The Islamic business revolution in Southern Thailand

Murray Hunter
May 18, 2026


The Islamic business revolution in Southern Thailand

This rapid transformation has been spurred on by the migration of Muslims from the three troubled provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat to Songkhla Province, to get away from the trouble




This is my latest column in The Vibes



THERE is a revolution going on in Southern Thailand, and I’m not talking about the insurgency.

Cities like the notorious Hat Yai, a ‘playground’ for Malaysian tourists, are being transformed into vibrant Islamic business centres.

A large number of Malaysians have already discovered a culturally and religiously friendly landscape that facilitates travel and exploring around Southern Thailand.

This rapid transformation has been spurred on by the migration of Muslims from the three troubled provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat to Songkhla Province, to get away from the trouble.

One of the results of this is a growing cluster of young Thai Malay entrepreneurs who are finding innovative ways to develop new business models based upon Islamic principles.

This avant-garde young business group has seen the potential of integrating their beliefs into what they do business-wise.

And this is paying off as the Thailand Muslim population is in excess of 6 million people, many cashed up from bumper rubber prices over the last few years.

In addition, the appeal of these products and services produced by these businesses is not just restricted to the Muslim population.

If one travels around the South of Thailand today, there are Halal hotels, restaurants, boutiques, massage centres, travel agents, tour companies, insurance, and consumer products all produced and operated by companies that aspire to comply with Islamic principles.

Image for illustration only


Some larger projects like Halal hotels and condominiums for Muslim retirees from Malaysia and Singapore are currently being constructed.

What one can feel talking to these entrepreneurs and seeing the results of their work is an ‘air’ of excitement, innovation and expectation that this strategy will lead to growth and success.

This is in stark contrast to south of the border in Malaysia, where over the last 50 years, an institutionalised mindset of dependence upon government contracts, favours, and grants has severely inhibited innovation.

Symbolically, this can be seen through the individualised Islamic fashion worn by Southern Thai Muslim women versus the stereotyped fashion worn by Malaysian Malay women.

Even the night markets in Southern Thailand are full of innovative Halal foods like dim sum and sushi, with stalls decorated in colourful banners in contrast to the drab night markets across the border.

This “tale of two cities” along the border of Malaysia and Thailand probably reflects the vastly different approaches to development by the two countries.

Thai development has been much more ad hoc than Malaysia, where ideas tend to be generated by individuals who do something about them using their own resources.

If and when they are successful, others follow and build upon this base with complementary rather than competitive businesses.

Soon after, government agencies provide channels and assistance through their community industry and marketing programs.

Later universities like Chulalongkorn set up fully accredited Halal testing labs to support the growing business cluster. These clusters start and grow almost naturally, and this is occurring along the Islamic business front now.

In contrast, Malaysian development comes from top-down planning. Much fanfare is given to new infrastructure projects with grand objectives.

The participants attending launches and involved in implementation are bureaucrats and agency officials, with very little participation by the private sector.

Where opportunities are identified, an agency may set up a government-linked company as a vehicle to exploit it, actually stifling out private enterprise growth rather than promoting it.

The result is an attempt to build a cluster with little private enterprise support, that doesn’t have any natural growth or momentum, continually requiring funds to prop it up.

This story tends to support what the creativity pundits say. Creativity and innovation come from adversity and hardship rather than a comfortable and complacent environment.

The Muslim entrepreneurs in Southern Thailand have had to make it on their own and not rely upon favours from a structure of cronies who can dish out contracts and funds.

In addition, this trend toward Islamic principled business shows that future wealth will come from innovation rather than connections, which is very important if substantiated and real economic development is going to occur.

It’s not brick and mortar that will bring development, but new ideas and practices connecting hinterland, culture and entrepreneur to new market possibilities.

The Malay entrepreneurs of Southern Thailand are also aware that almost 25% of the world population is Muslim and that an Islamic approach to the market is sure to provide a regional source of competitive advantage in the international market arena within the not-too-distant future.

Culture and religion can be a strong economic resource.

Their gung-ho attitude is to develop the market in Southern Thailand today and extend out to the region tomorrow.

One can see through the Halal supply chain system developed by the Halal Research Centre at Chulalongkorn University that this is not just a dream. Some of the world’s major food manufacturers, like Nestlé, have already adopted it.

And finally, what could this mean for the restless south of Thailand?

Will growing economic prosperity and wealth be the best long-term weapon against any insurgency?

Can the people solve this themselves without any outside assistance?

If this hypothesis is true, then the growing Islamic business cluster in Southern Thailand may marginalise the insurgency movement.

However, this doesn’t mean that the violence would end. When a movement is being marginalized it may seek attention through further ‘high profile’ acts of violence. That’s the sad part of the story. – May 17, 2026

Missing children cases are rising and Malaysia cannot afford to look away

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Missing children cases are rising and Malaysia cannot afford to look away


18 May 2026 • 9:00 AM MYT

K.T. Maran
Social, Environmental & Animal Activist

Photo by Marcelo Marques on Unsplash


HEARING about another missing child in Malaysia is becoming disturbingly familiar, and that should concern all of us.


According to Bukit Aman, missing children cases nearly doubled from 594 in 2021 to 1,219 last year. While most children are eventually found, not every case ends safely. Even one unresolved disappearance is one too many.



https://share.google/50AnbGi5KeAoXejaw. NST


Behind every statistic is a frightened child, possibly alone and vulnerable. Behind that child is a family living through fear, uncertainty, and helplessness while waiting for answers.


Naturally, many people fear the worst when children go missing. Concerns over trafficking syndicates, online predators, forced labour, sexual exploitation, and cyber grooming are not unfounded.


Interpol and the United Nations (UN) have repeatedly warned that children remain highly vulnerable to such crimes.


However, an uncomfortable reality also needs to be acknowledged. Police say many missing children are not abducted by strangers but leave home voluntarily due to conflict, emotional distress, abuse, neglect, or personal struggles.


Many return after a few days, but even a short period away from safety can expose them to serious danger.


A runaway child who is angry, frightened, or emotionally vulnerable can easily become a target for exploitation. Predators understand this and actively seek out vulnerable young people, especially online.


This raises a difficult but necessary question: why are so many children choosing to run away?


Many children today may have access to material comforts such as smartphones, tuition, and modern conveniences, yet still feel emotionally disconnected.


Parents are often overwhelmed by work and daily pressures, while meaningful communication within families is increasingly replaced by screens and digital distractions.


When home feels emotionally unsafe, neglectful, or isolating, some children may see leaving as an escape, despite the risks.

This is not merely a policing issue. It is also a social and moral crisis.


Schools, too, must play a greater role. Too much emphasis is placed on examinations, grades, and co-curricular achievements, while emotional wellbeing, digital safety, and mental resilience are often overlooked.


Children should be taught how to recognise online predators, seek help when struggling emotionally, and protect themselves in digital spaces.



The digital world has become the new hunting ground for predators. They no longer lurk only in physical spaces but also operate through gaming platforms, anonymous apps, and social media, where vulnerable children can easily be manipulated. Malaysia must respond with urgency.



First, the country needs a faster and more effective missing-child alert system similar to the AMBER Alert system used elsewhere.


The moment a child disappears, information should be rapidly disseminated through mobile alerts, digital billboards, highway signboards, checkpoints, CCTV networks, and other available technologies.


Second, authorities must strengthen oversight of shelters, welfare homes, and care institutions. If children are repeatedly running away from places meant to protect them, serious underlying problems must be addressed.


Third, communities need to become more vigilant and engaged. Modern life has made many people emotionally detached from those around them. Too often, suspicious situations are ignored because people assume someone else will intervene.


Protecting children cannot rest solely on the shoulders of the police. Parents, teachers, religious leaders, transport workers, security personnel, social media platforms, and the wider public all have a role to play.


The government should also continue strengthening cooperation with regional and international agencies such as ASEANAPOL and Interpol, as trafficking and exploitation networks often operate across borders.


A society is ultimately judged by how well it protects its children. Malaysia cannot afford to become numb to stories of missing children.


The longer we treat these cases as routine headlines, the greater the risk that real lives will continue slipping through the cracks. ‒

The DAP Dilemma: Is a ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ Tearing the National Fabric Apart?

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OPINION | The DAP Dilemma: Is a ‘Malaysian Malaysia’ Tearing the National Fabric Apart?


18 May 2026 • 8:00 PM MYT

AM World
A writer capturing headlines & hidden places, turning moments into words

malaymail


The air in Malaysia has grown heavy with a familiar, yet increasingly sharp, scent of polarized dissent. In the quiet corridors of power and the bustling stalls of local kopitiams, the conversation has shifted from economic recovery to the very soul of the nation’s social contract. Recent months have seen a resurgence of heated rhetoric that pierces through the thin veneer of political stability. When Kedah Menteri Besar Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor provocatively claimed that "Malaysia would be peaceful if the DAP did not exist," he didn’t just spark a news cycle; he lanced a boil that has been festering in the Malaysian psyche for decades. This isn’t merely a spat between political rivals; it is a manifestation of a deep-seated anxiety regarding the role of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) in a nation traditionally anchored by Malay-Muslim hegemony. As the "Madani" government attempts to balance its multicultural aspirations with the reality of conservative pushback, the question remains: Is the DAP truly the "wedge" driving a crack through national unity, or is it simply the convenient scapegoat for a country struggling to redefine itself?



The Anatomy of a Political Villain: Why DAP is the Perpetual Target

To understand why the DAP is frequently framed as the architect of national disharmony, one must look at the structural barriers of the Malaysian electoral system. Historically, the DAP has occupied a de facto "non-Malay" niche, often seen as the primary voice for the Chinese community since the decline of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA). This branding, while electorally successful in urban areas, has created a "structural constraint" that prevents the party from penetrating the Malay heartland. Research indicates that DAP’s marginal representation in Malay-majority constituencies is not necessarily a failure of policy, but a result of "ethnic party sorting" where voters interpret a vote for a Chinese-led party as an inherent opposition to Malay-led institutions. This perception is weaponized by the opposition, particularly Perikatan Nasional (PN), which frames the DAP’s "Malaysian Malaysia" ideology as a direct threat to the special position of Malays and the sanctity of Islam.



The ‘Crack’ in the Coalition: Internal Friction and External Pressure

The current political landscape is a fragile mosaic. The "Unity Government" led by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim is a marriage of convenience that has faced significant challenges in policy coordination. Within this alliance, the friction between DAP and UMNO two former arch-enemies is palpable. Observers have noted that the relationship between UMNO Youth Chief Dr. Akmal Saleh and DAP leaders like Nga Kor Ming is “ibarat retak menanti belah” (like a crack waiting to split), particularly over sensitive issues such as the "halal logo" controversy at educational institutions. When leaders within the same government exchange barbs, comparing one another to "lions and flies," the message sent to the public is one of instability. This internal discord feeds the narrative that the DAP’s presence in the federal government is a destabilizing force that compels UMNO to either compromise its core principles or engage in performative radicalism to retain its Malay base.



Cultural Hegemony vs. Social Democracy: The Battle for Identity

At the heart of the "DAP issue" is a profound cultural and institutional clash. The DAP’s social democratic roots often prioritize secularism and meritocracy, concepts that sit uneasily with the traditional Malaysian model of communal politics. For critics like Sanusi, the DAP’s push for a "Malaysian Malaysia" is viewed as an attempt to normalize religious pluralism and demand that Muslims recognize all religions as equal a stance that many conservative Malaysians find incompatible with their Islamic faith. This ideological divide is not just academic; it translates into real-world tensions over temple demolitions, language use, and the allocation of state funds. While DAP calls for unity to face global challenges like the Middle East conflicts, their domestic detractors argue that they are the very source of the fire they claim to be putting out.



Success Begets Problems: The Burden of Governance

Ironically, the DAP’s success as the second-largest party in Parliament has made it more vulnerable to criticism. Holding 40 seats makes its support critical for Anwar Ibrahim’s survival, yet this very influence is used by the opposition to claim that the Prime Minister is a "puppet" of a Chinese-dominated party. This "success" has necessitated compromises that have alienated the DAP's own base, leading to infighting and identity crises within the party. As the party navigates its 2025 and 2026 internal polls, it faces a existential question: can it truly become a multiracial party, or will it remain trapped in the "chauvinist" label that its rivals use so effectively to keep the nation on edge?



Beyond Politics: The Human Cost of Polarization

While politicians play their high-stakes games of chess, the average Malaysian is left to navigate an increasingly tribal social landscape. The rise of "xenophobic rhetoric" and "anti-migrant policies" in 2025 and 2026, as noted by Human Rights Watch, often coincides with periods of high political instability. When the national discourse is dominated by "us vs. them" narratives regarding political parties, that sentiment inevitably bleeds into how we treat our neighbors, our colleagues, and the most vulnerable in our society. The "crack" in national harmony isn't just about DAP or UMNO; it's about the erosion of empathy in a society where political affiliation has become a surrogate for moral standing.



What do you think? I’d love to hear your opinion in the comments section.


As we look toward the horizon of Malaysia’s future, the rhetoric surrounding the DAP serves as a sobering reminder of how easily the threads of our multicultural tapestry can be pulled. It is easy to point fingers at a single political entity and declare them the "punca" or root cause of all our societal ills. It provides a simple answer to complex problems like income inequality, the middle-income trap, and the search for a cohesive national identity. However, scapegoating rarely leads to solutions. If we believe that the removal of one party would magically bring "peace," we are ignoring the structural issues that have defined our nation since its inception.



The "crack" in our harmony is not a single fracture caused by one group; it is a network of fissures resulting from decades of communal politics, educational segregation, and a refusal to have the difficult conversations required for true integration. We are at a crossroads where we must decide if we want to continue the cycle of blame or begin the arduous work of building a Malaysia where every citizen feels they have a stake in the nation’s success, regardless of their ethnicity or political leanings. The noise of the political arena will always be loud, but it is the quiet interactions between us the shared meals, the mutual respect, and the common dreams that will ultimately determine if our house stands or falls. We owe it to the next generation to leave behind a country that is more than just a collection of warring factions. We need a nation that is truly "sejahtera," not just in slogans, but in spirit.

UEC RECOGNITION - KASI BERAHI NAIK SAJA (CANTONESE: 搞到人好興奮)

 

OutSyed The Box

Monday, May 18, 2026

UEC RECOGNITION - KASI BERAHI NAIK SAJA (CANTONESE: 搞到人好興奮)

I have a suggestion at the end. Please read my suggestion. It is very simple, very workable and very fair.

Higher education DG Azlinda Azman said admission into critical programmes such as medicine and engineering would continue to be based on SPM results.

Azlinda said merit assessments for admission into critical programmes such as medicine and engineering would continue to be based on SPM results rather than UEC qualifications.

My Comments at the end are brief.

1.  Here is a news clip from The Star

UEC holders to apply specifically for Chinese language and literature programmes
UEC students must pass SPM Bahasa Melayu and History
requires credit in SPM Bahasa Melayu and pass in History

Dong Zong claimed failed to reflect educational justice on UEC graduates.

2. Here is a news clip from Free Malaysia Today

• PETALING JAYA: The higher education ministry has stressed that the new entry pathway for students from Chinese independent secondary schools to public higher learning institutions does not amount to recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate’s (UEC) syllabus.
• Public varsity pathway not recognition of UEC, says higher education DG

Higher education DG Azlinda Azman said admission into critical programmes such as medicine and engineering would continue to be based on SPM results.
Azlinda Azman says admission of UEC holders subject to conditions by universities
Azlinda said merit assessments for admission into critical programmes such as medicine and engineering would continue to be based on SPM results rather than UEC 

programmes identified so far: Chinese language and linguistics-related fields, including Chinese language studies, Chinese linguistics, and Chinese language education.
three public universities have been identified – University Malaya, Universiti Putra Malaysia, and Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris.

My Comments:

Policy making by politics again. It would appear that the General Elections are around the corner.  

To digress, did you know that the entire New Economic Policy (Dasar Ekonomi Baru) in 1970 was nothing more than a political gimmick? The jokers panicked when they almost lost the elections in 1969. The Dasar Ekonomi Baru was just their silly knee jerk reaction (a political gimmick) which soon became a monster and has now set back the Malay community by another 50 years. 

Back to planet earth, this is obviously another political gimmick - to be or not to be. 
To recognise fully or to recognise partially. 
To open the door by just a small crack or to shut the door fully. 

Here is the final analysis - will they win the votes of the Malay community or will they lose the votes of the Chinese community?

Here is my simpler suggestion. If the concern is that the UEC qualified applicants must have SPM Bahasa Melayu and Sejarah (History) then work it into the graduation requirements BEFORE the students graduate from the university. 

I suggest that if they qualify allow the UEC candidates access to university education - any courses that they want. But before they graduate make sure they pass university level coursework in History (Sejarah) and Bahasa Melayu (since that is your main concern). 

I hope your real concern is with Bahasa Melayu and Sejarah. Or are you just throwing up unnecessary obstacles? Which is which?

To my good friend the Minister YB Dato Zambry Abdul Kadir, the DG Higher Education and the other motley crew who are about to be kicked out at the next General Elections, here is a Life Principle for you. Pegangan Hidup. 

Make life easy for the people. 
Do not make life difficult for the people.
Bagi orang senang nak hidup.
Jangan menyusahkan manusia.

Otherwise you will kena this: 

NOTE ON RAFIZI RAMLI

NOTE ON RAFIZI RAMLI

I have to register my deep disappointment with Rafizi Ramli's acrimonious behaviour towards PKR and Anwar Ibrahim AFTER the young bloke lost his position as PKR party deputy president to Nurul Izzah (coincidentally Anwar's daughter) in an intra party election.

He should have left PKR like a sporting gentleman after his election loss, and not snipe at Anwar and his own party ever since.

 

Israeli attacks kill at least 7 in Lebanon despite ‘ceasefire’ extension

The attacks came days after Lebanese and Israeli officials held talks that resulted in an agreement to extend the US-backed ceasefire for another 45 days.

Shailoks are treacherous and will renege on any treaties or agreement when that suits them

By Caolán Magee

Published On 18 May 202618 May 2026

Beirut, Lebanon – Israeli attacks across Lebanon have killed at least seven people despite a United States-backed ceasefire extension.

The attacks on Monday came three days after Lebanese and Israeli officials held talks in Washington DC, which resulted in an agreement to extend their ceasefire for another 45 days. Israel has repeatedly violated the truce, which was initially agreed in April.

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Those killed on Monday included Wael Abdel Halim, a leader in the Palestinian Islamic Jihad movement, and his 17-year-old daughter, Rama, who died when an Israeli air strike targeted an apartment building in the town of Douris in eastern Lebanon’s Baalbek district, according to the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health.

In the Jalil refugee camp for Palestinians on the outskirts of Baalbek, dozens of mourners marched through the camp after the attack.

Israeli strikes also continued across southern Lebanon with attacks reported in Hanaway, Dibal, Deir Ammar, Deir Amess and Meirka in the Tyre district, according to Al Jazeera Arabic’s correspondents on the ground. Additional strikes were reported in Harouf and other areas across the south.

Continued hostilities

Last week’s negotiations to extend the ceasefire marked the third round of US-mediated talks, which kicked off with the first direct meeting between Lebanese and Israeli representatives in decades.

Under the agreement, a US-facilitated security track is expected to begin on May 29 with another round of talks scheduled for June 2 and 3 in Washington, DC.

However, the renewed diplomacy has done little to prevent Israeli hostilities that its military insisted are aimed at Hezbollah, which is publicly opposed to negotiations with Israel.

Israeli forces have persistently bombed southern Lebanon and continued to maintain positions in the area while the Lebanon-based armed group also remains actively engaged in the conflict.

Hezbollah said on Monday that it had targeted an Israeli bulldozer with a drone near Deir Siryan and struck an Israeli military communications drone in the same area. The armed group also said it fired missiles at a gathering of Israeli soldiers and military vehicles in Rashaf in southern Lebanon.

The hostilities continue to afflict Lebanon’s civilian population. On Monday, the Israeli military ordered residents of the southern Lebanese villages of Harouf, Borj El Chmali and Debaal to leave their homes before planned attacks.

Army instructions to civilians to move into open areas before the strikes have become increasingly common, essentially taking the form of forced displacement.

Israel said it struck more than 30 targets across southern Lebanon, claiming the sites belonged to Hezbollah. It added that the targets included weapons warehouses, observation posts and buildings used to coordinate attacks.

In a statement posted on social media, the Israeli military also said it had killed several Hezbollah fighters preparing “terror plots” against Israeli forces.

Forced displacement

Reporting from Tyre in southern Lebanon, Al Jazeera’s Obaida Hitto said the bombardment had intensified despite the ceasefire extension.

“It has been another violent day here in southern Lebanon,” Hitto said.

“Israel started out the day by issuing evacuation orders for four towns and villages in the south of the country. It subsequently conducted strikes on two of those locations.

“Strikes were also reported in Az-Zrariyah on a moving vehicle while another raid in Tayr Debba resulted in significant casualty numbers.”

Hitto said Israel had concentrated much of its firepower over the past two days on the western Bekaa Valley, the Marjayoun district and the Nabatieh district, targeting villages including Yohmor, Yohmor Shgeir, Zawtar el-Charqiyeh and Sohmor.

“There were also further strikes by Israeli jets and drones around the city of Bint Jbeil,” he said.

“All of this has resulted in a huge humanitarian crisis with more than a million people displaced. The situation is worsening as Israel has issued five more forced evacuation orders this evening, causing large numbers of people to flee areas that were previously not targeted or thought to be safe.

“And all of this as this ceasefire was extended. But we’ve seen the exact opposite. We are seeing more of an escalation by Israel in southern Lebanon.”

According to the Danish Refugee Council, more than 1.2 million people were forced from their homes between March and April because of the fighting.

Mahathir’s Malay Unity Rhetoric: The Man Who Split Malay Politics Now Warns of Malay Collapse?

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OPINION | Mahathir’s Malay Unity Rhetoric: The Man Who Split Malay Politics Now Warns of Malay Collapse?


18 May 2026 • 12:00 PM MYT

Kpost
Operation Consultant who is a keen observer of politics and current affairs

Image Credit: Concept by Chatgpt. Edited by GeminiAi

Former prime minister Tun Mahathir Mohamad is once again sounding the alarm over the future of the Malays, warning that the community risks “losing grip” on the country if they remain divided.


The warning carries a deep irony: the very man now preaching Malay unity is widely seen as one of the architects of modern Malay political fragmentation.



Mahathir recently admitted that his years-long effort to unite the Malays had failed. In a social media post, he lamented that Malays were prioritising political leaders over “race, country and religion,” claiming such disunity could eventually erase Malay dominance and even Malay history itself.


But from a historical perspective, Mahathir’s political legacy tells a very different story.



For decades, Mahathir was not merely a participant in Malay political rivalries - he was often at the centre of them. From his dramatic split with former deputy Anwar Ibrahim in 1998 that gave birth to the Reformasi movement, to his later fallout with successive Umno leaders, Mahathir repeatedly reshaped the Malay political landscape through conflict and factionalism.


Ironically, many of today’s fractured Malay political blocs were either directly or indirectly born from Mahathir’s own political manoeuvres.



He once led United Malays National Organisation (Umno) before turning against it. He later founded Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) to topple the very coalition he once dominated. After falling out with Bersatu, he formed yet another Malay-based vehicle, Pejuang, followed by the Gerakan Tanah Air (GTA) coalition.


Instead of consolidating Malay political strength, these repeated splinters arguably accelerated the fragmentation Mahathir now condemns.


The results have been politically brutal. In the 2022 general election, every GTA candidate lost their deposit - including Mahathir himself, marking the first electoral defeat of his long political career. It was a humiliating rejection not only of GTA but perhaps also of Mahathir’s continued attempt to position himself as the ultimate guardian of Malay unity.



Many would agree that Mahathir’s warnings often rely heavily on fear-based narratives - the idea that Malays are under existential threat unless they unite politically under a Malay-centric agenda. Yet Malaysia’s demographic, constitutional, and institutional realities remain firmly anchored in Malay political dominance. Malays continue to hold the premiership, dominate the civil service and the higher-education quota system, receive property purchase discounts, and enjoy constitutional protections under the monarchy and Bumiputera policies.



This raises another uncomfortable question: Is the issue truly Malay disunity, or simply the inability of aging political elites to maintain influence over a changing electorate?


Younger Malays today appear increasingly divided not by race alone, but by ideology, governance standards, economic concerns, corruption issues, and cost-of-living pressures. The era where ethnic rhetoric alone could automatically unite Malay voters may be fading.


Mahathir himself acknowledged recently that the proliferation of Malay parties had weakened the community. Yet many would argue that no individual contributed more to that proliferation than Mahathir himself through decades of political feuds, party breakaways, and leadership rivalries.



The irony is difficult to ignore. A leader once celebrated as the towering figure of Malay political power now finds himself warning about the collapse of the very unity that his own political battles helped fracture.


Whether Malaysians view Mahathir’s latest remarks as sincere concern or political revisionism, one reality is undeniable: the man now calling for Malay unity is also inseparable from the story of how Malay politics became so divided in the first place.


By: Kpost

***

I want to show my respect to/for him, he being a very senior citizen and former PM, but he has made my intention more and more difficult each and every time he sounds the siren call for Malay unity, because in those rallying calls to the Malays, he invariably divides Malaysian society again and again, pitting Malays against the so-called avaricious predatory 'pendatang', mainly the Chinese.

In the end, when we analyse his intentions for those rallying calls for Malay Unity, they have been desperate attempts to marshal the Malays under his personal banner, to give him the power he wants (for whatever purpose he has in mind)

Being More Muslim than Muslims is as problematic as being more Malaysian than Malaysians

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OPINION | Being More Muslim than Muslims is as problematic as being more Malaysian than Malaysians


18 May 2026 • 11:30 AM MYT

TheRealNehruism
An award-winning Newswav creator, Bebas News columnist & ex-FMT columnist

Image credit: Sinar Daily / Kosmo



PAS's Pasir Puteh MP, PAS's Nik Muhammad Zawawi Salleh, found himself under fire last week, even from his own peers in PAS, for speaking ill about Umar and Abu Bakr, who are considered to be two of Prophet Muhammad's closest companions.



Actually, from an outside point of view, I don't even think that Zawawi spoke ill of Umar and Abu Bakr at all.


What Zawawi said was that before they entered Islam, Abu Bakr and Umar had many flaws and shortcomings. To be exact, he labelled Abu Bakr as a "bapa ceti" — a loanshark — who got rich squeezing the poor, and Umar as violent and adulterous.



The way I see it, he most likely labelled them as such in their pre-Islamic days to contrast how much better they became after they entered Islam.


However, Zawawi's statement sustained heavy attacks even from his own colleagues in PAS, who demanded that he apologise and repent for his remarks.


Now if you ask me, if I, who am not a Muslim myself, can see what Zawawi was getting at, surely his colleagues and peers in PAS could certainly see what Zawawi was aiming for, and realise that he was not trying to disparage Abu Bakr and Umar, right?



Of course — I am more than sure that they definitely see that Zawawi's remarks, in intent and context, do not disparage the companions of Prophet Muhammad.


So why did they take offense, you ask?


Well, if you ask me, this is the peril of identifying more intimately with something that many people identify with, when they don't identify very intimately with you.


If you identify more intimately with it than others who also identify with it, although they don't connect with you very deeply, it will cause them to question their identity with it, which will then make them resent you for making them question their identity.



Zawawi is not the only person who found out how problematic it is to identify more intimately with something that other people also identify with.


The Hardware Uncle in Penang who flew the national flag upside down last year also found that out the hard way.


Not only the Hardware Uncle, even former Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong discovered it when he earned enormous animosity from his own siblings for trying to identify too intimately with their legendary father, Lee Kuan Yew.


The Hardware Uncle in Penang, who was Chinese, was probably seen as trying too hard to show that he was a "Malaysian" — a label that all races in Malaysia identify with — and that probably offended people like Akmal Saleh, who didn't identify very intimately with the Chinese Hardware Uncle, although Akmal also identified intimately with being Malaysian.



I seriously doubt that Akmal truly did not know that the Uncle hoisting the Jalur Gemilang upside down made an honest mistake, just as I seriously doubt that Zawawi's peers in PAS did not know he had no intention of disparaging Abu Bakr and Umar.


But despite that, they chose to go on the offensive against Zawawi or the hardware uncle anyway — not necessarily because of what Zawawi or the hardware uncle did, but because of how Zawawi's adb the Hardware Uncle's gesture made them feel about themselves.



We also saw how this same problem of identifying more with something that many people identify with occur in Singapore's first family many years ago.


As I recall, outwardly, it was centred around Lee Kuan Yew's house. His eldest son, the former Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Hsien Loong, wanted to turn the house into a national monument while his younger siblings wished to demolish it, because that is what they said their father wanted.


The house and the land it sat on were probably worth tens of millions. All the children of Lee Kuan Yew could have made a lot of money if they had just sold it to a third party.



But money was never the issue in their dispute — identity was.


None of them actually wanted a single cent from the house, but despite that, they feuded bitterly and openly over what they wanted to do with the house, despite the fact that there was nothing tangible involved.


Why?


Well, if you ask me, the reason is because when Lee Hsien Loong looked like he was identifying more intimately with Lee Kuan Yew than his other siblings, although his other siblings likely did not identify very intimately with him, it made his siblings question their identity with Lee Kuan Yew, which in turn caused them to feel a great deal of animosity against Lee Hsien Loong, for the way he was making them feel about themselves.



I think that the lesson we can all take from the PAS Zawawi and the Prophet's companions episode, the Uncle Hardware vs Akmal Saleh episode, and the Lee Kuan Yew children rivalry episode, is that we must always be careful with how we identify with the things that we wish to identify with, if other people also identify with it, especially if they don't identify very strongly with us.


Take the concept of being "Malaysian" for example. Malays identify with the concept, as do non-Malays and Sabahans and Sarawakians.



However, although we all identify with the concept of being "Malaysian", we don't necessarily identify very strongly with each other.


If any of us try too hard to identify with the concept of being "Malaysian", simply because we feel deeply connected to it, it might cause an identity crisis to affect others who also identify with being Malaysians, which might then cause an irrational yet deep animosity to set in between us.


This is something that must be part of our realisation and awareness if we truly desire to develop better relationships with each other.

Tit for tat politics

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OPINION | Tit for tat politics


18 May 2026 • 9:30 AM MYT

FLK
Used to do a bit of work in corporate restructuring, corporate `undertaker

malaysiagazette


Recently, the Selangor PAS Youth Chief questioned why until today the Selangor government failed to take action against the Seri Kembangan assemblyperson.


In 2022, PAS first cautioned Muslims not to not attend the Japanese cultural festival Bon Odori held in June 2022 held at the Shah Alam Sports Complex.



In response, HRH the Sultan of Selangor Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah decreed that Bon Odori to proceed as planned.


PAS later urged Muslims not to attend the Japanese festival again despite the Sultan of Selangor’s decree.


Alleging that the Seri Kembangan assemblyperson was disrespectful to the Selangor Ruler, PAS in June 2022 was openly defying the Selangor Ruler over the Bon Odori festival.



In the June 2022 episode, DAP leaders and members criticized PAS for defying the Selangor Sultan regarding the Bon Odori festival, with some calling for action against PAS for disregarding royal decrees and spreading confusion.


Looks like the present episode calling for action to be taken against the Seri Kembangan assemblyperson was a tit for tat against DAP for being so vociferous in June 2022.


Did any of those DAP leaders who spearheaded the criticism against PAS in June 2022 stood up and openly defended their fellow member, the Seri Kembangan assemblyperson in this present episode?



These 2 episodes i.e June 2022 and in April 2026 showed and confirmed that "tit-for-tat" is a common, often habitual strategy in politics in Malaysia where actions are reciprocated—cooperation is met with cooperation, and provocation with retaliation.


As clearly evidenced, this tit for tat has now degenerate into endless, destructive retaliatory cycles.


And the ordinary rakyat are not only feeling extremely frustrated but also increasingly disillusioned with the state of politics in this country.


This tit for tat game between the political parties has hindered systemic reforms.



Both sides of Malaysian politics have behaved in ways that don’t inspire confidence.


The need for reform-minded leadership to restore public confidence is a must have if the country is to move ahead.


If this type of tit-for-tat dynamic continues, it will not only hinder systemic reforms but further deepen and entrenched disillusionment with establishment politicians.


All often seem to get bogged down in tit for tat politics detrimental to the country’s development and progress.


Does these political parties and the politicians really and sincerely care for the ordinary rakyat who voted for them?

Are they aware that the younger generation in this country are facing serious issues of opportunity and access to higher education and career advancement or they don’t care at all?

OPINION | Rafizi Is the Only One Who Can Bring Down Anwar

Despite the time stamp being 18 May 2026, this post was obviously written before Sunday, the day Rafizi Ramli announced he has resigned from Parliament



Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator


OPINION | Rafizi Is the Only One Who Can Bring Down Anwar


18 May 2026 • 3:00 PM MYT

TheRealNehruism
An award-winning Newswav creator, Bebas News columnist & ex-FMT columnist

Image credit: Malay Mail


In a previous post, I wrote that Anwar’s administration has always been sitting on a chair with three legs.


It has always been sitting on three legs because, although on paper Anwar has more than a two-thirds majority in Parliament, in reality only PH’s 80 seats — or around 36 percent of Parliament — are truly behind him.



To cross the 50 percent mark and obtain a simple majority in Parliament, Anwar depends on the support of BN and the parties from Sabah and Sarawak.


It might not be easy to sit on a chair with only three legs, but with enough skill and balance, it is still possible.


For the past three and a half years, Anwar has done remarkably well balancing himself on that three-legged chair. But recently, his luck seems to have started running out, because even his three remaining legs are getting quite wobbly.



Why have they gotten wobbly?


Well, for a variety of reasons, almost all the parties Anwar depends on to cross the 50 percent mark — whether BN or the parties from Sabah and Sarawak — have become increasingly unhappy with his administration.


BN has already started to show its unhappiness by withdrawing its support from the Negeri Sembilan state government while Sabah and Sarawak are increasingly becoming unhappy with Anwar over money and oil and gas issues. Sabah is already showing growing impatience with the Federal government's delay in returning its 40 percent revenue, that a court has ordered the Federal government to do last year while Sarawak has grown so impatient at Anwar's administration unwillingness to give back its oil and gas rights, that it has taken the federal government to court over the federal petroleum laws.



Not only are the legs to Anwar's government made wobbly from the outside, Anwar's own party and coalition — PKR or PH — are also causing Anwar's legs to wobble.


On the PKR side, Rafizi and the 10 MPs aligned with him could potentially pull the carpet from under Anwar’s feet.


In fact, tomorrow Rafizi is expected to make an “extraordinary” announcement regarding his political direction. We don't know what the announcement is going to be , but all signs are pointing to it being an announcement that is not going to be good news to Anwar's reign.



Other than PKR, DAP could also destabilise Anwar’s government if it decides to withdraw from the administration following its internal referendum in July.


Although DAP has said it would continue supporting Anwar in Parliament even if it withdraws from serving in the government, such a reluctant support would leave Anwar so politically crippled , that he would become like the Malay saying, “hidup segan mati tak mahu.” Rather than continue surviving in such an impotent and humiliating state, it might simply be better for Anwar to dissolve Parliament and call for fresh elections.



But despite the problems coming from multiple directions, I would say that the only real and present danger to Anwar’s reign is Rafizi.


Why?


Well, it is because Rafizi is the only one who seems to actually be prepared to kick the wobbly leg of the chair that Anwar's reign is resting on, and cause the entire structure to collapse.


BN, DAP, and the Sabah and Sarawak parties could also do it — and they are probably even more capable of doing it than Rafizi - but they are not likely to do it.


Even if they are immensely frustrated with his reign and even if they know that there is nothing he can do against them if they choose to bring him down, they will still not do it.



Why?


I could probably write an entire thesis to explain why, but if I had to summarise it in one sentence, I would say it is because they are conditioned not to do it.


There is something about the "Malaysian Conditioning" that causes us to place excessive awe and deference on those above them.


That is why once we accept somebody to be above us, it is so difficult for us to remove them, even if we are deeply frustrated with them and even if we don't think that they can do anything to us after we pull them down.



That is why, no matter how unhappy DAP or the Sabah and Sarawak parties become with Anwar, they still will not dare to move openly against him.


Despite their frustrations, they remain psychologically restrained by a certain awe and reverence toward him.


I do not think awe is the only reason — or even the main reason — why BN's Zahid Hamidi would hesitate to move against Anwar, but I do think even Zahid carries a substantial amount of awe and reverence towards Anwar.


Rafizi, however, appears different.



Rafizi does not seem to be in awe of Anwar.


And because of that, if Anwar's reign is fated to collapse before its reign, it will likely be Rafizi that is the one that will kick his wobbly legs, and make him bite the dust.


It is only after somebody like Rafizi makes the first move that the rest - meaning BN, DAP, and the Sabah and Sarawak parties - will come forward to also kick the old lion, once they are sure it is dead.


That is why Rafizi is the most dangerous figure to Anwar’s reign today.


He is dangerous because he is to Anwar's reign what the proverbial snowball is to an avalanche.



Come Sunday, once Rafizi makes his “extraordinary” announcement, a snowball might start rolling — and before you know it , it might trigger an avalanche that will bury Anwar's entire administration in the not too distant, and possibly very near, future.


Note : On Sunday (17 May) , Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi have announced that they will be taking over Parti Bersama Malaysia, to complete their estrangment for PKR. The founder and president of Parti Bersama Malaysia, a Tan Gin Theam, had handed over the Parti Bersama Malaysia's registration certificate to Rafizi and Nik Nazmi at the PJ Performing Arts Centre to herald the entry of a new party, and possibly coalition, if Parti Bersama Malaysia allies with MUDA, as previously speculated, into our political landscape.