Sunday, August 02, 2026

Where was the ancestral homeland of the Malays?












Ranjit Singh Malhi
Published: Aug 2, 2026 3:21 PM
Updated: 5:21 PM




COMMENT | There is a claim about Malay history that gets repeated so often, and so confidently, that almost nobody stops to check it: that Tanah Melayu - the Malay Peninsula – has always been the ancestral homeland of the Malays.

It is treated less as an argument than as common knowledge. A closer examination of the historical record, however, reveals a rather different picture.

To be clear, nobody disputes that the peninsula became the heart of Malay civilisation. This is where the great sultanates rose, where the Malay language reached its highest prestige, where Islam took deep root, and where Malay custom matured into one of Southeast Asia’s most enduring civilisations.

None of that is in question here.

What I want to ask is a narrower question: not where Malay civilisation reached its fullest expression, but where the Malays first emerged as a people at all.

These are two different questions, even though they tend to get collapsed into one - and the answer to the second, I would argue, is not found in modern political rhetoric. It is found in the evidence.


Tracing the origins

No single source can tell us where the Malays came from. Archaeology, linguistics, genetics and written records each capture a different slice of a very long story, but put together, they point broadly in the same direction.

Many scholars now accept that the ancestors of the Malays were part of a much larger Austronesian-speaking population that began expanding out of Taiwan roughly four thousand years ago.

Over the following centuries, these communities spread through the Philippines and into Island Southeast Asia, splitting into dozens of distinct societies with their own languages and cultures.

The Malays were one of the peoples that eventually emerged from this process.

It would be a mistake, though, to compress all this into the shorthand that “the Malays came from Taiwan”. That badly oversimplifies what was a slow, layered process of migration, mixing and state-building spanning thousands of years.


Taiwan


The Malays, as we would recognise them, did not exist yet when that expansion began - they took shape much later, inside Island Southeast Asia itself, through contact, adaptation and the gradual formation of states.

So where exactly did that happen? Several of the earliest written sources point to the same answer: southeast Sumatra, not the Malay Peninsula.

Chinese records from the 7th century mention a kingdom called Mo-lo-yu, or Malayu, in the Jambi region.

Centuries later, the Javanese court poet Mpu Prapanca, in his book titled “Desawarnana”, also located Melayu in Sumatra. Writing in the early 16th century, the Portuguese apothecary TomΓ© Pires associated Tanah Melayu with an area near Palembang.

What is striking here is not just what these sources say, but who is saying it.

A Chinese court chronicler, a Javanese poet and a Portuguese apothecary had nothing in common - different centuries, different civilisations, different reasons for writing. Yet they all locate the same region as the birthplace of Melayu.


What modern historians say?

Modern historians back this up. Leonard Andaya has argued that “Malay” originally referred to communities in southeast Sumatra, only later expanding to cover other Malay-speaking populations.

OW Wolters went further, describing the southeastern coast of Sumatra as the heartland of the early Malay seafaring world.

When four independent traditions - separated by centuries and by civilisation - line up this closely with each other and with modern scholarship, that is not a coincidence worth dismissing.

This should not really be controversial if you think about it. Peoples migrate. They build new centres of power.

They turn unfamiliar land into the heartland of a civilisation that had not previously existed there. The English did not originate in London. The Turks did not first emerge in Anatolia.




Recognising southeast Sumatra as the Malays’ earliest home does not take anything away from what they went on to build on the peninsula.

If anything, it explains it.


How the peninsula became Tanah Melayu

For more than 2,000 years, the Straits of Malacca connected the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea - one of the busiest sea lanes on earth.

Rather than dividing Sumatra from the peninsula, the straits bound them together. Traders crossed back and forth. So did scholars, religious teachers and ruling families.

Alliances were made, trade networks grew, and cultural habits moved freely between both shores long before Malacca ever existed.


Straits of Malacca


It was this constant traffic across the straits that eventually pulled the centre of gravity of Malay civilisation away from Sumatra and onto the peninsula.

The turning point came with the founding of the Malacca Sultanate around 1400. Its founder, Parameswara, was a prince from Palembang - in other words, from the old Sumatran heartland.


Artistic depiction of Parameswara


His crossing to the peninsula was not an isolated event; it was really just the most consequential instance of a movement that had been building for generations, as Malay rulers, traders and settlers kept crossing the straits in search of new opportunities.

Malacca had one enormous advantage: location. Ships from China, India, the Middle East and across the archipelago all converged there, turning it into more than a trading post – it became a hub of diplomacy, scholarship and religious exchange.

Malay became the language of regional trade. Islam embedded itself in the political and social life of the region. Malay ideas about kingship, law and court culture became the template that later sultanates across maritime Southeast Asia would copy.

It is fitting that Andaya calls Malacca the “standard-bearer” of Malay civilisation.

As Malacca’s influence grew, so did the meaning of the word “Melayu” itself. What had once described communities on the Sumatran coast gradually stretched to cover a much wider cultural and political identity.


Artefacts from the Malacca Sultanate era


By the early 1500s, the peninsula - not Sumatra - had become the centre of Malay political power, trade and culture.

That shift, not some original point of origin, is the real reason the peninsula came to be called Tanah Melayu.


What this means for Malay identity

This history also tells us something about what being “Malay” actually meant. Anthony Milner has made the point that “Malayness” was never just about bloodline.

Over centuries, it developed into something closer to a civilisational identity - built around language, Islam, loyalty to Malay rulers, and adherence to Malay custom.

Communities from Java, Minangkabau, the Bugis lands, Banjar and Aceh were gradually absorbed into this wider Malay world through assimilation.

Families of Arab, Indian and Chinese descent who adopted Islam, spoke Malay and lived by Malay custom were, in time, accepted as Malay too.





Malaysia’s Federal Constitution still reflects this. It defines a Malay by religion, language and custom - not by descent.


Why this matters?

Does any of this actually matter, beyond academic interest? I think it does – because our understanding of history should rest on evidence, not on inherited assumptions that nobody bothers to check.

Recognising southeast Sumatra as the Malays’ earliest home does not undermine the constitutional position of Malays today, nor does it diminish the peninsula’s central role in Malay history, or the achievements of the Malay sultanates and rulers.

Those belong to a different – later - chapter of the story, and there is no need to conflate the two.

If anything, the historical record makes the Malay story more impressive, not less. Starting from southeast Sumatra, the Malays built a civilisation whose reach went far beyond its original borders.

Their language became the lingua franca of maritime Southeast Asia. Their political traditions shaped one sultanate after another. Their literary, legal and cultural legacy is still felt across the region today.

History rarely stays still. It is not about fixed homelands or unchanging identities - it is about movement, adaptation and renewal. The Malays are a good example of exactly that.


Conclusion

So, was the Malay Peninsula the ancestral homeland of the Malays? The evidence does not really support that claim.


READ MORE: COMMENT | History, homeland, and who belongs in Malaysia


The earliest surviving written references to “Melayu”, together with the conclusions of leading historians, point instead to southeast Sumatra as the Malays’ original homeland.

It was only over the following centuries that the centre of Malay civilisation crossed the straits to the peninsula, where it eventually reached its fullest political, cultural and intellectual expression.

This is not just a technical correction. It is a reminder that peoples and civilisations rarely stay put in one place, frozen at one moment in time.

What makes the Malays remarkable is not a claim to some single, unbroken homeland - it is their ability to build, again and again, a civilisation that shaped the history of an entire region.


RANJIT SINGH MALHI is an independent historian who has written 19 books on Malaysian, Asian, and world history. He is highly committed to writing an inclusive and truthful history of Malaysia based upon authoritative sources.


***


It's noteworthy that Ranjit Singh has to reassure the Malays at regular intervals in his narrative that his presentation of historical facts "does not undermine the constitutional position of Malays" - how 'sensitive' he must have considered the bumiputera to be?

That aside, I trust Fei-Lo has taken note unless he prefers to remain blind, wakakaka.




PAS leader predicts BN-PN peninsula sweep, says alliance can win GE16










PAS leader predicts BN-PN peninsula sweep, says alliance can win GE16


Published: Aug 2, 2026 3:50 PM
Updated: 6:46 PM



BN and Perikatan Nasional’s continued alliance may eventually lead to the two coalitions establishing governments in every state in Peninsular Malaysia.

Taking to Facebook following BN-PN’s resounding victory at the Negeri Sembilan polls yesterday, PAS information chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari said similar wins could be replicated if the two coalitions stick to their “winning formula”.

“If this BN-PN formula can be carried into the general election arena, every state in Peninsular Malaysia will be successfully captured, including Penang.

“Therefore, the PN and BN leadership should not look back anymore; continue with this winning formula,” the Pasir Mas MP said.

He added, however, that BN representatives in the federal administration should continue to serve in the federal coalition government with Pakatan Harapan as best as possible, while waiting for Parliament to be dissolved.




At yesterday’s polls, BN and PN managed to consolidate Malay votes and bag 25 seats for a two-thirds majority in the state, while Harapan was relegated to 11 seats.

PN’s seven seats were split between PAS, which secured four, and Parti Wawasan Negara, which won three. Umno secured 16 seats for BN, while MCA won the remaining two.
Bersatu, the PN component which was left out of the BN-PN alliance and had to fend for itself using its own flag, was completely wiped out.


Do not resist the inevitable

In a major upset for Harapan, former menteri besar Aminuddin Harun and DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke both failed to secure the Linggi and Chennah state seats, respectively.


Former Negeri Sembilan menteri besar Aminuddin Harun and DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke


BN leaders previously said that extending the coalition’s pact with PN beyond the Negeri Sembilan polls would have to be discussed before any decisions were made.

However, BN chairperson Ahmad Zahid Hamidi yesterday hinted that the agreement would continue to be in place during the Malacca election.

Commenting on the results, Fadhli urged Harapan supporters to reconsider their backing of the coalition at the 16th general election, arguing there is “no point supporting a team that is almost certain to lose”.

“Besides, if any Harapan MPs win (and become the opposition), they surely won’t ask for allocations from the government, just as they themselves didn’t give allocations to the opposition during this term.

“So, it’s better to support the winning team from the start,” Fadhli proposed.


‘Harapan should reflect’

In a message to Harapan leaders, he advised them to reflect on their mistakes instead of pinning the blame solely on their opponents.

“There’s a reason why the people rejected you today.

“Don’t blame us by painting it as if the people were fooled by racial sentiment. Do you think the people are not smart?” the lawmaker questioned.




Last night, Harapan election director Amirudin Shari attributed BN and PN’s Negeri Sembilan win to “extraordinary” levels of identity politics and communal rhetoric.

Amirudin, who is also the PKR vice-president and Selangor menteri besar, asserted that identity politics do not help efforts to develop the state or country.

Stressing that efforts should instead be focused on issues affecting the rakyat, such as the local economy and job opportunities, Amirudin claimed Harapan’s contenders had ignored such matters throughout their campaign.

Ukraine Unlikely to Produce U.S. Patriot Missiles as Technology Hurdles Remain High



Ukraine Unlikely to Produce U.S. Patriot Missiles as Technology Hurdles Remain High

Eastern Europe and Central Asia , Missile and Space


United States President Donald Trump has cast doubt on whether the U.S. will allow Ukraine to manufacture missile interceptors from the MIM-104 Patriot system domestically, despite having earlier pledged to grant production licenses during the NATO Summit in July. Speaking in an interview published on July 30, Trump stated that he was "not sure" the United States should permit production of one of its most advanced missile defence systems in the Eastern European country, citing concerns over transferring sensitive military technology. The uncertainty comes as Ukraine and its European security partners continue pressing for greater access to Patriot interceptors following a sustained increase in Russian ballistic missile strikes. 

Surface-to-Air Missile Launch from Patriot System
Surface-to-Air Missile Launch from Patriot System

Significant questions have been raised regarding the viability of producing highly complex Patriot interceptors in Ukraine, with industry officials and defence analysts having informed the British media outlet Reuters in July that the technical, industrial and security challenges involved meant production was far more likely to begin in Germany or another European NATO member, before eventually moving to Ukraine in peacetime. Sources cited by Reuters stressed that even with U.S. approval, production remains a highly complex undertaking, posing challenges even for much more stable and developed countries. 

Ukrainian Patriot System Milliseconds Before Destruction By Russian Iskander Ballistic Missile Strike
Ukrainian Patriot System Milliseconds Before Destruction By Russian Iskander Ballistic Missile Strike

Patriot missiles contain sophisticated radar seekers, guidance electronics, rocket motors and advanced software that depend on tightly integrated international supply chains. Manufacturing many of these components requires specialised facilities that do not currently exist in Ukraine, while sensitive technologies would require separate export approvals beyond a general production licence. Boeing, which manufactures key components used in Patriot interceptor guidance systems, is unwilling to authorise production of some of the missile's most technologically sensitive elements outside the United States. According to reports citing industry sources, the principal obstacle concerns licensing production of missile seekers, which are among the most sophisticated components of the Patriot system. Without access to these technologies, any Ukrainian production line would remain heavily dependent on imported American components regardless of licensing agreements. 

Russian Iskander-M Ballistic Missile Launch - A Primary Target for Patriot Air Defences
Russian Iskander-M Ballistic Missile Launch - A Primary Target for Patriot Air Defences

Patriot interceptor production has struggled to keep pace with rapidly expanding operational requirements. Demand has increased simultaneously due to continuing supplies to Ukraine, the replenishment of U.S. stockpiles amid operations in the Middle East, and growing procurement by security partners across Europe and Asia. Reports from multiple Western sources confirmed on March 5, 2026, that the United States Army had expended over 800 interceptors from Patriot systems during just five days of engagements with Iranian forces. The result has been an increasingly strained production base despite major Pentagon investments intended to expand manufacturing capacity. 

PAC-3 MSE Launch from Patriot System
PAC-3 MSE Launch from Patriot System

The Pentagon has sought to address these shortages through unprecedented procurement programs, with the U.S. Army having in July awarded Lockheed Martin a contract worth up to $58.6 billion to produce PAC-3 MSE interceptors for the systems. Shortages have been sufficiently severe that the United States was in March forced to request supplies of interceptors to replenish after extreme depletion of the Army’s arsenal in the war’s initial days, with the Polish arsenal being the only one in NATO that was not severely depleted. Poland rejected these requests, however, and instead sent interceptors from its stockpiles to Ukraine.

‘We still need him’: After Chennah loss, Loke receives backing from Chow, Negeri Sembilan DAP





Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow has urged DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke to reconsider his decision to step down as Negeri Sembilan DAP chairman. - Social media pic, August 2, 2026


‘We still need him’: After Chennah loss, Loke receives backing from Chow, Negeri Sembilan DAP


State committee says veteran leader’s track record has strengthened DAP’s position over the years


Keran Raj
Updated 57 seconds ago
2 August, 2026
3:48 PM MYT



KUALA LUMPUR – Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow has urged DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke to reconsider his decision to step down as Negeri Sembilan DAP chairman, as the state party committee expressed solidarity with its embattled leader following his defeat in the Chennah seat.

Loke, who had held Chennah for three consecutive terms since 2013, suffered a narrow loss to Barisan Nasional (BN) newcomer Siow Kong Choon (John) in the 16th Negeri Sembilan state election.

Unofficial results showed Loke securing 5,060 votes, while Siow received 5,593 votes, giving the BN candidate a majority of 533 votes.

Following the defeat, Loke said he would consider relinquishing his position as Negeri Sembilan DAP chairman and reassess his role within the party.

Speaking to reporters after officiating the George Town Festival 2026 at Padang Kota Lama in Penang, Chow said Loke should take some time before making any decision regarding his future in the state party leadership.

“He should cool down for a day or two before making a decision,” Chow said, as quoted by Buletin Mutiara.

“The party still needs him,” he added.

Chow described Chennah as one of the most challenging contests in the election, particularly following the new political cooperation between BN and Perikatan Nasional (PN).

“From the beginning of the campaign, we acknowledged that it would be a difficult contest because of the constituency’s racial composition and the new political configuration. The campaign also became heavily centred on racial and religious issues. Despite those circumstances, it was a very close fight,” he said.

Unofficial results showed BN winning 18 state seats while PN secured seven, allowing the BN-PN alliance to claim a two-thirds majority in the Negeri Sembilan Legislative Assembly and ending Pakatan Harapan’s (PH) administration in the state.

Meanwhile, Negeri Sembilan DAP has thrown its support behind Loke, urging him to remain as state party chairman despite the electoral setback.

In a statement posted on Facebook, Negeri Sembilan DAP secretary Cha Kee Chin said the party’s state committee had unanimously agreed to appeal for Loke to continue leading the chapter.

“The Negeri Sembilan DAP committee stands in solidarity and continues to support Loke Siew Fook as the Negeri Sembilan DAP chairman. We unanimously appeal for him to continue leading Negeri Sembilan DAP,” he said.

Cha said Loke’s leadership had been instrumental in strengthening DAP’s position in Negeri Sembilan and described it as the most successful period in the history of the state chapter.

“Starting with just two seats in 2004, Loke’s credible leadership has elevated Negeri Sembilan DAP to a position respected by both friends and opponents,” he said.

He acknowledged that the party was disappointed by its losses in Chennah and Repah but stressed that Loke should not be blamed for the outcome.

“The defeats in Chennah and Repah have certainly disappointed us, but they are not Loke’s fault, and he should not be held responsible for these defeats,” he said.

Cha added that with PH no longer commanding a majority in the state assembly, DAP would require Loke’s leadership to navigate future political challenges, including the 16th General Election.

He said the party’s initial assessment of the election results indicated that PH and DAP candidates continued to receive strong backing from their traditional supporters despite facing campaigns that focused on racial issues.

“Preliminary analysis of the state election results shows that Pakatan Harapan and DAP candidates still received strong support from our loyal supporters, despite facing opponents who played racial issues,” he said.

Cha said he had consulted all members of the Negeri Sembilan DAP committee, who unanimously agreed to urge Loke to remain as state party chairman.

Earlier, Loke said he was considering stepping down from the position after losing the Chennah state seat, adding that he would reassess his role within DAP before making any decision. – August 2, 2026


Israel kills eight in Gaza despite Trump’s Hamas disarmament plan

 



Israel kills eight in Gaza despite Trump’s Hamas disarmament plan

Strikes hit Gaza homes two days after US unveiled plan for Hamas disarmament, Israeli withdrawal.

Israeli forces have killed at least eight Palestinians in strikes across the Gaza Strip, Gaza’s civil defence said.

Among those killed on Sunday were a man and woman hit in an Israeli helicopter strike on an apartment south of Deir el-Balah, the Palestinian Civil Defence said. Separate strikes killed several others across the territory, including three people in Khan Younis and one person in Gaza City’s Old City.

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The strikes came on Sunday, two days after United States President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace published a 15-point roadmap for implementing last year’s Gaza ceasefire agreement, extending a pattern of continued Israeli strikes despite diplomatic breakthroughs.

The roadmap has yet to be implemented on the ground. Hamas has said it will hand over its weapons for storage only after Israel halts military operations and withdraws its forces in line with last year’s agreement. An Israeli official told the Reuters news agency there would be no withdrawal from current positions unless Hamas undergoes “genuine disarmament”.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has not publicly commented on the initiative, but far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has called it unacceptable and said Israel should continue targeting Hamas leaders.

Former senior Fatah official Mohammed Dahlan, based in the United Arab Emirates, said Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and a senior adviser on the US initiative, told him he was working with Israel to halt the attacks on Gaza. Dahlan said talks with Washington were continuing, and that the agreement’s success now depended on Israel fully ending its daily strikes.

Separately, Israeli strikes destroyed a medical supply warehouse in central Gaza on Saturday, leaving a crater 20 metres (66ft) wide and 10 metres (33ft) deep, part of a broader wave of attacks that has continued despite the ceasefire push.

Anthony Loke’s first defeat in 22 years and what it tells us — Khoo Ying Hooi






Anthony Loke’s first defeat in 22 years and what it tells us — Khoo Ying Hooi


Summary

  • Anthony Loke's unexpected defeat in Chennah ends his 22-year unbeaten electoral streak and underscores shifts in Malaysia's political landscape.
  • Despite his strong history and reputation, factors such as racialized attacks, local dissatisfaction, and weaker voter mobilization contributed to the loss.
  • While this defeat signifies a fragile coalition in Chennah, it highlights broader challenges facing Loke and the Democratic Action Party (DAP).
  • The election result demands introspection from DAP and raises questions about Malaysia's evolving political dynamics.


First Published: Sunday, 02 Aug 2026 2:35 PM MYT


AUG 2 — Anthony Loke has lost Chennah.

That announcement carries weight because, for 22 years, he had never lost an election.


Since 2004, Loke had built one of the most consistent electoral records in Malaysian politics.


He won in Lobak, moved to Chennah, became the MP for Seremban, rose to lead DAP and eventually became one of the most visible, and arguably most successful, ministers in the federal government.


The result was not entirely unexpected. Loke himself had described Chennah as a 50-50 contest, and the warning signs were already visible before polling day.


Even so, the defeat is politically significant. It is not simply the loss of a state seat, but the end of a 22-year unbeaten electoral record belonging to one of DAP’s most important leaders.

All eyes are on Anthony Loke now as well as on DAP.


In his speech after the result, Loke accepted the outcome and took responsibility without immediately reaching for excuses.

What matters now is whether he and DAP are willing to look honestly at why Chennah was lost.

The mood on the ground had been tense throughout the campaign. Increasingly, the contest seemed to be less about local issues and more about bringing down the DAP secretary-general.

BN leaders made no attempt to hide this. Ahmad Zahid Hamidi openly called on voters to “bungkus” Loke.



DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke casts his ballot at the polling centre at SJKC Kelpin in Jalan Tok Ungku, Taman Ujong, Seremban, during the 16th Negeri Sembilan state election on August 1, 2026. — Bernama pic



It was a remarkable attack because Zahid and Loke are colleagues in the same federal government.

They sit together in Cabinet, but in Chennah, Zahid was asking voters to bring Loke down.

The attacks against Loke became increasingly personal and racialised. Claims were circulated that he wanted to become menteri besar, that Malay political power would be weakened if he won, and that he had interfered in Negeri Sembilan’s adat and royal institutions.

Chennah was always more fragile for DAP than its recent results suggested. Loke had held the seat since 2013, but it remained a mixed constituency that required support across Malay villages, Chinese new villages and smaller communities.

This time, the support that had kept Loke in Chennah for three terms simply did not come together.

According to ElectionData.MY, Malay voters made up 47.8 per cent of the electorate, followed by Chinese voters at 42.6 per cent.

Orang Asli voters accounted for another 6.3 per cent. Chennah was never a seat DAP could take for granted.

Turnout in Chennah was about 84 per cent in 2013 and 82.9 per cent in 2018, before falling to around 66 per cent in 2023.

At the time of writing, statewide turnout for the 2026 election had reached 65.38 per cent by 4pm, with the final figure still to come.

Turnout alone does not explain Loke’s defeat, especially when the margin was so small.

But it does raise a harder question. Was he defeated because more voters actively turned against him, or because not enough of those who had supported him before felt compelled to come out? In a close seat, that difference matters.

The broader result was clearly difficult for Pakatan Harapan (PH), of which DAP is a part. But Chennah deserves to be analysed on its own terms because Loke was not an ordinary candidate.

He carried his own reputation, his record in government and the weight of being DAP secretary-general.

His defeat was shaped by the wider political mood, but it cannot be explained by that mood alone.

A “partnership” between Barisan Nasional-Perikatan Nasional (BN-PN), weaker mobilisation among some of Loke’s supporters, local dissatisfaction, campaign organisation, and attacks involving race, adat and royalty may all have played a part.

When the margin is this narrow, no single factor needs to be decisive on its own. A few small shifts can be enough.

For years, Chennah was proof of Loke’s political reach. It showed that a senior DAP leader could hold a mixed, semi-rural seat not once, but three times.

His image as a moderate, practical and hardworking politician mattered. So did his ability to win support beyond DAP’s usual base.

That is why this defeat matters. It does not mean that support for Loke disappeared, nor does it mean that his political style has failed.

But it shows that the coalition he built in Chennah had become much more fragile than before.

Once the result came in, almost all attention turned to Loke. That was inevitable. He is DAP’s secretary-general, a senior minister and someone who had not lost an election in 22 years.

But Chennah should not be read only as Anthony Loke’s personal failure. The wider question is what DAP and PH missed.

His first defeat may tell us more about Malaysia’s changing political ground than many of his victories ever did.

* Khoo Ying Hooi, PhD is associate professor at Universiti Malaya.

Who is Ismail Lasim, the new Negeri Sembilan menteri besar?






Who is Ismail Lasim, the new Negeri Sembilan menteri besar?



Datuk Ismail bin Lasim’s rise to the state’s highest political office comes as a continuation of his long-standing presence in Negeri Sembilan politics. — Picture via Facebook/Ismail Lasim


Summary

  • Datuk Ismail Lasim has been sworn in as the menteri besar of Negeri Sembilan, marking a pivotal change in state leadership.
  • With a career spanning over two decades in public service and a long-standing affiliation with Umno and Barisan Nasional, Ismail brings extensive legal, legislative, and administrative experience.
  • Having held key executive portfolios and serving as the chief of Umno's Kuala Pilah division, he is positioned to focus on forming a new Executive Council and fostering socio-economic growth in the state.


First Published: Sunday, 02 Aug 2026 12:07 PM MYT
Last Modified: Sunday, 02 Aug 2026 12:13 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 2 — Datuk Ismail Lasim has been officially sworn in as the new menteri besar of Negeri Sembilan before the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan, Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir.

The ceremony marks a major transition in the state’s leadership, elevating a veteran politician and legal practitioner to the top executive office after more than two decades of public service in state administration.


Who is lsmail?


Ismail’s rise to the state’s highest political office comes as a continuation of his long-standing presence in Negeri Sembilan politics. Born and raised in Kuala Pilah, the 63-year-old built his early career as a lawyer, graduating with a Bachelor of Laws degree from Universiti Malaya.


He practiced as an advocate and solicitor for nearly two decades from 1985 to 2004 with Messrs. Halim & Ismail before transitioning to full-time governance and political roles.


A political veteran

His political footprint in Negeri Sembilan is rooted in Umno and the broader Barisan Nasional coalition. Over a 26-year electoral career, Ismail has established himself as one of the coalition’s most resilient local leaders, successfully contesting eight state election races across two key constituencies in Kuala Pilah.


He first entered the Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly in 1999 as the representative for Senaling, a seat he held continuously for four terms until 2018.

During the 14th General Election, he shifted to the neighboring state seat of Juasseh, serving a term before returning to contest and reclaim the Senaling seat in the 2023 state election.


Experienced man

Beyond his legislative tenure, Ismail brings extensive administrative experience to the menteri besar’s office.

He served as a state executive council member for over a decade under former menteri besar Tan Sri Mohamad Hasan, overseeing critical state infrastructure portfolios that included public works, utilities, water, energy, and telecommunications.

Following the formation of the state Unity Government, he took on the portfolio for education and human capital.


Who is he in Umno?


At the organisational level, Ismail holds significant weight within the state political machinery. He currently serves as the chief of the Umno Kuala Pilah division and acts as the state chapter’s information chief, serving as a key bridge between party leadership and grassroots operations.

As he steps into the state’s top post, Ismail’s immediate focus will centre on finalising his new Executive Council lineup. Umno vowed to uphold “moderate” politics even as it partnered ultra-conservative coalition Perikatan Nasional, pledging to drive socio-economic growth initiatives across the state.







Politics matters, economy matters more if not most — Phar Kim Beng


Summary

  • Recent political developments in Negeri Sembilan highlight the crucial interplay between economics and elections.
  • The alliance between Barisan Nasional (BN) and Perikatan Nasional (PN) aims to mitigate economic anxieties and appeal to the Malay-Muslim electorate grappling with rising living costs.
  • While political cooperation intends to offer stability amidst uncertainty, the real test lies in governance and the ability to address structural challenges impacting household finances.
  • Ultimately, the electorate's focus is on which coalition can credibly improve their economic circumstances, a factor that will significantly influence Malaysia's political landscape.


First Published: Sunday, 02 Aug 2026 9:03 AM MYT


AUGUST 2 — Politics shapes governments, but the economy shapes elections.

That is perhaps the most important lesson emerging from the latest political developments in Negeri Sembilan.


Much attention has been devoted to the electoral understanding between Barisan Nasional (BN) and Perikatan Nasional (PN), whereby BN contests 25 seats while PN contests 11.


Political observers have understandably focused on the electoral arithmetic, the symbolism of former rivals cooperating, and what such an arrangement could mean for future state and national elections.


Yet beneath these political calculations lies a more fundamental reality.


The growing appeal of political unity among segments of the Malay-Muslim electorate is inseparable from widespread concerns over the rising cost of living.

Identity politics may provide the language of political mobilisation, but economic anxiety provides much of its emotional force.



The author argues that while political alliances shape election campaigns, it is voters’ concerns over the cost of living and confidence in economic management that ultimately determine electoral outcomes.



Most Malaysians do not evaluate the economy by examining quarterly GDP figures, export statistics or fiscal balances.

They evaluate it every time they visit the supermarket, pay school fees, settle utility bills or refill their petrol tanks. What economists describe as inflation translates into ordinary families wondering whether their salaries can stretch until the end of the month.

For many households in Negeri Sembilan, as elsewhere in Malaysia, living costs have become the defining issue. Housing remains expensive for young families.

Childcare costs continue to increase. Food prices remain stubbornly high despite government efforts to cushion consumers through targeted subsidies.

Small businesses face higher operating costs while consumers have become increasingly careful with discretionary spending.

Economic pressure affects every community. Yet political responses often differ.

Among many Malay-Muslim voters, economic uncertainty has reinforced the appeal of greater political consolidation.

This does not necessarily mean that every voter suddenly agrees on ideology or policy. Rather, periods of economic stress often encourage voters to support political arrangements that appear more stable, more united and better positioned to defend their economic interests.

History demonstrates that when people become financially anxious, they rarely separate economics from politics.

They seek governments that promise certainty amid uncertainty. Whether such promises are ultimately fulfilled is another matter altogether.

BN and PN clearly recognise this political reality.

Their decision to avoid multi-cornered contests is not simply about electoral efficiency. It is also an attempt to reassure voters that political fragmentation should not worsen economic uncertainty.

After their cooperation in Johor, both parties have strong incentives to test whether a similar formula can succeed in Negeri Sembilan.

This explains why the alliance has attracted so much attention. It is not merely an agreement over seats. It is an experiment to determine whether political cooperation can convert economic dissatisfaction into electoral support.

Yet winning an election is far easier than governing afterwards.

No political coalition, regardless of ideology, can simply legislate away global economic pressures.

Malaysia remains deeply integrated into the international economy. Global commodity prices, supply chain disruptions, exchange rate movements and geopolitical conflicts all influence domestic inflation.

The recent volatility in energy markets, together with continuing uncertainties in global trade, reminds Malaysians that many price increases originate far beyond the country's borders.

Consequently, whoever forms the next government in Negeri Sembilan—or eventually Putrajaya—will inherit identical structural challenges.

The electorate understands this more than politicians sometimes assume.

Voters appreciate that governments cannot control every external shock. What they expect instead is competent management, transparent governance and policies that reduce the burden on ordinary families rather than transferring additional costs onto them.

This is where political credibility becomes decisive.

Pakatan Harapan cannot assume that respectable macroeconomic performance alone will satisfy voters if household finances remain under strain.

Equally, BN and PN cannot assume that electoral cooperation automatically translates into confidence in their ability to govern effectively.

The contest is therefore no longer simply about personalities or party symbols.

It is increasingly about competence.

Can the winning coalition generate higher-paying jobs?

Can it improve productivity rather than merely expand subsidies?

Can it attract quality domestic and foreign investments that create sustainable employment?

Can it strengthen education and technical training so younger Malaysians can compete in an increasingly technology-driven economy?

These questions matter far more than campaign rhetoric.

Young Malaysians, especially first-time voters, are acutely aware that their future depends not only on political stability but also on economic mobility. Many graduates delay marriage because housing remains unaffordable.

Others postpone starting families because childcare costs continue to rise. Small entrepreneurs struggle with financing costs while established businesses confront shrinking profit margins.

These everyday concerns shape voting behaviour more profoundly than many campaign strategists acknowledge.

Negeri Sembilan therefore represents more than another state election. It serves as an important indicator of how Malaysians balance identity, leadership and economic performance when casting their votes.

Politics will always matter in a democracy.

Coalitions will continue to evolve. Alliances will form and dissolve. Leaders will rise and fall.

But throughout democratic history, voters have consistently demonstrated one enduring principle.

When economic confidence weakens, politics changes.

Conversely, when governments succeed in improving living standards, political stability usually follows.

That is why the ultimate challenge for every political coalition is not merely to win elections but to earn the lasting trust of the people through competent economic stewardship.

For voters in Negeri Sembilan, the question is therefore straightforward.

Which coalition offers not only the most persuasive political narrative, but also the most credible plan to improve the daily lives of ordinary Malaysians?

The answer to that question may well determine not only the outcome in Negeri Sembilan, but also the direction of Malaysian politics in the years ahead.


* Phar Kim Beng is a professor of Asean Studies and a director at the Institute of International and Asean Studies, International Islamic University Malaysia.

It’s official: Ismail Lasim takes over as Negeri Sembilan menteri besar






It’s official: Ismail Lasim takes over as Negeri Sembilan menteri besar



Kuala Pilah Umno chief Datuk Ismail Lasim has been sworn in today as the new menteri besar of Negeri Sembilan. — Picture via Facebook


Summary

  • Datuk Ismail Lasim has been appointed as the new Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan, following his victory in the Juasseh seat during the 16th state election.
  • The swearing-in ceremony was attended by key members of the royal family and political leaders.
  • Ismail's appointment comes after Barisan Nasional (BN) secured 18 seats in the election, forming a coalition government with Perikatan Nasional (PN) that holds a two-thirds majority.
  • This transition follows the dissolution of the previous state assembly and change in leadership after BN withdrew its support for the former menteri besar.


By Malay Mail
First Published: Sunday, 02 Aug 2026 11:35 AM MYT
Last Modified: Sunday, 02 Aug 2026 12:18 PM MYT


KUALA PILAH, Aug 2 — Juasseh State Assemblyman Datuk Ismail Lasim was today sworn in as the new Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan.

Ismail, 67, took his oath of office before the Yang Dipertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan, Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir, at the Throne Room of Istana Besar Seri Menanti here at 11.29 am.


Also in attendance at the swearing-in ceremony were the Tunku Ampuan Besar Tuanku Aishah Rohani Tengku Besar Mahmud, Tunku Besar Seri Menanti Tunku Ali Redhauddin Tuanku Muhriz, and Tunku Panglima Besar Tunku Zain Al-‘Abidin Tuanku Muhriz.


The ceremony was also attended by the Undang Luak of Sungai Ujong, Datuk Klana Petra Muhammad Faris Johari, and the Undang Luak of Rembau, Datuk Sedia Raja Hassan Ab Hamid.


Barisan Nasional (BN) deputy chairman Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan and other state elected representatives were also present.


In the 16th Negeri Sembilan state election, Ismail won the Juasseh seat with a majority of 4,091 votes after securing 6,907 votes, in a three-cornered contest against Bersatu’s Mohd Zuhaimi Md Yusof and Pakatan Harapan’s Mohd Aidil Abdullah.

Mohd Zuhaimi and Mohd Aidil secured 506 votes and 2,816 votes, respectively.


Yesterday’s Negeri Sembilan state election results saw BN secure 18 seats, while Perikatan Nasional (PN) won seven, thereby enabling the two coalitions to form the state government with a two-thirds majority.

A total of 36 state seats were contested in this election, involving 103 candidates.

In the 15th Negeri Sembilan state election, PH won 17 state seats, followed by BN (14) and PN (five), leading to the formation of a PH-BN state government.

The Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly was dissolved on June 5 after the state BN withdrew its support for the leadership of then menteri besar Datuk Seri Aminuddin Harun on April 27, paving the way for the state election to be held. — Bernama


Israel culprit behind illegal migration surge from Morocco into Spain


From the FB page of:


Spanish actor Javier Bardem has amplified claims linking the extraordinary migration surge from Morocco into Spain with the growing political pressure facing Pedro SΓ‘nchez’s government.
Posts reshared by Bardem alleged that Israel and its allies stood to benefit from the crisis because Spain has taken a strong position against Israel’s actions in Gaza and refused to fall in line with Washington and Tel Aviv.
The timing has inevitably raised questions. Around 60,000 people reportedly entered Ceuta from Morocco in an unprecedented border rush, placing enormous pressure on Spain and fuelling political outrage across Europe.
However, an allegation this serious requires real evidence. Bardem’s decision to share the claim does not prove that Israel designed or coordinated the migration movement, and no credible investigation has yet established such a plot.
What is undeniable is that migration can be exploited as a political weapon, while fear and chaos often benefit those seeking to weaken governments.
The public deserves an independent investigation—not speculation presented as confirmed fact.