Wednesday, September 30, 2026

Chris Hedges: Trump & the Age of Evil




Consortium News
Volume 31, Number 269 — Wednesday, September 30, 2026


Chris Hedges: Trump & the Age of Evil


By any standard of morality, Trump is depraved. But adorned with the power of the state, he descends to another level — the level of evil



The Great Dicktator – by Mr. Fish

By Chris Hedges
ScheerPost



Donald Trump exhibits the classic traits of psychopaths — superficial charm, grandiosity and self-importance, a need for constant stimulation, a penchant for lying, deception and manipulation and incapacity for remorse or guilt.

But is he evil?

If, as the philosopher Susan Nieman writes, evil is not simply the opposite of good but inimical to it, if the aim of evil is to destroy all moral distinctions, then Trump qualifies as evil. Morality, for Trump, is for losers. All life is transactional. Self-interest and self-enrichment usurp all other considerations. No one else matters.

In her new book, Call It Evil: Understanding the Trump Era, Neiman argues that evil “isn’t cruelty but something much worse: the ideas that allow cruelty to become ordinary.”



Susan Neiman in Berlin, Germany, 2019. (Dominic Bonfiglio, Own work, CC-ASA-4.0 International)


She continues:

“There’s a difference between calling one action evil and calling another a crime. Crimes are things for which we have procedures—at least for punishing, if not for preventing. This means that a crime can be fit in some way into the rest of our experience. To call an action evil is to suggest it cannot—and that it thereby threatens the trust in the world that we need to navigate it. There’s no signpost on the border between evil and awful. Evil is what you say when your jaw begins to drop if you sense that a line has been crossed.”




Trump crosses line after line. He declares wars on a whim. He enriches himself and his family in crypto schemes, from which he has made over a billion dollars. He orders assassinations and the kidnapping of heads of state. He uses billions of taxpayer dollars to sustain genocide in Palestine and since January 2025 has provided over $20 billion in new arms sales to Israel.

He guts government departments designed to lift up the vulnerable and bloats the war budget. He builds rogue paramilitary forces to terrorize citizens and immigrants. He attacks and attempts to censor the news industry.

In short, he does what all who commit evil do.

He fosters a world where nothing is sacred and where democracy and civic virtues do not exist.

Concepts of fairness, decorum, justice and empathy are imploded by the Trump administration. His threat to annihilate Iran – i.e. carry out genocide – announced of all places at the United Nations, is greeted with indifference by a public rendered numb by his moral vacuity.

Neiman writes:

“Once the supremacy of self-interest is enshrined as common sense realism rather than a philosophical idea, moral capacities like empathy and shame become not just naΓ―ve but suspect…. Sadists exist and cause no end of pain. But the most common forms of evil arise from the view that only fools believe in anything but their own advantage.”


Gen. Milley: ‘Fascist to the Core’





Donald Trump leads a column, including Gen. Mark Milley, from the White House through Lafayette Square after it was forcibly cleared of demonstrators protesting the killing of Black civilian George Floyd, June 1, 2020. (Official White House Photo by Shealah Craighead)

The institutions designed to protect democracy, to safeguard civic virtues, to foster equality — including the courts, law firms, universities and the media, all of which have been captured by the billionaire class — swiftly fell to their knees to curry favor with the Trump White House.

The titans in Silicon Valley showered him and his campaign with millions of dollars. The supposed virtues these institutions and individuals claimed they championed were jettisoned. These virtues, they illustrated, were nothing more than branding, performance art, a sham.

To an enraged public Trump’s transparent greed and cruelty is preferable to the slick hypocrisy of the politicians, Republican and Democrat, who preceded him. He does not engage in their faux empathy. In fact, he seems incapable of empathy.

Once morality is for fools, virtue makes no sense. Once we believe we should grab what we can, even at the expense of those around us, we surrender to evil.

“Unlike the rest of us, he permanently exhibits the combination of motives we are told are the true forces driving human behavior,” Neiman writes of Trump:

“Nor does he appear to understand any other. Though he recognizes that other people, aka losers, have norms, he has no idea of how norms work, moving people to override self-interest in order to honor them. In acting on the international stage like Richard Dawkins’s ruthless genes, he has attracted millions of followers who tell us they admire his authenticity.

This doesn’t mean his followers are deplorable. They may not be evil at all, but in a world where implacable self-interest is usually camouflaged in soft colors, they find his candor refreshing. They have so often heard that people conceal the raw self-interest that really moves things, they’re relieved to watch a man who never hides it.”

The worst evil, Neiman argues,

“may be the denial of evil – as well as disdain for any goodness that might oppose it. When self-interest becomes the basis of reason, evil no longer needs to justify itself. It’s already been mistaken for rationality.”

This evil leads us down the familiar road to fascism. It was Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during Trump’s first term, who warned us, calling Trump “fascist to the core.”

The media — too spineless to label Trump a fascist — prefers the word “authoritarian,’ which Neiman notes may be a more bearable word, but “will not make fascism more bearable.”

Authoritarianism, she notes:

“[I]s a word that can be useful for describing certain German professors, and the softer sort of Latin American military regime. But a country where masked men deport people to wastelands they’ve never seen? Combat troops occupy major cities and shoot peacefully protesting citizens? A government that coerces media, universities, and other countries to suit its will? A military that blows fishermen to bits with the meagerest of justifications, then begins the kind of wars the International Military Court at Nuremberg condemned?

As it wrote in 1946, ‘To initiate a war of aggression is not only an international crime, it is the supreme international crime, differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.’ It would be easy to go on, but counting crimes is pointless. Before these words are printed, the administration will have found countless new ways to flout the rule of law.”

We are in deep trouble.

The moral rot in our society preceded Trump. He is its logical conclusion. He is the apotheosis of a culture where greed, exploitation and self-interest, the core tenets of neoliberalism, are held up as the defining forces of human existence.

We must fight back while we can. But to do so requires that we recapture the language of good and evil. It requires us to make moral choices and to accept self-sacrifice. It requires us to name the bleakness before us, not turn our faces from the fascist monolith being cemented into place.

Denying these truths and refusing to defy evil will ensure our enslavement.

Speaking these truths and standing with the oppressed and the marginalized, even at the cost of our own financial and physical security, will set us free.





Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for 15 years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East bureau chief and Balkan bureau chief for the paper. He previously worked overseas for The Dallas Morning News, The Christian Science Monitor and NPR. He is the host of show The Chris Hedges Report.

This article is from Scheerpost.

2028: Unlikely Republican Senator Drawing Buzz as Vance's Potential VP Pick






2028: Unlikely Republican Senator Drawing Buzz as Vance's Potential VP Pick



by Tyler Durden
Wednesday, Sep 30, 2026 - 11:05 PM


Sen. Eric Schmitt (R-MO) is drawing speculation as Vice President JD Vance’s potential running mate in 2028, Axios reported Tuesday




Vance views the 51-year-old Missouri Republican as “trustworthy, intelligent, articulate and a deft political operator,” according to the outlet. Secretary of State Marco Rubio appears to be the early favorite to be Vance's vice presidential pick, though two years is a lifetime in politics.

Schmitt has built his reputation taking on Biden administration policies, challenging alleged government censorship and helping advance President Donald Trump’s agenda.

Vance has already made his admiration clear publicly. Speaking to Semafor last year, the vice president called Schmitt “one of the Trump administration’s most valuable allies on Capitol Hill,” praising his relationships inside Washington and his understanding of what Republican voters want from their leaders.

As Missouri attorney general, Schmitt jointly led a coalition of 10 states challenging Biden’s COVID vaccine mandate for federal contractors in 2021. The lawsuit put him on the front lines of Republican resistance to the administration’s pandemic requirements.

Schmitt followed that with Missouri v. Biden in 2022, accusing federal officials of pressuring social media companies to suppress constitutionally protected speech. The litigation became a defining part of his push against government censorship and reached a settlement in March 2026. Schmitt hailed the agreement as a victory for Americans’ First Amendment rights.

Since arriving in the Senate, Schmitt has continued targeting federal bureaucracy and diversity, equity and inclusion programs. The senator has also proposed allowing Americans to sue federal officials who violate their speech rights online, extending the fights that shaped his tenure as attorney general.

Schmitt’s standing in Trump’s orbit also reflects his work moving legislation. The senator managed the president’s spending cuts bill on the Senate floor in 2025 and participated in negotiations over Trump’s major tax and spending package, Semafor reported. Those roles gave the first-term senator influence beyond his seniority and demonstrated his usefulness to a White House seeking results from congressional Republicans.

Be wary of PAS’s delay tactics, Bersatu tells RoS







Be wary of PAS’s delay tactics, Bersatu tells RoS


Bersatu information chief Tun Faisal Ismail Aziz responds to a request by PN secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan for details on the party's complaint


Bersatu information chief Tun Faisal Ismail Aziz said PAS has repeatedly employed delay tactics since taking over as PN chair.



PETALING JAYA: A Bersatu leader has told the Registrar of Societies to be wary of PAS’s delay tactics in its investigation into complaints lodged by Muhyiddin Yassin’s party that has since led to Perikatan Nasional’s suspension.

Bersatu information chief Tun Faisal Ismail Aziz said he was perplexed by PN secretary-general Takiyuddin Hassan’s claim the coalition was unaware of the complaint lodged by Bersatu.

“Takiyuddin himself admitted that he had been summoned by the RoS and questioned for four hours over Bersatu’s complaint,” he said in a Facebook post.


He was referring to a news report in August that Takiyuddin, the PAS secretary-general, told RoS the party excluded Bersatu from talks on PN’s preparations for the Negeri Sembilan state election because of its criticism of the Islamic party.


Although Bersatu is a component of PN, PAS has severed ties with the party.


Tun Faisal also said the registrar had confirmed receiving Bersatu’s complaint on Aug 11, related to its status in the opposition coalition and its non-participation in a PN Supreme Council meeting.

He was responding to Takiyuddin, who said yesterday that PN had written to the RoS seeking clarification and details on Bersatu’s complaint.

Takiyuddin said PN was awaiting an official response from the RoS as it did not know what the complaint was about.

Tun Faisal urged the registrar not to entertain PN’s request for a clarification.

“The RoS needs to be wary of such delay tactics. We, Bersatu, have seen PAS repeatedly employ delay tactics since taking over as PN chair,” he said.

The RoS said the decision to suspend PN, which took effect on Sept 23, was intended to safeguard the coalition’s interests and prevent it from continuing to breach its rules.

A gospel singer with a name we don’t like

 

Dennis Ignatius

~ Provoking discussion, dissent & debate on politics, diplomacy, human rights & civil society.

A gospel singer with a name we don’t like

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[1] According to a Bernama report, Sabah police commissioner Jauteh Dikun has said the police will advise the state government to postpone Israel Houghton’s concerts in Kota Kinabalu, scheduled for 22 to 25 October, should a formal application be submitted. He cited public reaction and community sensitivities, amid reported concerns over the singer’s name and his support for Israel. And, tellingly, two police reports.[1]

[2] Who lodged these reports? The police have not said. But a day later, the United Sabah Islamic Association (USIA) and several state Islamic NGOs issued a joint statement urging the authorities to review the concert permit and announcing that they, too, would lodge a police report.[2] They insist their objection rests on humanitarian principles and solidarity with Palestine, not on religion or race. 

[3] Still, the question stands: should a handful of organisations, however sincere, determine what the rest of us may attend? If a few police reports are enough to stop a concert, then any determined group can veto any event it dislikes simply by walking into a police station. That is not public order; it’s bending to pressure from the few at the expense of the many. 

[4] One must also ask whether the authorities apply the same standard to everyone. Over the years, numerous police reports have been lodged against preachers who have insulted and demeaned other faiths from public platforms. Few appear to have led to any meaningful action; the preachers carry on, their audiences undiminished.[3] “Sensitivities” in this country apparently run largely in one direction. When a gospel concert is deemed too sensitive to proceed while hateful sermons go unchecked, it is fair to ask whether something in the official reflex is fundamentally skewed.

[5] Then there is the matter of his name. Are we now to judge a man by what his parents named him? Israel is a name as old as scripture, borne by a patriarch honoured across the Abrahamic faiths, and by countless people since. Pettiness of this kind does nothing for Palestine; it only makes us a laughingstock. 

[6] As for Houghton’s expression of support for Israel after 7 October 2023, he was hardly alone. People the world over condemned the Hamas attack and expressed sympathy for its victims. Are we going to bar them all? And while an artist’s reaction to that atrocity is held against him, we had no trouble welcoming Donald Trump to Kuala Lumpur last year with song and dance on the tarmac. No one has done more to shield Israel diplomatically, and keep the Israeli war machine going with arms and money than Trump. If the objection truly rests on humanitarian principle, as the USIA insists, the welcome accorded to Israel’s most important patron should trouble it far more than a gospel singer. The inconsistency speaks for itself.

[7] None of this is to minimise what is happening in Gaza and the West Bank. Israel’s conduct there, the relentless killing of civilians, the use of starvation as a weapon, the systematic destruction of homes, hospitals and schools, amounts to genocide, as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and a United Nations commission of inquiry have concluded.[4] Malaysia is right to condemn it in the harshest terms and right to stand with the Palestinian people.

[8] But principled foreign policy is one thing; parochialism is quite another. Our solidarity with Palestine is not strengthened one whit by cancelling a Christian concert in Kota Kinabalu. It only tells Malaysian Christians that their faith and their gatherings are subject to veto on the flimsiest of pretexts, and it tells the world that our moral outrage is selective: we pick on a gospel singer but dance with a leader who is directly responsible for the carnage in Palestine.

[9] Sabah, of all places, prides itself on harmony among its many communities. It would be a sad day if that tradition were surrendered to two police reports and a misplaced sense of grievance. We can defend Palestine without abandoning reason, and we can hold firm to our foreign policy without trampling on the rights of our own citizens. I hope sanity will prevail in Sabah.

[Dennis Ignatius |Kuala Lumpur |29 September 2026]

Alarm bells in the Balkans

 


Alarm bells in the Balkans

Alarm bells in the Balkans

The Balkans brought major wars to Europe twice in the previous century, and they could easily create instability in this century, too.

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Benighted politics are once again haunting the Balkans. This month’s semi-official funeral in Belgrade for the convicted war criminal Ratko MladiΔ‡, whom many Bosnian Serbs still honour, has dredged up past traumas and reignited nationalist tensions. Diplomatic relations between Serbia and Bosnia are deteriorating, casting further doubt on Serbia’s already semi-stalled accession to the European Union.

Worse, while Europe and the US used to be mostly aligned in their support for the tenuous political process in Bosnia, that is no longer the case. Whereas previous US presidents might have been accused of being overly interventionist, Donald Trump’s administration has shown no interest in the region’s delicate political processes whatsoever. Its sole concern is to advance narrow economic interests, and this has meant tolerating or even supporting hardline Serbian nationalists in Bosnia.

For example, the Trump administration has thrown its support behind a gas pipeline that would connect the Croatian coast to Sarajevo (the Bosnian capital). At first glance, such a project makes sense, given its potential to alleviate the region’s dependence on Russian gas. But when contracts may suspiciously be awarded to a previously unknown company whose leaders have “personal connections to Donald Trump,” warning lights start flashing.

Warning lights are flashing on the political front, too. Bosnia will hold elections this October, and depending on the outcome, hardline Serb forces may join with hardline Croats to change the country’s governance framework. The timing for such a gambit is ideal because the US obviously would look the other way. But should it succeed, the Bosniak (Muslim) community is bound to feel threatened and will respond accordingly. That would increase the risk of a downward spiral that could profoundly destabilise the country.

Moreover, Serbia will also hold elections in October. After years of mass student protests, the government is facing a broad grassroots opposition movement, which is now organised under the banner of the “Student List”. With the outcome still far from certain, one can easily imagine a scenario in which President Aleksandar VučiΔ‡’s populist regime simply declares victory, triggering even more instability.

The situation in Kosovo is no calmer. Reconciliation talks between Serbia and Kosovo have stalled, and local authorities in the divided town of Mitrovica have yet to be given responsibility for the bridge linking the Serbian and Albanian districts, owing to fears of what might follow.

More broadly, the country’s political system is deadlocked, and anger over the Kosovo Specialist Chambers’ recent conviction of Hashim Thaci, a former military leader who served as president of Kosovo from 2016 to 2020, has further alienated the country from its previous international partners.

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None of these developments would necessarily be destabilising on its own. But taken together, they risk creating a critical mass of nationalist sentiment. The central idea behind the peace processes a quarter-century ago was that a combination of EU accession talks and reconciliation facilitated by various international tribunals would gradually bring stability and cooperation to the region. But that hope has not been vindicated.

With the exception of Montenegro, and possibly Albania, integration into the EU has stalled and lost much of its power as a motivating force. Equally disappointing, the proceedings led by international tribunals at The Hague have been so grotesquely drawn out as to have no chance of promoting reconciliation. They may even be making the situation worse.

Tiny Montenegro is still on a promising trajectory, but whether its EU accession bid could survive a new whirlwind of regional turmoil is far from certain. If Serbia has an interest in destabilising its neighbour, it can easily do so.

As is always the case in the Balkans, there are no easy solutions to address the rising tensions. Each country has its own political processes, but the risk of mutually reinforcing spillovers is high. With the US focussed solely on private economic interests, and with the EU distracted by Russian aggression and US unpredictability, the prospects for coherent international policies to restore stability, promote reconciliation, and support integration are bleak.

This doesn’t mean we are heading towards a new round of Balkan wars. But even limited skirmishes could be sufficient to push the entire region onto a more uncertain and dangerous path. Political leaders, particularly in Europe, must heed the alarm. The Balkans brought major wars to Europe twice in the previous century, and they could easily create instability in this century, too.

Carl Bildt

Carl Bildt is a former prime minister and foreign minister of Sweden.