Tuesday, May 26, 2026
Fallout Between Israel and Ukraine Continues as Ukraine Gives State Honors to WW2 Nazi Collaborator
Fallout Between Israel and Ukraine Continues as Ukraine Gives State Honors to WW2 Nazi Collaborator
Tensions between Israel and Ukraine are flaring again after the Ukrainian government held a state reburial ceremony honoring Andriy Melnyk, a leader of the wartime Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) who collaborated with Nazi Germany during World War II.
According to multiple reports, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and senior officials attended the ceremony in Kyiv, where Melnyk was described as a national hero whose remains were repatriated from Luxembourg. Israel’s Foreign Ministry condemned the event, saying there is “no place for ignoring historical truth and the memory of the victims murdered by the Nazis and their collaborators.”
Yad Vashem also criticized the honors, warning that celebrating leaders tied to movements that collaborated with Nazi Germany undermines Holocaust remembrance.
The controversy touches a longstanding fault line in Ukraine. Figures such as Andriy Melnyk and Stepan Bandera are viewed by many Ukrainians as anti-Soviet independence fighters, while critics — including Israeli and Polish officials — point to documented collaboration between factions of the OUN and Nazi Germany, including involvement in atrocities against Jews and Poles.
This is not a new dispute. Israel and Poland jointly condemned state-sponsored glorification of Bandera and Melnyk as early as 2020, and Ukrainian officials at the time pushed back by calling it an internal Ukrainian matter.
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The History of Russia is perhaps the most tragic and complicated in all of world history. Ukraine—which means “borderlands” in Russian—is a big reason for the tragedy and complexity.
The modern-day nation of Ukraine is enormous; the largest country in Europe. Historically, Ukraine proper was far smaller, localized around Kiev. The regions in the East and South belonged to the Russian Empire. The regions in the West belonged to the Austro-Hungarian (Hapsburg) Empire and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
Historically speaking, these territories represent some of the most ethnically and culturally diverse populations found anywhere in the world. They are situated on the largest open plain in the world, known as The Steppe, between the Carpathian Mountains in Central Europe and the Ural Mountains at the Russia-Kazakhstan border. They have been conquered by every great empire, kingdom, khanganate, and caliphate to ever ride on horseback across Eurasia. In fact, this plain is where all horses on earth originate. It’s easy to understand why God chose this vast open space to place such creatures.
Every major religion—including Judaism and countless forms of paganism—has at one point or another gained a foothold here. Every culture from Vikings, to Greeks, to Mongols, to Muslims, and Cossacks (among countless others) have had their turn ruling these lands and spreading their proverbial seed. And unlike the Middle East, here it was common for multiple empires to proliferate and coexist simultaneously. Mostly because Ukraine is the breadbasket of Europe, and the resources could easily sustain all that life.
What this means is that modern-day Ukraine will never be the homogenous ethno-state that Andrey Melnik and Stepan Bandera aspired to create when they formed the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in 1929. Melnik and Bandera were both born Austro-Hungarian (German/Cossack) citizens in the western regions of modern-day Ukraine. The OUN’s predecessor was the Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO) was founded in 1920 and operated in secret out of Prague, engaging in terrorism to advance their political interests.
Their counterpart would have been the Jewish militants that emerged from the eastern and southern regions of Ukraine—from the Russian Pale of Jewish Settlement. These militants became known as the Bolsheviks.
Though the OUN immediately allied with the Nazis in the 1930’s and began running pogroms for them against their Jewish brethren in the East, the Bolsheviks and the UVO/OUN did have common ground: they were both hyper-violent terrorist organizations, and they both harbored a historic hatred for Russians, blaming Russia for their respective cultures’ subjugation.
Perhaps this explains how the Banderite culture of violent insurgency became adopted by Jewish-Ukrainian militants, despite Bandera and Melnik’s collaboration with the Third Reich. (Truth be told, I think there were thousands of Jewish Nazis in the Third Reich, as well. All of which were Zionists.)
What we are witnessing now is the hyper-radicalization of two cultures (Israel/Ukraine) with a shared ancestry and history—both fueled by their historical connection to the lands they currently inhabit. One is more secular and the other is more esoteric, but both seem possessed by a conviction that they are fulfilling some kind of prophecy or destiny. That’s what makes both such dangerous animals.
Anthony Loke is Stuck Between The Devil and the Deep Blue Sea
Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator
OPINION | Anthony Loke is Stuck Between The Devil and the Deep Blue Sea
26 May 2026 • 3:00 PM MYT
Image credit: Malay Mail
Before we can understand why Anthony Loke is in trouble, we must first understand what the Chinese want.
To put it simply, what the Chinese — or more broadly speaking, the non-Malays — want, is to have a meaningful position and say in the government, and use that position and say to form a win-win relationship with the Malays, that will enable the country and the people to prosper and move forward.
Now, putting aside whether you believe that this is what the non-Malays truly want, or whether you agree with what the non-Malays want, or whether you believe that the non-Malays' approach will work - as you read on, I hope you will just accept this is what many non-Malays want, or at least, think they want.
While many Malays might suspect that the non-Malays want to take over the country — and although to a degree this is true, because anybody who says that they do not want the power to rule is obviously lying — non-Malays today generally do not seek to rule the country outright, simply because most of us do not think that we can.
The last major non-Malay leader who believed he could rule the country was Lee Kuan Yew. After him, there has been no non-Malay party or leader in the country that has had the conviction or self confidence to rule the country.
Since Lee Kuan Yew and Singapore left Malaysia in 1965, all the non-Malay leaders that we have had have instead only aimed to be part of the ruling government and have a meaningful say in running the country.
Previously, the non-Malays depended on racial-based parties like MCA and MIC to fulfil their desire to be part of the government and have a meaningful say in the running of the country. But in the last 15 to 20 years, non-Malays have increasingly depended on multiracial parties like DAP and PKR to carry out their aspirations.
The Chinese in particular have consolidated their support behind DAP.
The non-Malays' faith in multiracial parties was rewarded when, in 2018, the first Pakatan government was formed.
In this Pakatan 1.0 government, DAP was headed by Lim Guan Eng, whose approach towards carrying out the aspirations of the non-Malays and the Chinese was to take as much of the spoils of war as possible while maintaining a hostile stance against the Malays in order to pressure them into agreeing to DAP's worldview and aspirations.
This effort backfired, because instead of allowing the non-Malays to be part of the government and have a meaningful say in how the country was run, it only resulted in the Pakatan 1.0 government being toppled by 2020, after which the government was fully taken over by Malay parties with little to no non-Malay representation.
In 2022, the Pakatan 2.0 government was formed, and this time DAP was under the leadership of Anthony Loke.
Unlike Lim Guan Eng, Anthony was more patient, conciliatory and restrained. Although DAP was the biggest component of the unity government, it did not ask for the most important positions in the government. Instead of taking the prestigious Finance Minister position as Lim Guan Eng previously did, Anthony accepted the more modest transport minister position for himself.
Under Anthony's leadership, DAP also moved to reconcile its relationship with its traditional nemesis, Umno, by allowing Umno to hold more important positions in the government, such as the deputy prime minister, foreign minister and defense minister posts, although Umno's contribution to the unity government if far less than the DAP's contribution, and even though Umno has hitherto been the opponent of PH.
If Anthony's goal was to show that DAP does not have ill intent towards the Malays, is not greedy for power, and can therefore be trusted by the Malay parties as a sincere partner in building a win-win arrangement for the nation and its people, it does not appear that his strategy is succeeding.
It does not look like it is succeeding because rather than embracing DAP's conciliatory, patient and accommodating approach positively, many Malays appear to have become even more suspicious of DAP's intentions because of it.
Becoming more suspicious, they have increasingly circled the wagons around conservative Malay parties and politicians and intensified their hostility towards the non-Malays and DAP.
From issues ranging from upside down flags, to UEC recognition, to pig farming, many Malays are clearly showing that they are not prepared to trust the non-Malays no matter how conciliatory, patient or understanding DAP behaves towards them.
It might be the case that the baggage of history weighs too heavily on Malay-non-Malay relations for us to expect positive results within such a short period of time.
Anyway, the fact that the Malays appear to be repeatedly repudiating DAP's gestures is now causing immense discontent among non-Malays towards Anthony's approach.
From the non-Malay point of view today, despite giving so much, serving so faithfully and receiving so little in return, they are still being punished excessively over small matters — like a flag being flown upside down mistakenly by an old uncle, or pig farming being banned across the whole state of Selangor — while even small concessions, like allowing UEC graduates to apply for four relatively insignificant Chinese studies-related courses in public universities, are only granted after heavy condemnation and resistance.
This is starting to eat away at the non-Malay dignity and self-respect.
From the non-Malay point of view today, what is the point of meaning so well and sacrificing so much to serve a people and a country who not only do not appreciate what you are doing and sacrificing for them, but seem determined to punish you for it as well?
As a result, rather than continuing their intention to be part of the government and have a meaningful say in the running of the country, many within the DAP grassroots and delegate base now appear to be in the mood to separate from the government and return to what DAP traditionally was — a permanent opposition force.
Better to be in the opposition and retain your self-respect than be part of the government and lose your dignity — that increasingly appears to be the mood amongst large sections of the DAP grassroots today.
If this mood continues to intensify in the coming months, it will bode poorly for Team Anthony Loke's prospects within DAP.
Anthony Loke's political fortunes depend on his ability to create a healthy relationship with DAP's Malay partners in a way that allows the non-Malay community to build a genuine win-win relationship with the Malays.
If DAP increasingly moves towards severing ties with Malay parties and returning to a more confrontational win-lose relationship with the Malays — as was often the case during its years in opposition — then rather than Team Anthony Loke, it may instead be Team Lim Guan Eng that the DAP delegates and grassroot will once again want to lead them.
Anthony therefore has only a limited amount of time to show that he can build a positive relationship with DAP's Malay partners in government without causing non-Malays to feel that they are losing their dignity or self-respect.
One of the challenges he is currently facing in trying to do this is unfolding right now, because his policy adviser, Tony Pua, is currently in the crossfire for speaking against the Selangor Palace over the issue of pig farming in Selangor.
How Anthony handles the Tony Pua-versus-Selangor Palace controversy will likely be used by DAP delegates and grassroots members to judge whether Anthony's conciliatory approach is still viable.
Anthony's problem right now is this — he needs both non-Malay support and the support of DAP's Malay partners in order to be empowered to carry forward his political project.
Unfortunately for him, the more he tries to gain the support of DAP's Malay partners, the more non-Malay support he risks losing. But the more he tries to stand up for non-Malay frustrations, the more he risks alienating his Malay partners.
Personally, I think the chances that Anthony Loke will successfully resolve this predicament are low.
But Anthony still has a little bit of time ahead of him — so let us see what he will be able to pull out of his hat by then.
Before we can understand why Anthony Loke is in trouble, we must first understand what the Chinese want.
To put it simply, what the Chinese — or more broadly speaking, the non-Malays — want, is to have a meaningful position and say in the government, and use that position and say to form a win-win relationship with the Malays, that will enable the country and the people to prosper and move forward.
Now, putting aside whether you believe that this is what the non-Malays truly want, or whether you agree with what the non-Malays want, or whether you believe that the non-Malays' approach will work - as you read on, I hope you will just accept this is what many non-Malays want, or at least, think they want.
While many Malays might suspect that the non-Malays want to take over the country — and although to a degree this is true, because anybody who says that they do not want the power to rule is obviously lying — non-Malays today generally do not seek to rule the country outright, simply because most of us do not think that we can.
The last major non-Malay leader who believed he could rule the country was Lee Kuan Yew. After him, there has been no non-Malay party or leader in the country that has had the conviction or self confidence to rule the country.
Since Lee Kuan Yew and Singapore left Malaysia in 1965, all the non-Malay leaders that we have had have instead only aimed to be part of the ruling government and have a meaningful say in running the country.
Previously, the non-Malays depended on racial-based parties like MCA and MIC to fulfil their desire to be part of the government and have a meaningful say in the running of the country. But in the last 15 to 20 years, non-Malays have increasingly depended on multiracial parties like DAP and PKR to carry out their aspirations.
The Chinese in particular have consolidated their support behind DAP.
The non-Malays' faith in multiracial parties was rewarded when, in 2018, the first Pakatan government was formed.
In this Pakatan 1.0 government, DAP was headed by Lim Guan Eng, whose approach towards carrying out the aspirations of the non-Malays and the Chinese was to take as much of the spoils of war as possible while maintaining a hostile stance against the Malays in order to pressure them into agreeing to DAP's worldview and aspirations.
This effort backfired, because instead of allowing the non-Malays to be part of the government and have a meaningful say in how the country was run, it only resulted in the Pakatan 1.0 government being toppled by 2020, after which the government was fully taken over by Malay parties with little to no non-Malay representation.
In 2022, the Pakatan 2.0 government was formed, and this time DAP was under the leadership of Anthony Loke.
Unlike Lim Guan Eng, Anthony was more patient, conciliatory and restrained. Although DAP was the biggest component of the unity government, it did not ask for the most important positions in the government. Instead of taking the prestigious Finance Minister position as Lim Guan Eng previously did, Anthony accepted the more modest transport minister position for himself.
Under Anthony's leadership, DAP also moved to reconcile its relationship with its traditional nemesis, Umno, by allowing Umno to hold more important positions in the government, such as the deputy prime minister, foreign minister and defense minister posts, although Umno's contribution to the unity government if far less than the DAP's contribution, and even though Umno has hitherto been the opponent of PH.
If Anthony's goal was to show that DAP does not have ill intent towards the Malays, is not greedy for power, and can therefore be trusted by the Malay parties as a sincere partner in building a win-win arrangement for the nation and its people, it does not appear that his strategy is succeeding.
It does not look like it is succeeding because rather than embracing DAP's conciliatory, patient and accommodating approach positively, many Malays appear to have become even more suspicious of DAP's intentions because of it.
Becoming more suspicious, they have increasingly circled the wagons around conservative Malay parties and politicians and intensified their hostility towards the non-Malays and DAP.
From issues ranging from upside down flags, to UEC recognition, to pig farming, many Malays are clearly showing that they are not prepared to trust the non-Malays no matter how conciliatory, patient or understanding DAP behaves towards them.
It might be the case that the baggage of history weighs too heavily on Malay-non-Malay relations for us to expect positive results within such a short period of time.
Anyway, the fact that the Malays appear to be repeatedly repudiating DAP's gestures is now causing immense discontent among non-Malays towards Anthony's approach.
From the non-Malay point of view today, despite giving so much, serving so faithfully and receiving so little in return, they are still being punished excessively over small matters — like a flag being flown upside down mistakenly by an old uncle, or pig farming being banned across the whole state of Selangor — while even small concessions, like allowing UEC graduates to apply for four relatively insignificant Chinese studies-related courses in public universities, are only granted after heavy condemnation and resistance.
This is starting to eat away at the non-Malay dignity and self-respect.
From the non-Malay point of view today, what is the point of meaning so well and sacrificing so much to serve a people and a country who not only do not appreciate what you are doing and sacrificing for them, but seem determined to punish you for it as well?
As a result, rather than continuing their intention to be part of the government and have a meaningful say in the running of the country, many within the DAP grassroots and delegate base now appear to be in the mood to separate from the government and return to what DAP traditionally was — a permanent opposition force.
Better to be in the opposition and retain your self-respect than be part of the government and lose your dignity — that increasingly appears to be the mood amongst large sections of the DAP grassroots today.
If this mood continues to intensify in the coming months, it will bode poorly for Team Anthony Loke's prospects within DAP.
Anthony Loke's political fortunes depend on his ability to create a healthy relationship with DAP's Malay partners in a way that allows the non-Malay community to build a genuine win-win relationship with the Malays.
If DAP increasingly moves towards severing ties with Malay parties and returning to a more confrontational win-lose relationship with the Malays — as was often the case during its years in opposition — then rather than Team Anthony Loke, it may instead be Team Lim Guan Eng that the DAP delegates and grassroot will once again want to lead them.
Anthony therefore has only a limited amount of time to show that he can build a positive relationship with DAP's Malay partners in government without causing non-Malays to feel that they are losing their dignity or self-respect.
One of the challenges he is currently facing in trying to do this is unfolding right now, because his policy adviser, Tony Pua, is currently in the crossfire for speaking against the Selangor Palace over the issue of pig farming in Selangor.
How Anthony handles the Tony Pua-versus-Selangor Palace controversy will likely be used by DAP delegates and grassroots members to judge whether Anthony's conciliatory approach is still viable.
Anthony's problem right now is this — he needs both non-Malay support and the support of DAP's Malay partners in order to be empowered to carry forward his political project.
Unfortunately for him, the more he tries to gain the support of DAP's Malay partners, the more non-Malay support he risks losing. But the more he tries to stand up for non-Malay frustrations, the more he risks alienating his Malay partners.
Personally, I think the chances that Anthony Loke will successfully resolve this predicament are low.
But Anthony still has a little bit of time ahead of him — so let us see what he will be able to pull out of his hat by then.
Rafizi, I Want To Believe You - But I Don’t
Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator
OPINION | Rafizi, I Want To Believe You - But I Don’t
26 May 2026 • 6:00 PM MYT
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(Image credit: Malay Mail)
For years, Malaysian politics has felt like watching the same drama with different costumes.
Every election season, someone appears with a fresh slogan and fresh promise to save Malaysia. They speak about fighting corruption, reform, justice, equality, and a better future for all races.
Then they win a few seats and suddenly everybody develops selective amnesia.
The people who once shouted “Bangsa Malaysia” start defending their own race like it is a family business.
The people who demanded free education suddenly become finance officers asking students to bayar balik pinjaman.
The loud rebels who once fought the system now walk around government buildings like interns trying not to upset their bosses.
Perjuangan reformasi slowly became reformati.
So when Rafizi Ramli launched Parti Bersama Malaysia (Bersama), forgive me if I did not immediately feel inspired. I felt tired.
Don’t get me wrong. Rafizi is intelligent. Very intelligent. Probably one of the few politicians who can actually explain economics without sounding like a motivational speaker selling crypto. And yes, Malaysia needs smart leaders like Rafizi.
But Malaysians also have trust issues now. Because we have seen this before.
A new party enters the scene promising courage and principles. Then election starts. Suddenly principles become “we need to be realistic.” Courage becomes “timing not suitable.” And difficult conversations disappear faster than ministerial promises.
This is my problem with political parties in general. No matter what they believe today, eventually most of them start dancing to the tune of the majority voter.
Because eventually, surviving politically becomes the most important thing to them. All their promises get flushed down the toilet. All their principles get swept under the rug. And truth becomes meaningless.
We don’t need another political party with whatever name, brand, and moto. Because ultimately, they are all the same. They’d say anything, do anything, to remain popular, to remain relevant.
I’d be interested to know how Bersama is going to be different than the rest that we’ve seen so far. Will they still defend their principles when it becomes unpopular? Will they protect the minorities when it risks Malay votes? Will they defend equal policies when the comment section turns angry?
And will they maintain the same ideals after tasting power in the government?
That is the real test.
Because right now, politicians keep asking Malaysians to trust them while giving us every reason not to.
If anything, Malaysian politics has taught many of us one thing: never fully trust anyone asking for your vote.
For years, Malaysian politics has felt like watching the same drama with different costumes.
Every election season, someone appears with a fresh slogan and fresh promise to save Malaysia. They speak about fighting corruption, reform, justice, equality, and a better future for all races.
Then they win a few seats and suddenly everybody develops selective amnesia.
The people who once shouted “Bangsa Malaysia” start defending their own race like it is a family business.
The people who demanded free education suddenly become finance officers asking students to bayar balik pinjaman.
The loud rebels who once fought the system now walk around government buildings like interns trying not to upset their bosses.
Perjuangan reformasi slowly became reformati.
So when Rafizi Ramli launched Parti Bersama Malaysia (Bersama), forgive me if I did not immediately feel inspired. I felt tired.
Don’t get me wrong. Rafizi is intelligent. Very intelligent. Probably one of the few politicians who can actually explain economics without sounding like a motivational speaker selling crypto. And yes, Malaysia needs smart leaders like Rafizi.
But Malaysians also have trust issues now. Because we have seen this before.
A new party enters the scene promising courage and principles. Then election starts. Suddenly principles become “we need to be realistic.” Courage becomes “timing not suitable.” And difficult conversations disappear faster than ministerial promises.
This is my problem with political parties in general. No matter what they believe today, eventually most of them start dancing to the tune of the majority voter.
Because eventually, surviving politically becomes the most important thing to them. All their promises get flushed down the toilet. All their principles get swept under the rug. And truth becomes meaningless.
We don’t need another political party with whatever name, brand, and moto. Because ultimately, they are all the same. They’d say anything, do anything, to remain popular, to remain relevant.
I’d be interested to know how Bersama is going to be different than the rest that we’ve seen so far. Will they still defend their principles when it becomes unpopular? Will they protect the minorities when it risks Malay votes? Will they defend equal policies when the comment section turns angry?
And will they maintain the same ideals after tasting power in the government?
That is the real test.
Because right now, politicians keep asking Malaysians to trust them while giving us every reason not to.
If anything, Malaysian politics has taught many of us one thing: never fully trust anyone asking for your vote.
Dear PMX, lets take a walk down memory lane…the Perwaja Steel fiasco
Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator
OPINION | Dear PMX, lets take a walk down memory lane…the Perwaja Steel fiasco
26 May 2026 • 8:00 AM MYT
The Unspinners
You have fiercely opposed Perwaja Steel which reportedly became a central point of contention between you and then-PM4.
Apparently, when the Asian Wall Street Journal (AWSJ) exposed the billions in losses in Perwaja Steel, you confronted the then PM, PM4.
According to reports, you reportedly stormed into the office of PM4 with a copy of the AWSJ, - set out ad verbatim here as per the report - reminding PM4 that the government could not cover up the fiasco.
Perwaja scandal was, at that time in the mid 90s, Malaysia's biggest and most well-known financial scam and was the central piece of your anti-corruption campaign.
You, attributed the dismal performance of Perwaja Steel to poor management and irregularities in the payment and award of contracts.
Do remember that in 1996, it was you who made public an audit report on the alleged irregularities at Perwaja Steel.
Perwaja Steel was established in 1982 to spearhead Malaysia's heavy industrialization drive and reduce reliance on imported steel. Its core objective was to create a fully integrated steel mill to supply high-grade, value-added steel for the automotive, engineering, and construction sectors, positioning the nation as an industrialized economy by 2020.
Perwaja failed primarily due to massive mismanagement, severe financial irregularities, and a lack of proper economic planning, including the absence of a localized raw material ecosystem.
Key reasons for the collapse include:Perwaja used an experimental Direct Reduction (DR) technology that relied on local gas but required specific foreign iron ore. When this failed, they were forced to buy imported scrap steel, exposing them to volatile global currency and metal prices.
Hundreds of millions in funds were misused or paid to non-existent entities, culminating in billions of ringgit in debt.
The project was heavily shielded as a national prestige project, allowing mismanagement and debt to accumulate unchecked before the company eventually collapsed with over RM 10 billion in liabilities.
Perwaja was a classic build a "brand" purely as an aesthetic exercise first and then forcing an ecosystem to fit in.
Which you are now doing with the EV cars.
Do not justify and say the same would not happen to the EV cars.
You, of all people, experienced the 1st hand how forcing an ecosystem into a brand failed and collapse.
The signs are all there with regard to the government’s decision on the development and growth of the EV cars in Malaysia.
Do you want to preside and walk through the same path for EV cars as what you went through with Perwaja?
You have fiercely opposed Perwaja Steel which reportedly became a central point of contention between you and then-PM4.
Apparently, when the Asian Wall Street Journal (AWSJ) exposed the billions in losses in Perwaja Steel, you confronted the then PM, PM4.
According to reports, you reportedly stormed into the office of PM4 with a copy of the AWSJ, - set out ad verbatim here as per the report - reminding PM4 that the government could not cover up the fiasco.
Perwaja scandal was, at that time in the mid 90s, Malaysia's biggest and most well-known financial scam and was the central piece of your anti-corruption campaign.
You, attributed the dismal performance of Perwaja Steel to poor management and irregularities in the payment and award of contracts.
Do remember that in 1996, it was you who made public an audit report on the alleged irregularities at Perwaja Steel.
Perwaja Steel was established in 1982 to spearhead Malaysia's heavy industrialization drive and reduce reliance on imported steel. Its core objective was to create a fully integrated steel mill to supply high-grade, value-added steel for the automotive, engineering, and construction sectors, positioning the nation as an industrialized economy by 2020.
Perwaja failed primarily due to massive mismanagement, severe financial irregularities, and a lack of proper economic planning, including the absence of a localized raw material ecosystem.
Key reasons for the collapse include:Perwaja used an experimental Direct Reduction (DR) technology that relied on local gas but required specific foreign iron ore. When this failed, they were forced to buy imported scrap steel, exposing them to volatile global currency and metal prices.
Hundreds of millions in funds were misused or paid to non-existent entities, culminating in billions of ringgit in debt.
The project was heavily shielded as a national prestige project, allowing mismanagement and debt to accumulate unchecked before the company eventually collapsed with over RM 10 billion in liabilities.
Perwaja was a classic build a "brand" purely as an aesthetic exercise first and then forcing an ecosystem to fit in.
Which you are now doing with the EV cars.
Do not justify and say the same would not happen to the EV cars.
You, of all people, experienced the 1st hand how forcing an ecosystem into a brand failed and collapse.
The signs are all there with regard to the government’s decision on the development and growth of the EV cars in Malaysia.
Do you want to preside and walk through the same path for EV cars as what you went through with Perwaja?
Johor palace advised Onn Hafiz to make peace with Zahid after PRU15 backlash
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Johor palace advised Onn Hafiz to make peace with Zahid after PRU15 backlash
26 May 2026 • 8:30 AM MYT
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JOHOR Menteri Besar Datuk Onn Hafiz Ghazi has disclosed that advice from the Johor royal institution prompted him to personally apologise to UMNO president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi after he openly called for Zahid to step down following Barisan Nasional’s poor showing in the 15th General Election.
Speaking on the 200th episode of the Keluar Sekejap political podcast, Onn Hafiz said both the Sultan of Johor, His Majesty Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar, and the Regent of Johor, Tunku Ismail Sultan Ibrahim, had privately advised him that his remarks had gone too far and that reconciliation was the best course forward.
“They told me it was good to apologise and go and meet my president. We have a state to govern,” he said.
The admission sheds new light on the aftermath of Barisan Nasional’s historic collapse in the 15th Malaysian General Election, when the coalition secured only 30 parliamentary seats, and pressure mounted within UMNO for Zahid to emulate former prime minister Najib Razak by relinquishing his leadership role after electoral defeat.
Onn Hafiz said he later met Zahid personally and apologised without placing any conditions on the meeting.
“I apologised if my statement had offended him. Alhamdulillah, I believe he has forgiven me.
“As far as party relations and administrative matters are concerned, the issue is now considered settled,” he said.
The revelation emerged after podcast co-host Shahril Hamdan pointed out that Onn Hafiz had been the first UMNO leader to publicly demand Zahid’s resignation after PRU15, yet escaped disciplinary action, while Shahril himself was suspended over similar remarks.
“You were the first to say it. I was only the second, but I was the one suspended,” Shahril remarked during the programme.
Onn Hafiz did not avoid the comparison, instead attributing his subsequent approach to guidance from the Johor palace.
“At that time, I received advice from the Johor palace. And I also prayed a great deal,” he said, drawing
laughter from the hosts. - May 26, 2026
Islamic State-linked families in Syria return to Australia
6 hours ago
Lana Lam
Sydney
Getty Images
Another group of IS-linked Australian families departed Syria's al-Roj camp earlier this year
A group of Australian women and children with links to Islamic State (IS) returned to Sydney and Melbourne on Tuesday, after being stranded for years in a Syrian camp.
A plane carrying two women and their children landed in Melbourne just after 16:30 local time on Tuesday (07:30 BST), followed by another plane in Sydney about an hour later, with four women and their children, authorities said.
Some of the women may face charges over their decision to travel to Syria about a decade ago.
One woman, who has been banned from returning to Australia for two years for national security reasons, is understood to still be in Syria with her child.
Earlier in May, three of four Australian women who returned home with nine children were arrested and charged with offences including crimes against humanity and joining IS.
In confirming the more recent group's return, Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke said the government "has not and will not provide any assistance to this group".
"These are people who have made the horrific choice to join a dangerous terrorist organisation and to place their children in an unspeakable situation," he said.
"As we have said many times - any members of this cohort who have committed crimes can expect to face the full force of the law."
Authorities have been preparing for the group's return since 2014, Burke said, and they have "long-standing plans in place to manage and monitor them".
The group arriving on Tuesday are understood to be the last Australians in the al-Roj camp in north-east Syria where families of IS fighters have been held since 2019.
They reportedly left the camp on Thursday and boarded planes to Australia on Monday in the Syrian capital of Damascus.
Australian media have reported that the returning women include Kirsty Rosse-Emile, who left Australia when she was 19 and who told the ABC last year it was "not my choice" to be in Syria.
Others include Nesrine Zahab, who has said she was tricked into travelling to Syria by her cousin, IS recruiter Muhammad Zahab; Sumaya Zahab, Muhammad's sister, and Aminah Zahab, Muhammad's mother.
The woman who remains in Syria due to the government's temporary exclusion order is understood to have decided to keep her child with her. The child, an Australian citizen who has a passport, is not prohibited from returning home.
On 7 May, four women and nine children from the same camp returned home to Australia with police arresting three of the women and charging them with various offences including crimes against humanity and entering and remaining in a declared conflict zone.
Another group of IS-linked Australian families departed Syria's al-Roj camp earlier this year
A group of Australian women and children with links to Islamic State (IS) returned to Sydney and Melbourne on Tuesday, after being stranded for years in a Syrian camp.
A plane carrying two women and their children landed in Melbourne just after 16:30 local time on Tuesday (07:30 BST), followed by another plane in Sydney about an hour later, with four women and their children, authorities said.
Some of the women may face charges over their decision to travel to Syria about a decade ago.
One woman, who has been banned from returning to Australia for two years for national security reasons, is understood to still be in Syria with her child.
Earlier in May, three of four Australian women who returned home with nine children were arrested and charged with offences including crimes against humanity and joining IS.
In confirming the more recent group's return, Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke said the government "has not and will not provide any assistance to this group".
"These are people who have made the horrific choice to join a dangerous terrorist organisation and to place their children in an unspeakable situation," he said.
"As we have said many times - any members of this cohort who have committed crimes can expect to face the full force of the law."
Authorities have been preparing for the group's return since 2014, Burke said, and they have "long-standing plans in place to manage and monitor them".
The group arriving on Tuesday are understood to be the last Australians in the al-Roj camp in north-east Syria where families of IS fighters have been held since 2019.
They reportedly left the camp on Thursday and boarded planes to Australia on Monday in the Syrian capital of Damascus.
Australian media have reported that the returning women include Kirsty Rosse-Emile, who left Australia when she was 19 and who told the ABC last year it was "not my choice" to be in Syria.
Others include Nesrine Zahab, who has said she was tricked into travelling to Syria by her cousin, IS recruiter Muhammad Zahab; Sumaya Zahab, Muhammad's sister, and Aminah Zahab, Muhammad's mother.
The woman who remains in Syria due to the government's temporary exclusion order is understood to have decided to keep her child with her. The child, an Australian citizen who has a passport, is not prohibited from returning home.
On 7 May, four women and nine children from the same camp returned home to Australia with police arresting three of the women and charging them with various offences including crimes against humanity and entering and remaining in a declared conflict zone.
***
Above post explains why I blocked TS' mossad-manufactured kerbau
Venezuelan prison director sacked as inmates allege mistreatment
Venezuelan prison director sacked as inmates allege mistreatment
3 hours ago
Vanessa Buschschlüter
Latin America editor, News Online
'We want justice': Inmates in Venezuela occupy prison alleging prison abuse
The director of a prison in the Venezuelan state of Barinas has been sacked after violent clashes between security forces and inmates protesting over their alleged mistreatment.
Elvis Macuare Guerrero, who had been in charge of the penitentiary for just a week, was dismissed on Monday, state officials said.
Prisoners had accused him of stopping family visits and punishing them by keeping them in solitary confinement. Macuare has not publicly commented.
Organisations lobbying for prisoners' rights have long denounced the poor conditions at many of Venezuela's penitentiaries.
'We want justice': Inmates in Venezuela occupy prison alleging prison abuse
The director of a prison in the Venezuelan state of Barinas has been sacked after violent clashes between security forces and inmates protesting over their alleged mistreatment.
Elvis Macuare Guerrero, who had been in charge of the penitentiary for just a week, was dismissed on Monday, state officials said.
Prisoners had accused him of stopping family visits and punishing them by keeping them in solitary confinement. Macuare has not publicly commented.
Organisations lobbying for prisoners' rights have long denounced the poor conditions at many of Venezuela's penitentiaries.
Federico PARRA / AFP via Getty Images
Relatives have been congregating outside the prison, anxious for news
The prosecutor's office has announced an investigation after prisoners at the jail in Barinas, which is known as Injuba, alleged that the director had ordered violent searches of their cells and kept them in solitary confinement.
They also said they had been subjected to beatings and "torture".
The inmates said that their complaints had gone unheard for a week, triggering a protest which saw them climb the prison roof and burn mattresses and bed sheets.
Extra security forces were deployed on Sunday. Witnesses reported hearing explosions and what they said sounded like shots being fired.
In footage published by non-governmental organisation Venezuelan Prison Observatory (OVP), a man can be seen showing wounds on his torso and his arm, with another man shouting "they're shooting at us".
Others can be heard joining into chants of "we want justice".
On Monday, small groups of inmates remained on the roof, even after the prison director's sacking had been announced.
Meanwhile, more than 100 prisoners were moved by bus to other penitentiaries.
The prosecutor's office has announced an investigation after prisoners at the jail in Barinas, which is known as Injuba, alleged that the director had ordered violent searches of their cells and kept them in solitary confinement.
They also said they had been subjected to beatings and "torture".
The inmates said that their complaints had gone unheard for a week, triggering a protest which saw them climb the prison roof and burn mattresses and bed sheets.
Extra security forces were deployed on Sunday. Witnesses reported hearing explosions and what they said sounded like shots being fired.
In footage published by non-governmental organisation Venezuelan Prison Observatory (OVP), a man can be seen showing wounds on his torso and his arm, with another man shouting "they're shooting at us".
Others can be heard joining into chants of "we want justice".
On Monday, small groups of inmates remained on the roof, even after the prison director's sacking had been announced.
Meanwhile, more than 100 prisoners were moved by bus to other penitentiaries.
Federico PARRA / AFP via Getty Images
Busloads of prisoners were moved from Injuba to other jails
Rights group OVP said that relatives of the inmates had not been given any information about the possible transfers of their loved ones and were growing increasingly anxious.
Rights group OVP said that relatives of the inmates had not been given any information about the possible transfers of their loved ones and were growing increasingly anxious.
Israeli attacks on eastern Lebanon village kill at least 11 people
Israeli attacks on eastern Lebanon village kill at least 11 people
The attacks hit the village of Mashghara in the Bekaa Valley late Monday as Israeli intensified its assault across Lebanon.
![Mashghara in the Bekaa Valley, Lebanon [Screengrab/Al Jazeera]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/Screenshot-2026-05-26-at-2.42.11-PM-1-1779795812.jpg?resize=770%2C513&quality=80)
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Israeli air attacks kill seven Palestinians in Gaza
Israeli air attacks kill seven Palestinians in Gaza
At least five Palestinians killed in Israeli attack on a refugee camp in central Gaza, officials said.
NST: "month-on-month increase" in job losses. Time For GE. What If It Gets Worse?
Tuesday, May 26, 2026
NST: "month-on-month increase" in job losses. Time For GE. What If It Gets Worse?
- 7,057 workers lost jobs in April, 21% increase from 5,855 in March
- Economy Minister said matter requiring attention
- 10,658 job losses recorded in Jan, 7,512 in Feb
- month-on-month increase warranted close monitoring.
- needs to be given attention
- S'gor, KL bear brunt of job losses in March
- S'gor accounted for 29.3% of total job losses
- Kuala Lumpur 25.6% of job losses
My Comments: Let me tell you directly. There is little that could have been done to avoid these job losses in Malaysia. You cannot blame it entirely on higher fuel prices either.
Because there are other countries like the USA, Japan, Singapore which are seeing strong employment and shortages of labour supply. South Korea has reported +108,000 new jobs in Jan 2026, +234,000 new jobs in Feb 2026, +206,000 new jobs in Mar 2026.
They have all been affected by higher fuel prices too but obviously they are much better at managing their economies. They are creating jobs.
The more relevant question is will the situation inside the country get better or will it get worse? Will there be more job losses, and say on an annual basis? If the situation does not improve then it will certainly affect the prospects for the ruling coalition in a General Election.
If the situation does not improve they will face increasing unpopularity and higher risks at the polls. There is no need for rocket science to understand simple things like that. The more time passes, I think their goose is going to get really burnt.
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