Anwar says Malaysia must move beyond race, religion debates amid new security threats

Anwar says Malaysia must move beyond race, religion debates amid new security threats



Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim delivering his speech at the launch of National Security Month 2026 at the Putrajaya International Convention Centre (PICC) today. — Bernama pic

First Published: Thursday, 09 Jul 2026 6:54 PM MYT


PUTRAJAYA, July 9 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has expressed concern over the growing use of state, racial and religious sentiments, warning that such divisions could threaten national harmony and security if left unchecked.

He said Malaysians should not become distracted by old political polemics or divisive identity-based narratives, as the country now faces more complex security challenges, including technological and digital threats.

“I often remind my colleagues during parliamentary debates that we are still dwelling on old issues - race, religion, regional and state sentiments.

“These are not the issues that deserve our greatest attention when the country is facing much bigger threats. That is what concerns me,” he said when officiating the National Security Month 2026 programme organised by the National Security Council (MKN) today.

Also present were Communications Minister Datuk Fahmi Fadzil, Chief Secretary to the Government Tan Sri Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar and National Security director-general Datuk Raja Nurshirwan Zainal Abidin.

Anwar, who is also Finance Minister, said leaders across government departments, agencies and ministries must adopt a more proactive approach instead of waiting for circumstances to change before responding to increasingly complex security threats.

“This is the responsibility of leaders in every department, agency and ministry. This is not routine bureaucracy. We must quickly understand emerging technologies and new security challenges,” he said. — Bernama

Alpacas, mini pigs and zebras set loose after floods hit China zoo

Alpacas, mini pigs and zebras set loose after floods hit China zoo



At least 100 animals, including alpacas, miniature pigs and zebras, escaped from Guigang Zoo in southern China’s Guangxi region after floods damaged their enclosures. — Unsplash pic

First Published: Friday, 10 Jul 2026 7:00 AM MYT


BEIJING, July 10 — At least 100 animals, including alpacas, miniature pigs and zebras, escaped a zoo in southern China’s Guangxi region after floods damaged their enclosures.

Typhoon Maysak has ravaged southern and central China this week, killing 39 people in Guangxi and forcing the evacuation of 130,000.

The province’s Guigang Zoo asked the public yesterday for help in finding its escaped animals, saying some enclosures had been damaged by “continuous heavy rainfall”.

It provided a list of missing creatures, including “two North American raccoons, four porcupines and thirty peacocks”, according to a statement posted by a local district’s Culture, Sports and Tourism Bureau.

The zoo said some of the escapees “may be frightened and potentially aggressive”.


“If you spot any of the animals, please keep a safe distance,” the statement said.

“Do not attempt to catch, approach or tease them, as this could be dangerous,” the zoo warned.


Meanwhile, videos of villagers knee-deep in floodwater and frantically trying to catch snakes swimming in a flooded Guangxi town with their bare hands and nets went viral on social media this week.

Wu Zhi, the head of a local village committee, told state-owned media Red Star News that around 800 to 900 snakes escaped on Monday after a breeding farm was washed away in Hengzhou city.

The city “immediately bolstered its reserves of medical resources and urgently expanded the stock of antivenom” at the local hospital, state broadcaster CCTV reported. — AFP

Spot a crocodile in the park or a python in your garden? Here’s who you should call... hint: It’s not Bomba

Spot a crocodile in the park or a python in your garden? Here’s who you should call... hint: It’s not Bomba



File photo for illustration purposes only. The six-metre python believed to have come from nearby bushes was captured alive and handed over to Perhilitan following a frightening encounter with a 10-year-old boy in Kampung Temai Hulu, Pekan. — AFP pic

First Published: Friday, 10 Jul 2026 7:00 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, July 10 — Recent crocodile attacks have drawn public attention to wildlife encounters in Malaysia, prompting questions about what people should do and who they should call when they come across a wild animal.

Crocodile encounters are just one of many wildlife incidents reported across the country though.

Government data show that reports of human-wildlife conflict involve a range of species, including long-tailed macaques, elephants, wild boars, Malayan tigers and tapirs, highlighting that wildlife encounters are not uncommon in Malaysia.

So, if you come across a wild animal, what should you do? Who should you call? And what happens after authorities arrive?


Based on advice from the relevant authorities, here is what you should know about responding to a wildlife encounter.

First, keep your distance

Whether it is a crocodile by a riverbank, a python in your garden, a tapir crossing the road or an elephant near a plantation, the first rule is simple — keep your distance.


Do not approach, feed, provoke or attempt to capture the animal yourself.

Wild animals can react unpredictably when frightened or injured, even if they appear calm.



Firefighters helped by the public place a crocodile, estimated to weigh two tonnes and 4.5 metres long, into a truck after it was successfully caught by a group of fishermen at Pantai Siring, Pulai, Melaka, April 17, 2024. — Bernama pic



What not to do

Your first instinct may be to chase the animal away, try to rescue it or gather others to help.

Wildlife authorities advise against doing so.

Instead:Do not approach, corner or attempt to catch the animal.
Do not feed wildlife.
Do not attempt to move injured wildlife.

If it is safe to do so, take photographs or videos from a safe distance and note the exact location.

Report the sighting to the relevant wildlife authority as soon as possible.

Who should you call?

The authority responsible depends on where you are in Malaysia.

Peninsular Malaysia

In peninsular Malaysia, wildlife encounters are handled by the Department of Wildlife and National Parks Peninsular Malaysia (Perhilitan), the federal agency responsible for protecting, managing and conserving wildlife and national parks in the peninsula.

Perhilitan’s jurisdiction does not extend to Sabah and Sarawak.



Firefighters may respond when wildlife encounters pose an immediate safety risk, but they are not the lead authorities for wildlife management decisions. — Picture courtesy of Fire and Rescue Department


The department responds to reports involving protected wildlife and human-wildlife conflict where intervention is necessary.

Its responsibilities include assessing wildlife sightings, rescuing injured or trapped animals, providing veterinary care, rehabilitating wildlife and releasing suitable animals back into their natural habitats.

Depending on the circumstances, officers may also relocate animals that pose a risk to public safety.

Perhilitan’s Wildlife Hotline is 1-800-88-5151, while reports can also be made through its state offices.

Sabah

In Sabah, wildlife encounters are handled by the Sabah Wildlife Department, which oversees wildlife conservation and responds to human-wildlife conflict under the state’s wildlife laws.

The department operates a 24-hour hotline at 088-254767 for wildlife-related incidents.

Sarawak

In Sarawak, wildlife management falls under the Sarawak Forestry Corporation (SFC), which oversees protected wildlife, national parks and nature reserves.

The public can report wildlife incidents through SFC’s toll-free line 1800-88-2526 or its regional 24-hour wildlife hotlines: 019-8859996 (Kuching), 019-8883561 (Sibu), 019-8332737 (Bintulu) and 019-8290994 (Miri).

Why do firefighters respond to wildlife encounters?

The public often sees Fire and Rescue Department personnel (widely known by the Malay abbreviation Bomba) respond to incidents involving snakes, crocodiles and other wild animals.

However, the relevant wildlife authority remains the lead agency responsible for wildlife management, while the Fire and Rescue Department is among the agencies that may be deployed through Malaysia’s 999 emergency response system.

If a wildlife incident poses an immediate threat to public safety or involves injuries, emergency responders may be dispatched while the relevant wildlife authority is notified where necessary.

Decisions on whether an animal should be monitored, treated, rehabilitated, relocated or released are made by the relevant wildlife authority as part of its wildlife management responsibilities.



Human-wildlife encounters in Malaysia are not uncommon and can involve anything from crocodiles and snakes to elephants, tapirs and tigers, but the safest response is to keep your distance and alert the relevant wildlife authority. — Screengrab via Facebook



When should you call 999?

Call 999 if the situation poses an immediate danger to people.

This includes when:

• someone has been attacked or injured by wildlife;
• an animal poses an immediate threat to public safety;
• urgent assistance is needed to protect lives.

If there is no immediate threat to life, reporting the sighting directly to the relevant wildlife authority is generally the most appropriate course of action.

What happens after authorities respond?

According to the wildlife department, not every wildlife sighting requires an animal to be captured.

Instead, wildlife officers assess each case to determine whether intervention is necessary.

Animals that are healthy, remain in their natural habitat and do not pose a threat to public safety may be left undisturbed and monitored where appropriate.

However, if an animal is injured, trapped, has strayed into an unsuitable location or poses a risk to people, officers may capture it for further assessment.

Depending on the animal’s condition and the circumstances, it may receive veterinary treatment, undergo rehabilitation or be relocated to a more suitable habitat.

Animals that recover may later be released back into the wild, while those that cannot survive independently may remain under long-term managed care or conservation programmes.

What information should you provide?

Authorities can respond more effectively if reports include:

• the exact location or GPS coordinates;
• the type of animal, if known;
• whether it appears injured, trapped or behaving aggressively;
• whether the animal is still at the location; and
• whether anyone is in immediate danger.

Do not panic

While recent crocodile attacks have understandably raised public concern, crocodiles are just one of many wildlife species encountered in Malaysia.

Among the wildlife most commonly involved in human-wildlife conflict are long-tailed macaques, elephants, wild boars, tapirs and, more rarely, Malayan tigers.

Regardless of the species, the safest response remains the same: keep your distance, avoid unnecessary interaction and report the sighting to the relevant wildlife authority.

Call 999 only if there is an immediate threat to life or public safety.

OPINION | Penang’s First Malay Chief Minister - As Decided by a Pie Chart

Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator


OPINION | Penang’s First Malay Chief Minister - As Decided by a Pie Chart


9 Jul 2026 • 9:30 AM MYT

Fa Abdul
FA ABDUL is a former columnist of Malaysiakini & Free Malaysia Today (FMT)

(Image credit: Fa Abdul)


Excellent news for Penang.


After decades of unnecessarily complicated democratic processes, we have finally discovered a much simpler way to choose a Chief Minister.


Forget manifestos. Forget policies. Forget experience. Forget integrity. Forget who can actually govern.



All we need is the latest report from the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DOSM).


According to the latest figures, Bumiputeras now make up 46.2% of Penang's population, overtaking the Chinese community at 43.7%. Naturally, this has prompted calls for Penang to consider having its first Malay Chief Minister.



At first glance, it sounds perfectly reasonable. Leadership should reflect demographics, shouldn't it?


In fact, why stop at the Chief Minister?


Let’s be consistent.


Every time the census is updated, we should reshuffle the entire government. If one community grows by another percentage point, perhaps it’s time to rotate another ministry. Elections are exhausting anyway. Pie charts are much more efficient.


Imagine the campaign slogan: "Vote? Why bother? DOSM already counted."


It would save everyone a lot of money.



Of course, there is one tiny flaw in this brilliant new system.


Democracy has never promised that the biggest demographic group gets the top job. It promises that voters decide who represents them, and that elected representatives decide who commands enough confidence to lead.


Those are two very different things.


If leadership must always mirror population percentages, then should every CEO represent the ethnic breakdown of the company? Should every school principal be appointed according to neighbourhood demographics? Should football captains, condominium committee chairpersons, and restaurant managers all be selected based on census data?



Or is this fascinating new principle reserved only for politicians?


Since Merdeka, all Penang Chief Ministers have been Chinese. That’s a fact. But they weren’t appointed because someone checked an ethnic quota. They became Chief Ministers because the political coalitions they belonged to won elections and secured enough support in the State Assembly.


If tomorrow a Malay leader wins that same democratic mandate, wonderful. It would be a historic first, and many Penangites would celebrate it.


But if the argument is simply, “Our percentage is bigger now, therefore the job should be ours,” then we’re no longer talking about leadership.



We’re talking about entitlement dressed up as representation.


Funny thing is, the same statement calling for a Malay Chief Minister also talks about cost of living, housing, jobs, and development. Those are the real issues - and none of them get solved by changing the Chief Minister’s race.


Because inflation doesn't care who's sitting in Komtar.


Housing prices don't become affordable because the Chief Minister changed race.


Traffic jams don't separate themselves into Malay, Chinese, and Indian lanes.



So can Penang have its first Malay Chief Minister?


Of course.


The day a capable Malay leader wins the confidence of the Assembly, it will be a perfectly normal outcome in a democracy.


The problem isn't having a Malay Chief Minister. The problem is suggesting that someone's race should move them to the front of the queue.


That's not representation. That's identity politics with a calculator.


But on the bright side, if this is how we're choosing leaders now, we can save a fortune.


Cancel the next state election and just wait for the next census.



We can have a Malay PM because Malays are the majority. A Chinese Finance Minister because Chinese are the biggest taxpayers. And an Indian Communications Minister because, well, Indians are the loudest on WhatsApp.


And once we’re done dividing the Cabinet by identity, we can finally close Parliament and let Excel run the country!

***

My fave columnist - I luv her 💗💗💗

​​OPINION | "PH To Be Wiped Out In Johor...!!!" – Will Ex-DAP Man's "Prophecy" Come True...?

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​​OPINION | "PH To Be Wiped Out In Johor...!!!" – Will Ex-DAP Man's "Prophecy" Come True...?


9 Jul 2026 • 12:00 PM MYT

JK Joseph
Repentant ex-banker who believes in truth, compassion and some humour

DAP's popular former Bangi MP Ong Kian Ming is currently on a break from politics. Credit Image: Malay Mail (Picture by Devan Manuel)

Former DAP lawmaker Ong Kian Ming has sparked a major controversy by projecting a crushing defeat for Pakatan Harapan in the Johor state election – even boldly predicting a potential annihilation of Anwar's coalition at the hands of Barisan Nasional.



To many observers familiar with the state, a total wipeout may not materialize as we are talking about Johor here—not Sabah, not Kelantan. As such, to some it might even seem over-simplistic to jump to such a conclusion.


The reality is that non-Malays and urban voters in the state have virtually no viable, realistic alternative outside of DAP and PH. Even if these voters are “too tired” and disillusioned, many will still feel compelled to choose PH over a buoyant BN or a conservative PN-PAS alignment.



​Johor MB Onn Hafiz’s recent bold declaration that he will not accept DAP into the state government could also prove costly. For sure, it has spooked large segments of the non-Malay electorate, who are now having serious second thoughts about voting for BN. After all, wouldn't a massive BN landslide victory effectively allow PAS an unsolicited “backdoor” entry into the state?


Add to that, recent news reports and images showing the popular Johor MB warmly welcoming PAS politicians is bound to ramp up the “fear factor” among Chinese and Indian voters in urban areas. Surely, there are bound to be many who will feel duty-bound to ensure their beloved metropolitan Johor Bahru doesn't end up resembling another Kota Bharu!



Then there is the key factor of Johoreans working across the causeway in Singapore; should they decide to turn out en masse to vote, BN may not have it that easy after all. This is especially true in the highly urbanized Greater Johor Bahru area, as well as larger towns like Batu Pahat, Muar, Kluang, and Segamat, where there is a massive concentration of well-educated non-Malay voters.


As things stand, UMNO may be riding high, backed by unexpected support from PAS. Furthermore, the fact that PN is only contesting 33 seats in this election gives UMNO an additional boost in confidence. But the question remains: what guarantee is there that PN supporters will blindly vote for BN?



While PAS hardcore loyalists might heed their leaders’ call, can the same be said of staunch Bersatu supporters? Many of them could well end up casting protest votes out of sheer anger and frustration. After all, isn't the opposition PN itself in shambles right now?


Then there is also the Muhyiddin Yassin factor. True, the former Johor MB may have lost some of his shine following the snub by the Islamist party at the expense of his ex-deputy Hamzah Zainudin, yet his lingering influence in his home state should never be underestimated.



​Moreover, unlike previous state elections, this time the field is also highly fragmented. New forces like Bersama have joined the fray, and a wave of fresh, younger faces has been thrust into the ring. To some extent, thousands of first-time voters—especially in urban areas—will now have far more options to choose from in these intense multi-cornered fights.


​It is also worth noting that PAS has never managed to make any significant electoral inroads in Johor despite decades of trying—with its religious conservative approach failing to gain much traction.



This may have something to do with the fact that Johoreans, by nature, are pragmatic, savvy, and progressive-minded people. Is it any surprise then that the state has always been among the most modern and wealthiest in the country? The people's choice of government too has somewhat reflected the vision of the powerful palace, which is well-known for its fiercely pro-development stance.


Ong Kian Ming's findings may have some academic merit, but Johor is a completely different kettle of fish. In this state, things are far more complex and dynamic. The mindset is very different, and the society is highly multiracial—with non-Malays making up 40% of the population—especially compared to the largely homogeneous East Coast states.



It must also be remembered that in the 2022 state election, BN won big on the back of a low voter turnout—roughly 55%—due to COVID-19 pandemic concerns and “voter fatigue” amid political uncertainties in the country. But what if against the odds, this time, the numbers exceed 60% or even breach 70%?


​Ultimately, the real gamechanger could well be Johor UMNO’s controversial acceptance of a too-good-to-be-true “political favor” from ex-bitter rivals PAS. While on paper it looks like a logical windfall where the nationalist party appears to have nothing to lose, did it prematurely back the wrong horse in its obsession for a total monopoly of power?

The Thai Government's Challenges Ahead Anutin’s Lackluster Second Term

Murray Hunter
Jul 09, 2026


The Thai Government's Challenges Ahead
Anutin’s Lackluster Second Term





The Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s second term has so far delivered one hundred days of quietude. In a country long accustomed to political drama, this calm feels almost unnatural. The Bhumjaithai Party dominates its coalition with a strong parliamentary position, friendly ties to the Senate, military, Palace, and big business. Anutin himself is neither a beloved populist nor a lightning-rod figure capable of sparking street protests. Many analysts bet this government will serve its full term as the most stable-looking elected administration in decades.

Yet stability alone does not equal effectiveness. Beneath the surface, the Anutin government appears lackluster, struggling to deliver tangible relief amid an economy that has earned Thailand the unflattering label of “sick man of Asia.” External shocks, particularly turbulence in the Gulf region disrupting energy markets and global trade, have compounded domestic woes, with anaemic growth hovering around or below 2%, high household debt, factory closures, and weakening tourism.

Ordinary Thais are feeling the pinch through stagnant wages, rising costs, and limited opportunities. This economic malaise is already eroding public support for the Bhumjaithai-led government.

Recent polling underscores the slide. The latest NIDA quarterly survey shows an almost 8% drop in support for Anutin personally and a 9% decline for Bhumjaithai. While one poll does not make a trend, the shift is notable for a party fresh off an election victory.

PR missteps have not helped with controversies over the initial response to the energy crisis, debates surrounding an AI initiative, and perceptions that several cabinet ministers are underperforming. Many appointees, including those from the so-called “lookthep faction,” lack extensive experience.

Even Commerce Minister Supajee Suthumpun, the star of Bhumjaithai’s campaign has seen her public profile diminish so sharply that her team felt compelled to reassure followers she had not “disappeared” but was simply working. Anutin himself has warned underperforming ministers risk being reshuffled, while admitting the government has failed to communicate its achievements effectively.

The opposition has not fully capitalized on the situation. The People’s Party and its leader have also seen slight dips, while Pheu Thai and the Democrats made modest gains. Voters may still prioritize stability over bold reforms in these early days. However, if economic pain persists without visible progress, tolerance will wear thin.

Bhumjaithai’s coalition remains remarkably cohesive at the inter-party level, largely because no single partner can easily topple it. Pheu Thai holds leverage with its 74 MPs, but alternatives like Kla Tham exist as potential backups.

However, real tensions simmer within Bhumjaithai itself. A notable flashpoint involves Deputy Prime Minister and Transport Minister Phiphat Ratchakitprakarn, who was unexpectedly stripped of oversight over the Eastern Economic Corridor. The move fueled speculation of rifts among key figures, though Phiphat himself has downplayed them. As a southern campaign architect crucial to the party’s success, alienating him carries risks.

Regional clans and factional heirs add another layer of complexity. The cabinet includes many younger figures from prominent local power bases, pleasing some but reportedly frustrating older-generation stalwarts. Technocratic appointments provide expertise but may sideline party insiders. These dynamics point to potential headaches during future reshuffles.

Legal and succession rumors add uncertainty. An upcoming Constitutional Court decision on emergency borrowing could force ministerial resignations. Whispers of a backup prime minister are rumored with names circulating inside of Bhumjaithai, but potential candidates have denied deals. Such talk often surfaces during headwinds, but talk of imminent collapse remains premature.

Thailand’s structural challenges run deep with a middle-income trap, over-reliance on legacy industries, and vulnerability to external shocks like Gulf instability affecting energy prices and exports. Promises of investment and stimulus sound familiar, yet delivery has been slow. The government claims stability, with a good technocratic balance, yet many citizens see little relief in daily finances.

Without decisive action on debt, competitiveness, and new growth engines, the “sick man” label will stick.

Anutin’s administration enjoys elite buy-in and institutional goodwill that could allow it to run its full course. Good relations with the Palace, military, and business provide a solid foundation. Yet goodwill erodes if the government fails to address the economic distress affecting ordinary Thais. Factional frictions, inexperienced ministers, and communication gaps compound the sense of drift.

There is not yet a crisis, but today there is a government coasting on stability rather than momentum. For a pro-establishment administration handed a dominant position, the early term feels disappointingly lackluster.

Delivering meaningful economic relief and managing internal tensions will determine whether Bhumjaithai’s tenure becomes one of quiet competence or missed opportunity. Thai voters, squeezed by flat growth and financial strain, are watching closely where their patience has limits.

MCA's Johor gamble: A testing ground for reclaiming Chinese support

Murray Hunter
Jul 08, 2026


MCA's Johor gamble: A testing ground for reclaiming Chinese support





Many in the Chinese community view the MCA as having failed to robustly safeguard their positions in education, culture, and economic equity, preferring instead the more vocal, opposition-style advocacy of the DAP.

The Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) has languished in relative obscurity for over a decade since Barisan Nasional’s (BN) surprise defeat in the 2018 general election. Once a key pillar representing Chinese interests within the ruling coalition, the party has struggled to regain relevance as voters recognized the Democratic Action Party (DAP) as the major voice for defending Chinese interests.

Many in the Chinese community view the MCA as having failed to robustly safeguard their positions in education, culture, and economic equity, preferring instead the more vocal, opposition-style advocacy of the DAP.

Yet, some are perceiving the political winds may be shifting. The current Madani administration under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has faced criticism from segments of the Chinese electorate for perceived shortcomings in addressing community-specific concerns, ranging from economic pressures to unresolved issues like the recognition of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC). This discontent has manifested in lower enthusiasm and turnout risks among traditional DAP supporters. The party’s complete loss of all state seats it contested in the recent Sabah state election served as a stark warning signal of eroding Chinese support.

In contrast, the MCA’s historical approach in working quietly within BN to extract concessions from UMNO offers a different model. While less flashy than DAP’s confrontational style, it delivered tangible gains during periods of BN dominance. With perceptions of UMNO’s resurgence and BN’s strong incumbency in Johor, MCA sees a window to reclaim ground from a demoralized DAP.

Johor as the Laboratory

The upcoming Johor state election on 11 July 2026 presents the perfect testing ground. Johor is BN’s stronghold, where the coalition secured a two-thirds majority in 2022, with MCA winning 4 seats, including in mixed and Chinese-leaning areas like Bekok, Yong Peng, Paloh, and Pekan Nanas. The MCA is fielding candidates in 15 constituencies this time, positioning itself aggressively in Chinese-majority or competitive wards.

Analysts note that Chinese voters, who form significant blocs in about a quarter of Johor’s 56 seats, are no longer a “fixed deposit” for DAP or Pakatan Harapan (PH). Disillusionment with Madani governance, coupled with bread-and-butter issues, has created space for MCA to pitch itself as a pragmatic partner within a resurgent BN. Success here would be measured not just by seats won but by vote swings in Chinese areas.

This would validate MCA’s strategy of leveraging BN’s Malay base while appealing to pragmatic Chinese voters tired of opposition fatigue.

A strong showing in Johor would generate crucial momentum. It could demonstrate to Chinese voters nationwide that MCA remains a viable vehicle for influence within government, rather than perpetual opposition. This is particularly relevant for Penang, where state elections are expected to coincide with the next general election. Penang has long been a DAP bastion, but growing unhappiness with state and federal performance opens the door for BN-MCA to challenge that dominance.

Certainly, the voter demographics in Penang are changing to make such a hypothesis more valid.

Path to Penang and State Power

If MCA makes meaningful inroads in Johor, it sets up a narrative for Penang, where Chinese interests might be better served through quiet, insider negotiations with UMNO-led BN than through DAP’s increasingly strained multiracial balancing act.

A BN victory or strong performance in Johor could embolden MCA to target Penang seats directly, potentially contributing to a coalition that forms government there alongside UMNO components.

This hypothesis rests on several assumptions. These include sustained Chinese voter discontent, effective MCA grassroots campaigning, and UMNO delivering on perceptions of strength without alienating non-Malay partners. However, the challenges remain significant. The DAP retains loyal core support, and alternative parties like Party Bersama Malaysia or abstention could fragment votes. Most crucial the MCA must also overcome its image problem of irrelevance accumulated over years.

Seats to watch in the Johor State election

The MCA is defending four seats Bekok, Yong Peng, Paloh, and Pekan Nanas, and competing against the DAP in another 11 seats. Most of the seats the MCA are standing in, greatly resemble Penang state seats in demographics.

The seats the MCA are competing against the DAP are as follow;

Jementah is a constituency with 50.8% Chinese, 40.2% Malay, and 8.3% Indian voters. Ng Kor Sim won the seat in the 2022 state election with a 714 vote majority. The MCA’s See Ann Giap is competitive here.

Tangkak is a constituency with 48.8% Chinese, 40.2% Malay, and 10.2% Indian voters. The DAP’s Ee Chin Li won this seat with only a 5,077 vote majority in 2022. This will be a straight contest with the MCA’s How Chin Teck, where it will be easy to see the swing either way in the vote.

Bentayan has a voter constituency with 70.8% Chinese voters. In 2022, the DAP’s Ng Yak Howe won this seat with a 7,476 majority.

Penggaram is another Chinese majority constituency, where Gan Peck Cheng won a 9,958 vote majority in 2022. A new DAP candidate Felicia Poh Hui Ling will be defending ot against the MCA’s Boo Chin Leong in a straight out contest.

Layang Layang is an interesting seat because UMNO is giving up this seat for the MCA. What is interesting about Layang Layang is that it has 55% Malay voters in the constituency. The seat is held by Abd Mutalip Abd Rahim of Bersatu, who won it with a majority of 2,815 votes, then under UMNO. PKR’s Maszlee Malik has abandoned trying to win the seat for another one. MCA’s Chua Jian Boon will try and take it off Bersatu.

Mengkibol is another Chinese majority voter seat held by the DAP. The DAP has a new candidate this time round, where the former incumbent won over a 10,000 vote majority. This will be a straight out two party contest between Warren Yap Zhi Peng of the DAP and Chu Poh Yee of the MCA.

Johor Jaya is a mixed seat with 46.2% Chinese, 39.0% Malay, and 7.93% Indian. The DAP won it with a 1,922 vote majority in 2022. Bersama and an independent are joining the fray, making the seat a 4 person contest. Here will will be able to see the dynamics between the DAP, MCA, and Bersama.

Stulang is another Chinese vote majority seat with 53.5%. There are 37.7% Malay and 4.98% Indian voters in the constituency. The DAP won the seat in 2022 with a 2,866 vote majority. The contest this time around will have the DAP, MCA, Bersama and Bersatu.

Skudai is another Chinese majority seat, where Marina Ibrahim of the DAP won with 13,943 vote margin. This seat is controversial as Marina has been dropped for Kartiyani Jeyapalan. It will be hotly contested with Bersama, PSM, and the MCA. This result will be a bellwether.

Perhaps one of the most watched seats will be Puteri Wangsa, a mixed seat with 51,3% Chinese, 35.6% Malay, and 10.6% Indian. MUDA president Amira Aisya Abdul Aziz, who won in 2022 with a 7,114 majority has stood aside for here constituency manager Rashifa Alijuneid. Interestingly Maszlee Malik has run to this seat and is campaigning as the unofficial PH poster boy. The MCA’s Teow Chia Ling is also in the race.

The Johor state election will function as a political laboratory. Results on 11 July will test whether the MCA can capitalize on DAP’s vulnerabilities in the Madani era. A breakthrough could reshape Chinese political alignment in Malaysia, signaling a return to coalition pragmatism over opposition idealism. For a party written off by many, Johor offers not just seats, but a path back to relevance, and potentially a role in Penang’s future governance.

Some dumb-head professor said this

 

OutSyed The Box

Tuesday, July 7, 2026

Some dumb-head professor said this.

When you have dumb-head professors as your advisors this is what they will tell you. I got this from somewhere:

..could be forced to call for an early general election by year-end despite holding 151 seats, a 68 percent super-majority, if Barisan Nasional, the second-largest coalition partner with 30 seats, wins two key state elections with a clandestine pact with its Islamist archrival, PAS.

OSTB: In other words there is no unity in the gomen. If the supermajority was real why would they have to call for premature elections at all? Your backdoor hero is more familiar with premature erection but not premature election.  The 151 seats do not mean anything. There is no unity in the gomen.

Landslides in the state polls of Johor (July 11) and Negeri Sembilan (August 1) may embolden UMNO to pull out..

..likeliest scenario is a landslide of BN’s 53 seats while PH’s seats would plummet from 10 to mere three.

OSTB: This is a really stupid comment. If the BN wins 53 seats (out of 56), then there is no need to be emboldened. If PH can only win THREE seats it means they are a liability. KICK THEM OUT. You would be really stupid to be still working with them. 

Johor is the only state that refused to reciprocate power-sharing with Pakatan Harapan.

OSTB: Hello professor please use your brains - if you have any. You already say the PH may only win THREE seats (I know you quoted your botak friend but you have reproduced his prediction inside YOUR article). If you have put down your premature erection hero to only THREE seats then who in their right mind should enter into power sharing with him?  He is such a loser. 

Onn Hafiz made clear that Barisan would contest all 56 state seats, leaving no room for cooperation with Pakatan. Such a strategic choice made perfect sense: UMNO voters want the party to lead  

OSTB: made perfect sense ?? So you acknowledge that Onn Hafiz is using his common sense. Then you also say this:   UMNO’s non-Malay partners want to challenge coalition in Chinese-majority and mixed strongholds.

So according to you not just UMNO but even the Chinese in Johor are also sick and tired of premature erection. UMNO’s non-Malay partners want to challenge - this is what you say, bukan saya cakap. It is better that you also join them. Why risk your future on a sinking sampan?

In Negeri Sembilan, dissolution ended a truce that temporarily kept the PH minority government in office.

OSTB: You are spot on - the PH is a minority government. They were never a majority gomen, not even in Parliament. That 151 seat Parliamentary supermajority is worthless. This is a coalition that never was. 

On Hafiz made a gung-ho vow that he (UMNO) would rather not be the chief minister than to “sit on the same table with DAP. 

UMNO and DAP have been sharing power for 43 months 

OSTB: Go and read my blog posts from years ago. You already sold your soul to the devil in 1998 when you hoisted Pintu Belakang on your shoulders. But it paid off. You won Penang and Selangor - your biggest prizes. You also won Perak for a time. Then in 2018 and 2022 you made it to Putrajaya. And you failed miserably - TWICE. You failed in 2018 and you have failed since 2022. 

The Peter Principle has kicked in - "In a hierarchy, every employee tends to rise to their level of incompetence." Now you say (bukan saya cakap tau) you may win only THREE seats in Johor. When Tokong became CM, everyone of you had premature erection. But now Tokong and wife are facing corruption charges. WT ..?  It looks like your true colours are now showing.

Johor may be a testbed for reviving pact between UMNO and PAS 

OSTB: Hello kawan you are really thick in the head. If DAP and PAS can cooperate then why not UMNO and PAS. Have you forgotten these pictures:

Or do you suffer alzheimers? 

If this works out, then UMNO and PAS would take it to Negeri and the general election

• .. not an obstacle for their marriage of convenience. 
• later ..winning together a parliamentary majority 
• reverse Barisan’s luck. 
• 20 percent surge in turnout
• plummeted by 12 percent.
• have lost 38 percent in state seats

OSTB: These are all useless statements. 
They do not mean anything to the voters.
I am a voter. So listen to the voters.

1. Have you stopped corruption? The answer is no.
2. Is the corruption getting better (becoming less?) Answer is no.
3. Have you stopped the Rohingyas coming in? Answer is no.
4. Have you abolished the Sedition Act? Answer is no.
5. Have you abolished or drastically reduced the tolls? Answer is no.
6. Have you cut petrol prices in 24 hours? No No No.
7. Have you stopped prosecuting social media commentors? Answer is no.
8. Have you amended the MCMC Act? Answer is no.
9. Have you restructured the university entrance quotas? Answer is no.
10. Have you abolished the rice import monopoly? Answer is no.
11. Have you abolished the licensed blood sucking monopolies? Answer is no.
12. Have you abolished the banking oligopoly? Answer is no.
13. Have you drastically cut taxes, duties on imported vehicles? Answer is no.

Then exactly WT .. have you done?

The solution for you is this:

BRITISH / UKRAINIAN CLOAK AND DAGGER

 

OutSyed The Box

Wednesday, July 8, 2026

BRITISH / UKRAINIAN CLOAK AND DAGGER

 

News Item 1.

German prosecutors charge Ukrainian mastermind of 2022 Nordstream bombing
Serhii Kuznietsov was a Ukrainian army officer at that time
prosecutors claim Kuznietsov acting on behalf of Ukrainian govt
Nordstream gas pipeline transported Russian natural gas to Germany
prosecutors accuse Serhiy Kuznietsov of war crimes
Investigators believe Kuznietsov coordinated the operation 
explosions near Bornholm Island, Denmark in Sept 2022 
severely damaged both Nord Stream pipelines, completely halted gas flow
Kuznietsov arrested in Aug 2025 while on holiday with family in Italy

My Comments:

The attack on the Nordstream pipeline took place near Bornholm Island (black circle) inside the territory of Denmark which is a NATO member. Denmark and NATO are indirectly at war with Russia in Ukraine. NATO supplied Ukraine with US40 Billion worth of weapons in 2025 alone.

Predictably the Danish Navy "never knew" about the attack on the Nordstream pipeline which occurred inside their territory. The divers and undersea demolition charges must have required significant logistics - support vessels, onshore logistics, ordnance storage and movement. And they could not detect all that INSIDE their own territory? 

But why would Ukraine bomb the Nordstream gas pipeline which supplies cheap Russian natural gas to Germany? It would only cripple German industry. But isnt Germany a NATO ally that is also providing billions of US Dollars in defence assistance to Ukraine? 

Why not bomb any of the FIVE pipelines that supply gas to Italy (as an example).

TransMed Pipeline – Algeria → Tunisia → Sicily (Mazara del Vallo); Italy's largest non-Russian supply route.
Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) – Azerbaijan → Turkey → Greece → Albania → Italy (Melendugno, Puglia).
Greenstream Pipeline – Libya → Sicily (Gela).
Trans Austria Gas (TAG) – Austria → Italy (Tarvisio); historically carried Russian gas, now also gas from other Central European sources.
Transitgas/TENP route – Northwest Europe (Netherlands/Norway via Germany and Switzerland) → Italy (Gries Pass).

Why bomb the Nordstream gas pipeline into Germany? Because the target was Germany. How does that benefit Ukraine? It does not. It benefits the British who have had Germany and Russia in their sights since forever. Maybe the Ukrainians helped plan the attack but most certainly the Brits (with the assistance of the US - according to Seymour Hersh) were the masterminds. 

The Brits were behind the drone attack against the Kerch Bridge, the sinking of the Russian cruiser Moskva and other skullduggery. 'The UK, through aircraft operating from bases in Europe and NATO intelligence-sharing helped pinpoint the Moskva in the Black Sea'. 

News Item 2.

• Woman suspected of Monaco bomb attack found dead in Kyiv, Ukraine
• woman carried out parcel bombing in Monaco 
• injured 'sanctioned' Ukrainian multi-millionaire and family 
• cross-border manhunt launched for Anastasiia Berezovska
• who planted the bomb in apartment building in Monaco 29 June.
• 39-year-old's body found buried in a forest in Kyiv 
• multiple gunshot wounds to the head, execution style 
• Two people in Ukraine's military intelligence service charged for murder
• Berezovska arrived in Ukraine on July 1st, two days after attack 

My Comments:

Of course there will be denials, denials, denials. It was a rogue operation and had nothing to do with the Ukrainian intelligence services. 

The target of the bomb was Ukrainian businessman Vadym Yermolaiev (also spelled Vadim Ermolaev or Vadym Iermolaiev in different transliterations).
Key facts reported about him:
He is a Ukrainian-born real estate and industrial businessman from Dnipro.
He renounced his Ukrainian citizenship and is now a Cypriot citizen residing in Monaco.
In 2023, Ukraine imposed sanctions on him, alleging he continued business activities in Russian-occupied Crimea and paid taxes there after Russia's 2022 invasion. 
He was seriously injured in the 29 June 2026 bombing in Monaco, along with his partner and son. 

But why was the Ukrainian woman who was sent to deliver the bomb shot and killed by the Ukrainian intelligence service in Kyiv? Obviously to destroy links and evidence. Dead people cannot talk.  

p.s. Yesterday Tuesday there was a bomb attack (actually two bombs) outside the Four Seasons Hotel in Damascus where French President Francois Macron was staying (he was visiting Syria). They were relatively small explosions (although there were 18 injured).

At the time of the explosion Macron was meeting Syria's ISIS president Abu Qaṭʿal-Ruʾūs in the presidential palace. 

Either the bombers were dumb nuts (Macron had already left in a huge noisy motorcade) or it was a warning to Macron from the ISIS president himself.  Dont come here anymore. 

Some cloak and dagger for today.