong and Guar Sanji remain vacant





Perlis skips by-elections; Chuping, Bintong and Guar Sanji remain vacant



Perlis Speaker Rus'sele Eizan says the vacancies in Chuping, Bintong and Guar Sanji won’t trigger by-elections as the assembly term nears its expiry in two more years. — Bernama pic

Wednesday, 31 Dec 2025 5:48 PM MYT


KANGAR, Dec 31 — Perlis Speaker Rus'sele Eizan today confirmed no by-elections will be held for the Chuping, Bintong and Guar Sanji state seats despite their vacancies.

The move effectively bypasses by-elections as the state assembly is set to automatically dissolve in two years.

Rus'sele said the decision was made under Clause (5) of Article 55 of the Perlis State Constitution and communicated to the state Election Commission (EC) yesterday, The Star reported.

The vacancies remain in effect, he added.

On Christmas Eve, PAS sacked the three assemblymen — Saad Seman (Chuping), Fakhrul Anwar Ismail (Bintong) and Mohd Ridzuan Hashim (Guar Sanji).

The EC had yet to announce any elections before the assembly’s formal decision.


Perlis PAS wing chief blames key party figures for MB turmoil


FMT:

Perlis PAS wing chief blames key party figures for MB turmoil


Ahmad Adnan Fadzil says those tasked with negotiating with the state palace on behalf of the Islamic party failed to do so effectively


Bersatu’s Abu Bakar Hamzah was sworn in as the new Perlis menteri besar, replacing PAS’s Shukri Ramli who resigned citing health reasons. (Bernama pic)



PETALING JAYA: A Perlis PAS wing chief has attributed the political turmoil in the state – which saw the menteri besar post go to Bersatu – to a failure by “certain individuals to discharge their responsibilities effectively”.

Perlis PAS Ulama Council chief Ahmad Adnan Fadzil said those tasked with negotiating with the Perlis palace on behalf of PAS regarding the change of menteri besar failed to do so effectively, although he mentioned no names.

Ahmad Adnan Fadzil.

He also said he had been informed that “in the final moments before the announcement of a new menteri besar from Bersatu, the Perlis ruler was still open to the possibility of a PAS candidate filling the role”.


“However, the PAS assemblymen failed to play their proper role when the Perlis ruler presented them with this option,” he said in a Facebook post.

Adnan said the ongoing polemic involving Perlis PAS, including three assemblymen who had ceased to be members of the party, did not involve any element of betrayal.

“The same goes for Bersatu, which in my view was not directly involved in this turmoil,” he said, adding that placing the entire blame on Bersatu was unfair.

The appointment of Bersatu’s Abu Bakar Hamzah came after five assemblymen from Bersatu and three from PAS reportedly submitted statutory declarations to the Perlis ruler withdrawing their support for Sanglang assemblyman Shukri Ramli, who resigned as menteri besar due to health reasons.

Adnan said the more mature and responsible course of action would be to reclaim the mandate, reassess mistakes and make corrections.

“No one needs to resign,” he said, urging PAS to return to the exco line-up.

“The Perlis government should continue to be administered as before, namely by Perikatan Nasional, with an exco line-up comprising PAS and Bersatu, with the only change being the post of menteri besar.”

Yesterday, PAS secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan said the party’s elected representatives who are currently serving as exco members would resign, in a show of solidarity with Shukri.

He said PAS would also refuse any exco post in Abu Bakar’s new line-up.

Does Zahid have absolute right over Umno’s direction, asks Akmal


FMT:

Does Zahid have absolute right over Umno’s direction, asks Akmal


Umno Youth chief responds to the president's daughter, who said that ultimatums issued by the wing has serious implications


Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh said party members had not joined politics to become ‘yes-men’


PETALING JAYA: Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh today asked if party president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has the sole and absolute right to chart Umno’s course following remarks by Zahid’s daughter that no wing could do so.

In a social media post, Akmal responded to Nurulhidayah Ahmad Zahid’s remarks that an ultimatum issued by the youth wing has serious implications.

“Is expressing opinions also the absolute right of the party president?” he said, adding that Umno members had not joined politics to become “yes-men”.

“We are not here just to follow instructions.”

On Dec 28, Akmal said the wing would hold a special convention to discuss whether the party should remain in the unity government following the controversy sparked by DAP MP Yeo Bee Yin’s comments on former prime minister Najib Razak’s house arrest bid.

The convention, titled “Umno’s direction: Stay or leave the unity government”, will take place on Jan 3.

This prompted Nurulhidayah to caution that such narratives suggested Umno was fractured and emotional.

On Dec 22, Yeo wrote on Facebook that there was “another reason to celebrate this year end” after the High Court dismissed Najib’s bid to serve the remainder of his sentence in the SRC International case under house arrest.

The DAP publicity secretary’s remarks drew the ire of Umno leaders, with secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki suggesting that it might be time for Umno to review its cooperation with those who did not appreciate the party’s contributions.


Top Russian general says Putin orders expansion of Ukraine buffer zone in 2026





Top Russian general says Putin orders expansion of Ukraine buffer zone in 2026



Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces Valery Gerasimov attends a meeting, chaired by Russian President Vladimir Putin and dedicated to on the ‘special military operation’ amid the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, in Moscow December 29, 2025. — Sputnik/Mikhail Metzel/Pool pic via Reuters

Wednesday, 31 Dec 2025 2:22 PM MYT


MOSCOW, Dec 31 — Russia’s top general said its forces were pressing forward in northeastern Ukraine and President Vladimir Putin had ordered expansion of territory Moscow calls a buffer zone there in 2026, Russian news agencies said today.

Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov said Putin ordered expansion in 2026 of the buffer zone in Ukraine’s regions of Sumy and Kharkiv near the Russian border, RIA said, adding that he inspected the “North” troop grouping.


The grouping, formed in early 2024, has operated in northeastern Ukraine, seeking to create a buffer along the border and trying to push back Ukrainian forces there for further advances.

Gerasimov’s remarks follow Russia’s vow to retaliate for what it claimed, without evidence, was an attempt to attack Putin’s residence, an allegation Kyiv denied, saying it was aimed at derailing peace talks as the war nears its fourth year.


There was no immediate reaction from Ukraine to the Gerasimov report.


Putin has repeatedly portrayed the buffer zone as a way to push Ukrainian forces and weapons farther from Russia’s border, citing cross-border shelling and drone attacks on regions such as Belgorod and Kursk.

Kyiv has rejected Moscow’s buffer zone calling it an idea Russia is using to justify deeper incursions into Ukrainian territory.


President Volodymyr Zelenskiy has said Moscow’s plans for Sumy and Kharkiv are “mad” and will be resisted ⁠as Ukraine defends the regions. — Reuters

Taiwan’s TSMC starts mass production of ‘most advanced’ 2nm semiconductors




Taiwan’s TSMC starts mass production of ‘most advanced’ 2nm semiconductors



TSMC has started mass producing its cutting-edge 2-nanometre semiconductor chips, the company said in a statement seen by AFP today. — AFP pic

Wednesday, 31 Dec 2025 1:24 PM MYT


TAIPEI, Dec 31 — Taiwanese tech titan TSMC has started mass producing its cutting-edge 2-nanometre semiconductor chips, the company said in a statement seen by AFP today.

TSMC is the world’s largest contract maker of chips, used in everything from smartphones to missiles, and counts Nvidia and Apple among its clients.

“TSMC’s 2nm (N2) technology has started volume production in 4Q25 as planned,” TSMC said in an undated statement on its website.

The chips will be the “most advanced technology in the semiconductor industry in terms of both density and energy efficiency”, the company said.


“N2 technology, with leading nanosheet transistor structure, will deliver full-node performance and power benefits to address the increasing need for energy-efficient computing.”


The chips will be produced at TSMC’s “Fab 20” facility in Hsinchu, in northern Taiwan, and “Fab 22” in the southern port city of Kaohsiung.

More than half of the world’s semiconductors, and nearly all of the most advanced ones used to power artificial intelligence technology, are made in Taiwan.


TSMC has been a massive beneficiary of the frenzy in AI investment. Nvidia and Apple are among firms pouring many billions of dollars into chips, servers and data centres.

AI-related spending is soaring worldwide, and is expected to reach approximately US$1.5 trillion (RM6.09 trillion) by 2025, according to US research firm Gartner, and over US$2 trillion in 2026 — nearly two per cent of global GDP.

Taiwan’s dominance of the chip industry has long been seen as a “silicon shield” protecting it from an invasion or blockade by China — which claims the island is part of its sovereign territory — and an incentive for the United States to defend it.

But the threat of a Chinese attack has fuelled concerns about potential disruptions to global supply chains and has increased pressure for more chip production beyond Taiwan’s shores.

Chinese fighter jets and warships encircled Taiwan during live-fire drills this week aimed at simulating a blockade of the democratic island’s key ports and assaults on maritime targets.

Taipei, which slammed the two-day war games as “highly provocative and reckless”, said the manoeuvre failed to impose a blockade on the island.

TSMC has invested in chip fabrication facilities in the United States, Japan and Germany to meet soaring demand for semiconductors, which have become the lifeblood of the global economy.

But in an interview with AFP this month, Taiwanese Deputy Foreign Minister Francois Chih-chung Wu said the island planned to keep making the “most advanced” chips on home soil and remain “indispensable” to the global semiconductor industry. — AFP


Army chief’s promotion as head of armed forces on hold


FMT:

Army chief’s promotion as head of armed forces on hold

Hafizuddeain Jantan was previously ordered to go on leave pending investigations into corruption allegations


Army chief Hafizuddeain Jantan was supposed to take over as the new armed forces chief, as decided by the 631st armed forces council meeting on Nov 19. (Bernama pic)



PETALING JAYA: The promotion of army chief Hafizuddeain Jantan to armed forces chief has been postponed, says defence minister Khaled Nordin.

This comes after Hafizuddeain was ordered to go on leave pending investigations into corruption allegations levelled against him.

Khaled said the decision to promote Hafizuddeain to head of the armed forces to replace Nizam Jaffar was made at the 631st armed forces council meeting on Nov 19.


“Navy chief Zulhelmy Ithnain will act as armed forces chief, as announced on Dec 27,” he said in a statement.

Meanwhile, the chief of staff of the armed forces headquarters, Azhan Othman, has been appointed as the new army chief to replace Hafizuddeain, effective tomorrow.

Khaled said this was also decided at the armed forces council meeting, with the king giving his royal assent on Dec 1.

“I am confident that this appointment can strengthen the army’s leadership and increase the operational capacity of the armed forces to fulfill the nation’s current and future defence demands,” he said.

Hafizuddeain was put on leave following claims of “large cash inflows” into the bank accounts of a senior military officer and his family members. The funds were allegedly transferred from accounts belonging to firms that obtained military contracts.

Last week, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission reportedly recorded statements from three people as part of its investigation into military procurement contracts.

A source from MACC said initial checks revealed that several companies repeatedly secured high-value military contracts, which raised suspicions.

Another source said investigators visited the defence ministry to begin a preliminary probe into several projects involving the army from 2023.


MIC tantrums now look foolish as PN lies in tatters


FMT:

MIC tantrums now look foolish as PN lies in tatters


Now that Muhyiddin Yassin and those aligned with him are being sidelined in Bersatu and PN, what will happen to MIC’s grand plan?





From Jeffri Saling

All year long, MIC had been shaping up to quit Barisan Nasional (BN) and switch camps to Perikatan Nasional (PN).

Through its control of critical Tamil media outlets, the party and its sole MP, M Saravanan in particular, have been hitting out at the Madani government.

Recently, the low status of MIC and fellow mosquito party MCA was confirmed when they were not even considered as factors in the Cabinet reshuffle.

As I have written before, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim needed Umno to form the government. He didn’t need MIC and MCA, which were just excess baggage.

Umno helms the state governments in Pahang, Perak, Melaka and Johor and has a deputy prime minister and many federal ministers.

MCA has only two MPs, two senators and eight assemblymen nationwide.

MIC’s position is even weaker, with just one MP, two senators and five assemblymen.

All of this is dependent on Umno’s generosity. They can’t win anything on their own.

On the other side of the coin, Bersatu may have had the leading position in PN but it has clearly been the junior partner to PAS. Pulling off an internal coup in Perlis was foolish in the extreme.

Now that Muhyiddin and gang are being sidelined in Bersatu itself, and PN as a whole, what will happen to MIC’s grand plan?

What will happen to the other minnows like Malaysian Indian People’s Party, P Ramasamy’s Urimai, P Waytha Moorthy’s Malaysian Advancement Party, Bersatu’s associate wing and PAS’s non-Muslim supporters wing?

Perhaps it’s time for all of them to close shop instead of fighting for crumbs – because all of the tantrums have come to naught.



Jeffri Saling is an FMT reader


***


It baffles me as to why a non-Muslim non-Malay party would want to ally with draconian PAS? S-Wholes.





Without Muhyiddin, Azmin, will non-Malays support PN?


FMT:

Without Muhyiddin, Azmin, will non-Malays support PN?


Bersatu, despite its monoethnic bias, was seen as a bridge between PN and the non-Malays





From P Ramasamy

The uneasiness between PAS and Bersatu might have predated the Perlis political crisis; nonetheless, the latter provided the catalyst for the resignation of Muhyiddin Yassin as Perikatan Nasional (PN) chairman, to be followed by the Bersatu heads of PN in various states, including its secretary-general, Azmin Ali.


The conflict between the two political parties had simmered over a period of time over a variety of political issues.

PAS’s dominance in terms of its electoral support and its number of MPs and state assembly representatives is superior to Bersatu. However, in terms of experience and national exposure, Bersatu has an edge over PAS.


I do not think there is anyone in PAS who can match the experience and national exposure of Muhyiddin, a long-time federal minister and former prime minister.

Similarly, Azmin, a former Selangor menteri besar and federal minister, is an important figure in Bersatu and the opposition coalition of PN.

In comparison, PAS, despite having an electoral edge over Bersatu, was agreeable to Muhyiddin leading PN.

However, politics being what it is, the imbalance between PAS and Bersatu, in terms of experience, political ideology, and other factors, became a source of friction.


Two developments brought the conflict between PAS and Bersatu into the open, leading to the resignations of Muhyiddin and others.

The first was the role of Bersatu elected representatives in undermining the Perlis menteri besar, leading to his resignation.

The subsequent appointment of a Bersatu candidate as the new menteri besar added to the friction.

On a broader level, Umno’s unhappiness with the Madani government in general, in particular over how former prime minister Najib Razak has been treated, became another source of tension.


The failure of Najib to obtain house arrest was a source of tremendous concern among Umno members.

It was in this context that comments by some DAP leaders hailing the denial of Najib’s house arrest bid as a victory to be celebrated outraged the Umno leadership, to the extent that there were calls for Umno to revive Muafakat Nasional (MN) to accommodate PAS.

This was seen as an attempt by Umno to cut ties with DAP once and for all.

If MN had been revived between Umno and PAS, it would have dealt a major blow to the present ruling coalition, with DAP pushed to the political margins.

Even if Bersatu had welcomed the idea of DAP being pushed out of government, the revival of MN would have been a direct affront to Bersatu’s continued prominence in Malaysian politics.

If MN were revived, PAS might well have said good-bye to Bersatu by embracing Umno.

There was certainly quick thinking on the part of Muhyiddin in jettisoning the idea of MN’s revival by resigning as chairman of PN.

While there are claims that Muhyiddin’s resignation has strengthened PN, it is unquestionable that his departure has left a void in the opposition.

How PAS and Bersatu leaders are going to heal the rift remains uncertain.

Elections, both state and federal, may not be too far away. PN, as the next alternative government, appears to be in tatters.

The very idea of reviving MN between Umno and PAS may have damaged the prospects of PN emerging as the next credible alternative government.

In this way, Bersatu, despite its monoethnic bias, was seen as a bridge between PN and the non-Malays in the country.

The non-Malays, given the extreme views of PAS, are more comfortable with Bersatu leaders like Muhyiddin and Azmin.

Now with both of these leaders out of PN, there might be difficulty in establishing ties with the non-Malays in the country.

Anyway, there is nothing to prevent Muhyiddin from strengthening and broadening the larger opposition coalition of Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat.



P Ramasamy is the chairman of Urimai.

Opposition leader’s office: Hamzah Zainudin has not resigned, viral letter false





Opposition leader’s office: Hamzah Zainudin has not resigned, viral letter false



Earlier, two letters using the letterheads of the office and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) went viral, purportedly stating that Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin had stepped down as Opposition Leader. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa

Wednesday, 31 Dec 2025 10:04 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 31 — The office of the leader of the Opposition last night confirmed that a letter circulating on social media claiming that Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin had resigned is fake.

The matter was verified by officials at the office when contacted, according to a report published today in Berita Harian.

Earlier, two letters using the letterheads of the office and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) went viral, purportedly stating that Hamzah had stepped down as Opposition Leader.

The letters claimed the resignation followed Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin’s stepping down and considered current political realities and needs.

They also alleged that the decision was made after careful consideration to ensure leadership continuity and stability of PN in line with the new direction under the future appointed chairman.

Yesterday, Muhyiddin confirmed he would resign as PN Chairman, effective January 1 next year.

Following him, Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali also announced his resignation as PN Secretary-General and Selangor PN Chairman, effective January 1, 2026.

Others stepping down include PN Perak Chairman Datuk Seri Ahmad Faizal Azumu, PN Johor Chairman Datuk Dr Sahruddin Jamal, and PN Negeri Sembilan Chairman Mohamad Hanifah Abu Baker.


***


Dei, jangan main kotor lah, Hamzah masih belum menjadi PM, wakakaka


Hissing King Cobra spotted on roof in Sik before being captured by Kedah Civil Defence team





Hissing King Cobra spotted on roof in Sik before being captured by Kedah Civil Defence team



The officers used specialised equipment to restrain the King Cobra, which measured over two metres in length and weighed six kilograms. — Picture from Facebook/APM Sik

Wednesday, 31 Dec 2025 11:17 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 31 — A King Cobra was discovered coiled on the roof of a home in Kampung Charok Kit in Sik, Kedah, yesterday, prompting a swift response from the Sik Civil Defence Force (APM) to safely capture the venomous reptile.

Hafisyah Ishak, 35, said her 39-year-old brother-in-law had just sat down to eat at around 6.40pm when he heard hissing coming from the roof of her mother’s house, which sits adjacent to theirs, Berita Harian reported.

Realising a large snake was nearby, he immediately alerted Hafisyah.

“I called the Sik APM immediately because I was worried the snake could fall into the house,” she said.

Both homes are close to thick bushes, an area where villagers have previously reported snake sightings.

The Sik District APM operations officer, Leftenan (PA) Haisul Aishah Mohd Napiah, said the department received the emergency call and dispatched a team.

The officers used specialised equipment to restrain the King Cobra, which measured over two metres in length and weighed six kilograms.

The snake was transported to the Sik APM Operations Control Centre before being handed over to the Wildlife and National Parks Department (Perhilitan).

“This is the 14th King Cobra captured this month — double last month’s total — as unpredictable weather is driving snakes to seek shelter and food near residential areas,” Haisul Aishah said.

Residents in Sik are advised to stay vigilant and report any snake sightings to APM Sik at 010-8177991 or via the emergency line 999.


***


As a kid the villagers in my kampong called a man 'King Cobra', but for reasons too vulgar to mention here in front of ladies - 2 metres in length??? - wakakaka.


In Penang, masked assailants kill one, injure two in Sungai Bakap





In Penang, masked assailants kill one, injure two in Sungai Bakap



The group, estimated at 15 men, allegedly attacked the three victims while they were dining inside the premises. — Screengrab from social media

Wednesday, 31 Dec 2025 9:42 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, Dec 31 — A 59-year-old man was killed, and two others injured after being attacked by a group of masked men armed with sharp weapons at a restaurant in Sungai Bakap near Nibong Tebal, Penang, yesterday.

The victim reportedly died on the way to the hospital, while the two injured individuals are receiving treatment at a nearby hospital, according to a report published in Harian Metro.

The group, estimated at 15 men, allegedly attacked the three victims while they were dining inside the premises.

Police are continuing investigations, including identifying the motive behind the attack.

Several viral videos on social media showed the injured victims, including one in critical condition, believed to have been caused by the assault.

Penang police chief Datuk Azizee Ismail confirmed the incident to the New Straits Times, stating the case is being investigated under Section 302 of the Penal Code for murder.

He added that authorities are working to identify the suspects and the motive behind the attack.


New Perlis exco with just five members possible, says MB


The Star:

New Perlis exco with just five members possible, says MB


Tuesday, 30 Dec 20258:58 PM MYT





KANGAR: A new Perlis executive council (exco) can be formed if just four more members are appointed, says Mentri Besar Abu Bakar Hamzah.

He said the minimum number required is one-third of the total number of state assemblymen.


"Without the Mentri Besar, it is four and with the Mentri Besar, it becomes five. This means we can proceed with the formation of the exco as soon as possible," he told a press conference at Kompleks Seri Putra here on Tuesday (Dec 30).

There are 15 seats in the Perlis State Assembly.


PAS secretary-general Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan said on Tuesday that the party had decided not to be part of the exco to be formed by Abu Bakar.

He said all existing PAS exco members would resign in solidarity following the resignation of former mentri besar Mohd Shukri Ramli.

Abu Bakar, who is also Perlis Perikatan Nasional deputy chairman, said exco portfolios could be consolidated or abolished to reduce the administrative burden.

Abu Bakar, 57, who is also Kuala Perlis assemblyman from Bersatu, was sworn in before the Raja of Perlis Tuanku Syed Sirajuddin Jamalullail on Sunday. – Bernama

Thai-Cambodia war over a Hindu temple




Murray Hunter


The role of Preah Vihear in the Thai-Cambodia war


Dec 30, 2025






The latest round of fighting between Thailand and Cambodia across the border has gone no way to settle the long dispute over Preah Vihear Temple complex.

The Preah Vihear (or Prasat Preah Vihear) Temple complex has played a pivotal role in the Thai-Cambodia conflict. The ancient Hindu temple is situated on top of 525 metre Pha Mo I Dang cliff on the Dangrek Mountains separating Sisaket Province in Thailand from Preah Vihear Province in Cambodia.

Culturally, Preah Vihear is important to both Cambodia and Thailand. Preah Vihear is a satellite temple radiating from Angkor Wat near Siem Reap. The complex forms much of what appears to be an enclve along the natural border defined by the mountain range. Much of Isan in Thailand was also part of the Angkor Empire (802-1431CE) where many ruins exist in Sisaket, Surin, Buriram, and Nakhon Ratchasima.

The Preah Vihear Temple itself runs north-south on top of the Dangrek Mountains and is 800m long. The temple is a UNESCO site. There is a clear roadway to the temple from Thailand, but this was blocked off with barbed wire after the 2011 clashes. Access from Cambodia is restricted to a set of steps going up the cliff-face from the Cambodian side. A road was constructed in 2003 from the Cambodian side, where the Thai Army claims it encroaches upon Thai territory.

From the Thai point of view, the temple is clearly located on the Thai side of the natural border. The Cambodians also holds approximately 154 Ha on top of the mountain, which provides a natural lockout into Thai territory.

History of Disputes

Back in 1904, Siam and the French Colonial authorities ruling Cambodia formed a joint commission to demarcate the border between the two territories, which largely followed the watershed line of the Dangrek Mountain Range. This placed the Preach Vihear Temple on the Thai side of the border. Survey work undertaken in 1907 lead to a map published in 1908 which showed the temple in Cambodian territory.

Following French military withdrawal from Cambodia in 1954, the Thai military occupied the temple area. Cambodia protested Thai occupation of the temple to the International Court of Justice in 1959, asking for a ruling.

The 1908 topographic map was used in the International Court of Justice ruling in 1962 that granted Cambodia sovereignty over the Preah Vihear Temple, even though t was south of the watershed line. In the ICJ court ruling, issues of cultural heritage and geographical position were not considered. The court based the ruling on Thailand’s acceptance of the 1908 map. Thailand argued that the 1908 map was not an official map of the 1904 border commission agreement and the map clearly violated the principal that the watershed line would be the border delineation.

By a vote of 7 to 5, the ICJ ordered that Thai troops must withdraw their positions and handover the temple to Cambodia.

Thailand initially rejected the ruling, but handed over the temple to Cambodia in January 1963. Prince Sihanouk made a goodwill gesture allowing Thai nationals to visit the temple without visas at the time.

Since 1963, the land surrounding the Preach Vihear temple has been subject to friction between Thai and Cambodian military. This led to clashes in 2008 and 2009. In February 2011 Thai and Cambodian forces engaged in intense artillery exchanges. Each side blamed the other for firing first. Both sides had troops in the land adjacent to the temple and stood firm. Another ICJ ruling on November 11 2013 ordered that land adjacent to the temple on the east and west sides belongs to Cambodia, and Thai forces should leave the area.

The area around the temple had for 13 years been cordoned off with barbed wire. The Cambodians had built structures within the Cambodian area, while the Thai military maintained camps around the perimeter. No one has been allowed to travel between the Thai and Cambodian sides for a number of years. It was suspected some of the entry ways into the Cambodian side had been mined. There has been some small amount of tourism to the site from the Cambodian site, although it is relatively remote (a day trip from Siem Reap). Tourism from the Thai side has been stopped since 2008. Attempts to reopen travel from the Thai side into the Preah Vihear temple have all failed.

The December outbreak of fighting

In early December fighting once again broke out and spread along much of the 800km shared border, involving air strikes, rockets, artillery, and ground troops contesting hilltops (e.g., Hill 350, Hill 500). Civilian areas, infrastructure, and cultural sites were affected, displacing thousands off people. A ceasefire was agreed on December 27–28, 2025.

One of the main battle areas were Preah Vihear temple area, where ground fighting extended to areas like An Ses, Phu Makhuea and Prolean Thmor, the Prasat Ta Muen Thom and Prasat Ta Khwai temples, where there was heavy fighting, occuptations and airstrikes on strategic positions, and the Emerald Triangle area. In addition, casino complexes at Poipet were targeted by Thai airstrikes, and rocket and artillery duels occurred around Surin, Buriram, and parts of Ubon Ratchathani Provinces.

Thai and Cambodian military strategies

Thai and Cambodian clashes involved artillery duels, airstrikes, and ground maneuvers, leading to significant damage to the temple vicinity (not completely verified) with a ceasefire on December 27. As Thailand’s military is larger and better-equipped, this resulted in Thai dominance in air operations but Cambodian resilience in ground defense.

Based upon available information, Thailand’s approach emphasized preemptive and disproportionate force to neutralize perceived threats, degrade Cambodian long-term military capabilities, and secure disputed zones.

Some of the key elements included:

The Royal Thai Air Force (RTAF) deployed F-16 fighter jets for airstrikes targeting Cambodian military installations near Preah Vihear, such as observation cranes, radio towers, and command posts. These strikes aimed to cripple logistics and command structures, with reports of up to 40 bombs dropped in a single morning session on December 8.

Thailand framed these as retaliatory to Cambodian rocket fire, but the goal was explicit: to “cripple Cambodia’s military capability for years to come.”

Thailand accused Cambodia of using the temple as a military base, including artillery and drone positions, which voided its protected status and legitimized attacks. Thai forces used tanks, 155mm artillery, and mortars for sustained bombardments on Cambodian positions in areas like An Ses, Prolean Thmor, and the temple itself. This included shelling to support infantry advances and destroy supply lines, such as bridges in nearby provinces.

These tactics involved rapid escalation, with mechanized units pushing into disputed areas to occupy hilltops (e.g., Hill 350) and temple complexes, justified as self-defense against alleged Cambodian encroachments.

This narrative supported a “deterrence failure” strategy, where prior diplomatic restraint gave way to overwhelming force to prevent future threats, including strikes on non-border targets like scam centers.

Overall, Thailand’s strategy was offensive and asymmetric, aiming for quick degradation to avoid prolonged attrition, with cultural sites treated as militarized if occupied by Cambodian forces.

The Cambodian strategies and tactics were primarily defensive, focusing on holding key terrain, countering Thai advances, and leveraging international sympathy through accusations of aggression and cultural destruction.

Cambodian forces fortified positions around Preah Vihear, using the temple’s elevated terrain for observation and firing points. They employed BM-21 multiple-launch rocket systems (MLRS), PHL-03 rockets, and artillery for counter-battery fire against Thai incursions

Reports indicate tanks, drones, and small arms were used to repel ground assaults in areas like Veal Intry and Sambok Khmum, with intense responses to Thai tank infiltrations.

The ceasefire held as of December 30, 2025, but undemarcated borders and mutual accusations suggest fighting could re-emerge if tensions flare. However, Thailand and Cambodia have agreed to a consolidation of the ceasefire in trilateral talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on December 29, 2025 in a communique issued in Yunnan. It appears that the major issue in maintaining a ceasefire will be border demarcation disputes and any further potential landmine incidents. A Joint Border demarcation meeting will be held in Siem Reap in the first week of January to tackle these issues. Thailand at the time of writing is yet to confirm attendance.

The recent clashes have not achieved any long-term solution about Preah Vihear. Any joint management of the area has been ruled out. There are still disputes about the surrounding land around Preah Vihear and its likely borders will remain marked by barbed wire. Preah Vihear still looks like an enclave in Thai territory, and any political solution seems to be far away due to heightened nationalism on both sides.






Tuesday, December 30, 2025

PAS to propose new PN chairman after Muhyiddin stepped down, dismisses Pejuang rumours





PAS deputy president Datuk Seri Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man has confirmed that the party will propose several names for consideration as the new chairman of Perikatan Nasional (PN). - Scoop file pic, December 30, 2025


PAS to propose new PN chairman after Muhyiddin stepped down, dismisses Pejuang rumours


PAS deputy president Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man confirms several names will be discussed for the PN leadership, while refuting claims of Pejuang joining the coalition



Sandru Narayanan
Updated 28 seconds ago
30 December, 2025
9:13 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR – PAS deputy president Datuk Seri Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man has confirmed that the party will propose several names for consideration as the new chairman of Perikatan Nasional (PN), to succeed Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin.

Speaking to Scoop, Tuan Ibrahim, who is also the MP for Kubang Kerian, said the matter will be discussed at an upcoming PN supreme council meeting, in accordance with the coalition’s constitution.

He, however, did not reveal the names of the leaders likely to be proposed.

“Nothing has been decided yet. We will discuss this at the supreme council meeting. There may be several names put forward. What is important is that everybody works together to strengthen PN.

“For whatever Muhyiddin has done for the coalition, we are grateful to him for making our coalition strong over the years,” he added when contacted.

Earlier, Bersatu president Muhyiddin officially announced his resignation as PN chairman, effective January 1, 2026, ending more than five years at the helm.

He was joined by several key figures in the coalition in stepping down, including Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali as PN secretary-general and Selangor PN chairman; Datuk Dr Sahruddin Jamal as Johor PN chairman; Datuk Seri Ahmad Faizal Azumu as Perak PN chairman; and Mohamad Hanifah Abu Baker as Negeri Sembilan PN chairman.

As early as September, PAS had expressed its intention to lead PN, with its youth wing passing a unanimous resolution to replace Bersatu ahead of GE16. Tensions rose after Bersatu nominated Muhyiddin as its preferred leader, causing unease within PAS, the coalition’s largest party.

Meanwhile, Tuan Ibrahim also dismissed a viral statement circulating online, which claimed that Parti Pejuang Tanahair had been invited by PAS to join the PN coalition, and that the party would soon come on board with its founder, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, named as the new PN chairman.



The Pejuang statement was reportedly issued by the party’s secretary-general, Datuk Wira Amiruddin Hamzah.

“The news being circulated online is fake and untrue. We (PAS) did not extend any invitation to Pejuang, and no discussion has taken place between our party and Pejuang,” Tuan Ibrahim added. – December 30, 2025





PAS will lead PN, coalition not dying - Bersatu leader










PAS will lead PN, coalition not dying - Bersatu leader


Shakira Buang
Published: Dec 30, 2025 8:53 PM
Updated: 11:54 PM




PAS will likely lead Perikatan Nasional following the exit of top office holders today, who were from the component party Bersatu.

In dismissing talk that the opposition coalition was on the verge of collapse due to the resignations, a Bersatu source said PN will undergo a change in leadership.

“Who says PN will die? PAS will lead PN,” said a Bersatu leader who declined to be quoted.

PN chairperson Muhyiddin Yassin and a slew of Bersatu officials had quit their posts in PN’s supreme council today. Bersatu, along with PAS and Gerakan, are part of the coalition.

Muhyiddin, along with PN secretary-general Azmin Ali, had announced their resignations a few days after the Perlis crisis, which saw the downfall of menteri besar Shukri Ramli from PAS.


Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin


The Islamist party had accused Bersatu of staging Shukri’s removal and the appointment of Bersatu’s Abu Bakar Hamzah as the new menteri besar.

To make clear its protest, PAS said its assemblypersons will not accept executive councillor posts in the new state government.

A day before the resignations, PAS Youth chief Afnan Hamimi Azamudden had implored his party’s leadership to take over PN from a “weak friend” - a veiled reference to Bersatu.

“A friend who cannot control their subordinates is a weak friend. A friend who topples their friends is a treacherous friend,” he wrote in a Facebook post.

“After what happened in Perlis, PAS is highly qualified to take over the PN leadership. PAS (should) take over PN.”

Coalition’s supreme council to decide

Meanwhile, Bersatu information chief Tun Faisal Ismail Aziz, said the final decision on who will fill the vacancies, including the PN chair, will be made by the coalition’s supreme council.

He also refuted suggestions that the Perlis crisis and 
the resignations would ruin PN.


Tun Faisal Ismail Aziz


“PN still exists, why should it die? Bersatu is still a component of PN, and as of now, there is no change in policy,” Tun Faisal said when contacted.

“Questions as to who is the chairperson will be brought to the PN supreme council to be decided.”

Tun Faisal also defended Muhyiddin’s decision to resign, saying the Bersatu president was not after any positions in PN.

He claimed that after the 15th general election, Muhyiddin suggested that PAS take over the top post in the coalition, but the latter declined.

PAS had also declined the post of parliamentary opposition leader, he said.

“That is how (Bersatu deputy president) Hamzah Zainudin’s name was proposed, and this was agreed by (PAS president) Abdul Hadi Awang and other leaders. This shows that Muhyiddin is not after posts and is open (to ideas).”