Sunday, May 17, 2026

Return of the 'Aerodynamics of Kerusi'



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Chaos at PKR Kuala Selangor meeting, three suffer minor injuries (video)


16 May 2026 • 8:06 PM MYT



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Featuring breaking news & latest stories from every side







DIFFERENCES over a motion of no-confidence are believed to have triggered a clash between two factions at the Kuala Selangor PKR AGM today.


According to party sources, after the annual general meeting ended, some party members and alleged outsiders returned to the hall, expressing dissatisfaction over a motion against the division chief.

They claimed that the motion of no confidence against M. Sivabalan was neither voted on nor debated during the meeting.



"The commotion lasted about 20 minutes, and we believe it was instigated by some troublemakers from outside.

"We have since identified some of those from the party who were also part of it and will refer them to the party's central leadership for further action," said the sources.


Sivabalan later clarified that the motion had been formally accepted but could not be deliberated at the division level, as it fell outside the committee’s authority and must instead be referred to the party’s central leadership.

The motion apparently involved a no-confidence vote against him and the appointment of village chiefs.



He also claimed that three women members suffered swelling in their hands due to the clash.

He said a police report had been lodged and that another would be made at the Sungai Buloh district police headquarters.


PKR secretary-general Fuziah Salleh had since confirmed the incident and said it did not affect the meeting.

"The division’s annual general meeting proceeded as scheduled and remains valid according to the party’s constitution," she said. – May 16, 2026


View video here https://www.facebook.com/reel/4451776778387761

Video from Stephen Francis Facebook


The Great Tax Tug-of-War: Is Malaysia’s SST a Leaky Bucket We Can No Longer Afford?



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The Great Tax Tug-of-War: Is Malaysia’s SST a Leaky Bucket We Can No Longer Afford?


16 May 2026 • 8:00 PM MYT



malaymail


The date is May, 2026. Walk into any kopitiam from Bangsar to Bukit Mertajam, and the conversation inevitably drifts toward the same painful reality: the "hidden" climb of prices. While the 2026 inflation outlook remains officially anchored between 1.3% and 2.0%, the average Malaysian’s wallet tells a different story. Just yesterday, former Health Minister Khairy Jamaluddin stood at a national roundtable, voicing what many economists have whispered for years: our tax system is a fragile shield against global shocks. He didn’t mince words Malaysia's revenue is insufficient, and the current Sales and Service Tax (SST) might just be the "leaky bucket" draining our national potential.



For a nation still navigating the ripples of global geopolitical instability and the memory of the pandemic, the debate is no longer just about economics; it’s about survival. Is it time to stop the political theatrics and bring back the Goods and Services Tax (GST)?


The "Leaky" Truth: Why SST is Under Fire


To understand the frustration of observers, one must look at the structural bones of our economy. SST is a single-stage tax, which sounds simple but carries a heavy, invisible cost. Because it doesn't allow for an input tax recovery mechanism, taxes stack upon taxes throughout the supply chain. This "cascading effect" means that by the time a product reaches your hands, you are paying for tax that was taxed again.



More critically, the SST regime is notorious for ketirisan (leakage). With a narrower base and less stringent reporting than its predecessor, the opportunities for tax evasion and under-reporting are rampant. Researchers suggest that the "shadow economy" those trillions of ringgit circulating outside the taxman's reach thrives under the less transparent SST. While the government has tried to patch the holes by expanding the SST scope in 2025 and 2026 to include healthcare, education, and financial services, the move feels to many like applying a Band-Aid to a structural fracture.



The GST Mirage: A "Fairer" Monster?


Ask any economist at the World Bank or the Malaysian Institute of Economic Research (MIER), and they will likely point to GST as the superior, more transparent system. Unlike SST, GST captures value at every stage, making it significantly harder for businesses to "disappear" from the records. It is a self-policing mechanism; to claim back the tax you paid to your supplier, you must report your own sales.


The revenue gap is staggering. Projections show that a continued GST regime would have generated nearly double the revenue of the current SST 2.0. We are talking about a quarterly fiscal opportunity cost of roughly RM10.9 billion. That is money that could have funded the RM15 billion in cash aid promised in Budget 2026, or accelerated our transition to a green economy without adding to the national debt.



But if GST is so "perfect," why do we fear it? The answer lies in the trauma of 2015. The initial rollout was marred by delayed refunds to businesses and a sudden, sharp spike in the cost of living that the government failed to communicate effectively. In the Malaysian psyche, GST is synonymous with "everything getting expensive," even if, scientifically, it eliminates the hidden cascading taxes of SST.


Institutional Paralysis: The Fear of the Ballot Box


The struggle to reinstate GST is less about spreadsheets and more about political courage. The current administration remains cautious, with the Ministry of Finance stating as recently as February 2026 that it is not the right time for such a radical shift. They argue that the people’s income levels haven't recovered enough to absorb another tax transition.



However, observers like Khairy Jamaluddin argue that this is a "policy trilemma." We are trading off fiscal maximization for political acceptability. By sticking to SST, we are choosing a system that is predictable but weak a "potency paradox" where we know what we will get, but we know it won't be enough to weather the next big crisis. Meanwhile, the Federation of Malaysian Manufacturers (FMM) reports that rising input costs and weak demand continue to strain margins. Without the efficiency of GST's input tax credits, Malaysian exports risk becoming less competitive on the global stage.



A Social Divide: Who Pays the Price?



There is a profound cultural anxiety in Malaysia regarding who actually carries the tax burden. The government’s recent expansion of SST to include luxury goods and non-essential items was aimed at making the tax "progressive" taxing the rich more. But in a globalized world, the "rich" are mobile, while the middle class and the B40 group are anchored to the local economy.


When SST is applied to imported low-value goods or essential services like digital platforms, the cost is almost always passed down to the consumer. The irony is that while GST is perceived as "the people's tax," its broad base and zero-rating for essentials (like basic food and education) could, if managed properly, actually be more equitable than the current patchwork of SST expansions that feel like they are "taxing everything that moves."



The "Madani Tax": A New Identity?


The call is growing for the government to rebrand and reintroduce. Whether we call it the "Madani Tax," the "Fair and Equitable Tax," or simply GST 2.0, the name matters less than the enforcement and transparency. To win back public trust, any new system must address the widespread distrust in government management that led to the 2018 repeal.


We are at a crossroads. As we approach 2027 and the looming shadow of the next General Election, the window for "tough but necessary" decisions is closing. We can continue to patch the leaky bucket of SST, or we can build a new, modern reservoir. The cost of delay isn't just a number in a budget report; it's the schools not built, the hospitals underfunded, and the resilience we lack when the next global storm hits our shores.



What do you think? I’d love to hear your opinion in the comments section.


As I sit in this crowded café, watching the aunties and uncles meticulously count their ringgit to pay for a simple meal, I can't help but feel the weight of this debate. We are a nation that prides itself on progress on our soaring skyscrapers and our global semiconductor dominance. Yet, we are tethered to a tax system that many experts consider an archaic relic, simply because we are afraid of the political fallout.


There is a deep, emotional exhaustion in the Malaysian public. We have been through political upheavals, a global pandemic, and now a relentless rise in the cost of living. When we hear "GST," we don't think of "fiscal buoyancy"; we think of our children's milk powder getting more expensive. But we must ask ourselves: is the current "leaky" system actually protecting us, or is it slowly bleeding us dry? If SST is truly riddled with "ketirisan" and "penipuan," as the observers claim, then staying the course is a form of collective self-harm.



The government’s hesitation is understandable nobody wants to be the one to tell a struggling family that a new tax is coming. But perhaps the greater kindness is to build a nation with a stable, transparent foundation that can actually take care of its people when the chips are down. We need a system that doesn't just collect money but builds trust. Until we find a way to marry fiscal efficiency with genuine social empathy, we will continue to walk this tightrope, hoping the wind doesn't blow too hard.


***


The lies and kerbau stories that were narrated to remove the GST were disgusting. The current situation is fitting KARMA


Why Rumors of Amirudin Shari’s ‘Escape’ to Selayang are Pure Political Noise



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Why Rumors of Amirudin Shari’s ‘Escape’ to Selayang are Pure Political Noise


16 May 2026 • 12:00 PM MYT



Malaymail


In the high-stakes chess game of Selangor politics, a single move can trigger a cascade of speculation. Over the past 48 hours, the digital grapevine in the Klang Valley has been buzzing with a persistent narrative: that Selangor Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Amirudin Shari is planning to abandon his frontline seat in Gombak to seek "safer" waters in the neighboring parliamentary constituency of Selayang. However, on May 9, 2026, the Office of the Menteri Besar issued a firm and unequivocal denial, effectively dousing the flames of a rumor that many see as a calculated attempt to portray the state’s top leader as being "on the run."


The Anatomy of a Rumor: Why Selayang?


The speculation didn’t emerge in a vacuum. Selayang, historically a stronghold for PKR, has often been whispered as a potential fallback for high-profile leaders looking to avoid the brutal, personality-driven battles that Gombak is known for. Since Amirudin’s historic victory over his former mentor, Mohamed Azmin Ali, in the 15th General Election, Gombak has remained a "Red Zone" of political volatility.


Observers have pointed to strong indicators such as Amirudin's increased presence at grassroots events in Selayang and his frequent coordination with Selayang Municipal Council (MPS) officials as proof of a "soft launch" for a seat swap. Critics argue that with the 16th General Election looming, a move to Selayang would secure his parliamentary career while allowing a new face to defend the more "combustible" Gombak seat.



The Gombak Identity: Why the MB is Staying Put

Despite the chatter, Amirudin’s inner circle maintains that his political identity is inextricably linked to Gombak. As both the Member of Parliament for Gombak and the ADUN for Sungai Tua, Amirudin has built a brand centered on the "Gombak spirit." Moving now would not only be seen as a strategic retreat but could also demoralize the Pakatan Harapan (PH) grassroots who view Gombak as the symbolic heart of their resistance against political defectors.



On April 26, 2026, during a Haji incentive ceremony in Gombak, Amirudin reinforced his commitment to the area, focusing on local issues like the Sungai Bernam flood mitigation projects. By doubling down on constituency-level work, he is signaling that his focus remains on the voters who gave him a 12,729-vote majority in 2022.


Political Context: Amirudin’s Current Standing (May 2026)

MetricCurrent StatusStrategic Importance

  • Parliamentary Seat Gombak (MP) The "Giant-Slaying" seat; symbolic victory over Bersatu.
  • State Seat Sungai Tua (ADUN) Core base within Gombak; lower majority in 2023 (5,185).
  • Party Position Vice President of PKR Part of the Central Leadership Council (2025–2028).
  • Key Speculation Migration to Selayang Aimed at avoiding a "Red Zone" fight in GE16.



Strategic Analysis: The "Red Zone" Reality

The term "Red Zone" has become shorthand for constituencies where the margin of error is razor-thin and the opposition is heavily mobilized. Analysis suggests that while PH remains strong in urban Selangor, the shifting demographics and cost-of-living frustrations have made Gombak more competitive than in previous cycles.


By floating the idea that Amirudin is "scared" of Gombak, opposition narratives aim to weaken his image as the "strongman" of Selangor. The MB’s office, however, has flipped this narrative, framing the Selayang talk as a desperate attempt by rivals to create instability within the state administration. From an institutional perspective, an MB "running" from his seat would be a PR disaster for the Madani government, making the denial not just a matter of preference, but of survival.



Social & Cultural Impact: The Gombak Voter


Gombak voters are a unique demographic a mix of urban professionals, traditional kampungs, and civil servants. They are famously vocal and highly sensitive to perceived neglect. The rumor of a Selayang move plays into the fear that high-level politicians treat constituencies like interchangeable chess pieces.


To counter this, Amirudin has pivotally shifted his 2026 agenda toward hyper-local governance, urging civil servants to adopt a "let our work do the talking" philosophy. This is a clear attempt to ground his leadership in tangible results like the flood infrastructure explanations scheduled for the DUN rather than the abstract "big-picture" politics that can sometimes feel distant to the Rakyat.



Institutional Response: The 'Business as Usual' Defense


In his 2026 New Year’s Amanat, Amirudin emphasized that 2026 would not be "business as usual." This was interpreted by some as a hint at a major political reshuffle, including his own seat. However, the subsequent budget reviews focused on the Asia-West crisis suggest that his "new way of working" is about crisis management rather than seat-hopping.


By appointing heavyweights like Tan Sri Muhammad Ibrahim and Tan Sri Dr Noor Azlan Ghazali to lead a crisis task force, Amirudin is positioning himself as a technocratic leader focused on the economy. In this context, a messy seat-swap would be a distraction he simply cannot afford.



What do you think? I’d love to hear your opinion in the comments section.


The denial of Amirudin Shari’s move to Selayang is more than just a standard press correction; it is a declaration of territorial intent. In politics, perception is often more powerful than reality, and the perception of an MB "fleeing" his home turf would be an invitation for his rivals to tear into the PH fortress. By standing his ground in Gombak, Amirudin is choosing the harder path one that requires him to constantly justify his performance to a demanding and divided electorate.



However, the fact that these rumors gained such traction in the first place highlights the underlying anxiety within the state’s leadership. Gombak is no longer the "sure thing" it once was. The rising cost of living, the pressures of energy crises, and the relentless gaze of the opposition mean that every leader, no matter how senior, is under the microscope.


As we move toward the next electoral cycle, the "Selayang Specter" will likely remain in the background, a convenient stick for the opposition to use whenever the MB faces a local hurdle. For now, the message from Kota Iskandar is clear: Amirudin is Gombak, and Gombak is Amirudin. Whether that bond will survive the turbulence of 2026 is a question only the voters can answer.


***


Selayang could be prepared for Boss


Man dies, 7 hospitalised after consuming wild vegetable in J-K’s Rajouri



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Man dies, 7 hospitalised after consuming wild vegetable in J-K’s Rajouri


16 May 2026 • 5:54 PM MYT



Image used for representational purpose only. iStock


One person died while seven others, mostly children, were hospitalised after allegedly consuming a wild vegetable in Jammu and Kashmir’s Rajouri district, officials said on Saturday.


The incident was reported from Mohra village in the Kotranka subdivision, where members of two families consumed a wild vegetable following which they started showing symptoms of food poisoning on Friday evening, they said.



The affected persons were initially shifted to the Community Health Centre in Kandi and later referred to the Government Medical College Hospital Rajouri for specialised treatment.


Officials said an elderly man, identified as Mohammad Hussain (60), died during treatment, while seven other members of the two families are undergoing treatment at the hospital.


“Prima facie, it is a case of food poisoning, but the matter is still under investigation,” a doctor said.


Officials said an investigation into the incident has been initiated to determine the exact cause of the poisoning.

China restores US beef trade amid Trump-Xi summit, alarming Brazilian exporters





China restores US beef trade amid Trump-Xi summit, alarming Brazilian exporters


Saturday, 16 May 2026 | 8:33 PM MYT





Brazil’s government expressed concern over China’s renewal of US beef import licences, warning the move could reshape competition in the country’s largest meat export market.

A senior Brazilian government official told the South China Morning Post that the renewal brought “anxiety” to the sector and could affect domestic cattle prices. China is Brazil’s largest beef market, and the quota system already reduces the country’s competitiveness, the official said.


The comments came after Bloomberg News reported on Thursday that China had renewed import licences for hundreds of US beef plants during US President Donald Trump’s visit to Beijing for talks with Chinese leader Xi Jinping.

Licences are valid for five years and had been allowed to lapse last year amid the escalating trade war between Washington and Beijing.


The renewal is a reversal from months of frozen trade. Shipments of US beef and related products to China fell about 67 per cent between 2024 and 2025, according to the US Department of Agriculture. Because of this, the US had not used a large share of its quota allocation.


China announced in December that beef imports above a fixed country-by-country ceiling in 2026 would face a 55 per cent tariff, up from the standard 12 per cent rate.

The measure applies to Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and the United States. Beijing justified it as a step to protect domestic producers, who have faced oversupply and weaker consumption tied to the economic slowdown, and the quota system is expected to stay in place through 2027 and 2028.


Brazil’s allocation was set at about 1.106 million tonnes, and shipments above that threshold are considered commercially unviable by the industry. The Brazilian official said it was “still early” to assess the impact of the Xi-Trump summit but added that Brasilia intended to discuss the issue with Beijing.

The Chinese embassy in Brasilia did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The South American country shipped a record 119,630 tonnes of beef to China in January alone, and more than 40 per cent of the annual ceiling was consumed in the first quarter, according to Roberto Perosa, president of the Brazilian Association of Meat Exporting Industries.

As a result, Brazilian beef exporters are now on track to exhaust their quota this month, and Beijing rejected a request to redistribute unused portions of other countries’ quotas among suppliers that had already exceeded their own limits.

The reactivation of US licences could allow American suppliers to fill part of that unused space. The US had not consumed a large portion of its Chinese allocation during the trade war, and the restored access opens the way for American beef to capture a larger share of the world’s largest import market.

“They may have thought the impact would be smaller because we export many other commodities there, like soy,” Perosa said in April.

“But it hits our sector very hard because China was the destination for 46 per cent of our beef exports last year.”

Brazil exported a record 233,950 tonnes of fresh beef in March as companies rushed to ship before the quota closed. The benchmark price for finished cattle reached 365 reais (US$71.57) per arroba, a gain of 12.5 per cent over 12 months, according to the Centre for Advanced Studies on Applied Economics at the University of Sao Paulo.

Alternatives for Brazilian exporters remain limited. South Korea has scheduled inspections of Brazilian plants only for June, and routing shipments through Vietnam or Hong Kong is not considered viable by the industry. -- SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST


OPINION | Anwar May Not Be the One Deciding When the Next Election Happens



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OPINION | Anwar May Not Be the One Deciding When the Next Election Happens


16 May 2026 • 5:30 PM MYT



Image credit: Malay Mail


Yesterday, the government spokesperson Fahmi Fadzil made it sound as if Anwar is a powerful and benevolent figure, who can determine when the general election will be called.


Despite being able to call elections whenever he deems fit, Anwar, Fahmi is depicting, has no plans for calling the elections anytime soon, because he is busy helping the people.



“The prime minister has not given any signal that GE16 will take place this year, but he has stressed that efforts to resolve the problems faced by ordinary Malaysians must continue,” Fahmi said after an event in his Lembah Pantai parliamentary constituency.


I don't know what Anwar and his friends Ramanan and Farhash are doing to "resolve the problems faced by ordinary Malaysians", but what I do know is that Anwar is not going to be the one that determines when the next general election will be called.



We might be accustomed to believing that it is the prerogative of the prime minister to determine when to dissolve Parliament and call for elections, but that is only the case because for the longest time - up to 2018 to be specific - our government had always held at least a simple majority, if not a two-thirds supermajority, in parliament.


In 2022 however, Anwar won GE15 with just 82 out of the 222 Parliament seats - or just 37 percent of the seats. He only managed to form the government with the bare minimum requirement of 112 seats with the help of BN, who contributed 30 seats. After BN agreed to support PH, Anwar would later also gain the support of other parties, chiefly the Sarawak ruling coalition GPS and the Sabah ruling coalition GRS, to create the unity government, that purportedly has a two-thirds majority in Parliament.



But the two-thirds majority that the unity government has is just a fugazi - a make-believe - a mirage.


In reality, what Anwar truly has are the 82 seats that PH won. Of these 82 seats, the majority, or 40 seats, is held by DAP while Anwar's own PKR has 31 seats.


Of PKR's 31 seats, 10 belong to MPs that are supportive of Rafizi, and Rafizi has already stated that he will be making an "extraordinary" announcement this Sunday about his political direction.


If Rafizi announces this Sunday that he intends to leave PKR and form his own party, and if the 10 PKR MPs that are standing by him follow suit, then PKR will be down to just 21 MPs.



If that is not bad enough, DAP has also announced that it will be conducting an internal referendum this July to determine whether it still wants to serve in Anwar's administration.


Although DAP has said that even if the result of its internal referendum makes it unavoidable DAP to withdraw from participating in Anwar's administration, it will still support Anwar in Parliament, but in terms of perception, DAP withdrawing meaningful support for Anwar will inevitably cause Anwar's rule to lose it potency and authority.



In other words, without DAP, Anwar will be ruling the country in the same way that Aminuddin is currently ruling Negeri Sembilan.


Just as how Aminuddin is ruling Negeri Sembilan although he only has the support of 17 ADUNs out of the 36 ADUNs in the state assembly, and is only retaining his administration because the opposition in the state assembly, who outnumber his supporters, have grudgingly decided not to overthrow him, Anwar will also be ruling the country, not because he is has authority or carries the mandate of the people or because he has the confidence of the House, but simply because DAP is reluctant to overthrow him.



If PKR loses 10 MPs to Rafizi and if Anwar's rule is only surviving with the bare minimum support from DAP, then all it will take is for either BN, GPS or GRS to withdraw support from his rule, and his reign will collapse like a house of cards.


There is a good chance that BN might withdraw support for Anwar in the not too distant future, because BN is clearly unhappy being part of the unity government. It is so unhappy, that it has already withdrawn support for the state unity government of Negeri Sembilan just a few weeks ago and repeatedly claims that it intends to go solo in the next election. Considering that, it is hard to see what will persuade BN, which already has one foot out of the door, to remain supportive of Anwar, if Anwar loses 10 PKR MPs to Rafizi and meaningful support from DAP.



And even if BN does not pull the rug from under Anwar's feet and force an election to be called, the Sabah MPs or the Sarawak MPs might do it, because they aren't exactly happy with Anwar's rule either.


The Sabahans are expecting Anwar's administration to hand them 40 percent of their revenue, as per a court ruling last year.


According to Sabah Deputy Chief Minister I Datuk Seri Panglima Dr. Jeffrey Kitingan, based on the numbers from 2025 and early 2026, the 40 percent net revenue entitlement to Sabah is estimated to be worth roughly RM20 billion per year as of March 2025.



If calculated back from 1974, estimates suggest Sabah could be owed over RM136 billion to RM150 billion in arrears, excluding potential interest.


I don't know about you, but I have serious doubts that the federal government is going to give back RM20 billion a year, let alone RM150 billion in arrears, to Sabah - ever.


If Sabah does not get its money back, I don't see how it is going to continue to support Anwar's reign, when its support of Anwar's reign is already tenuous to begin with.


As it is with Sabah, so it is with Sarawak, which has its own oil and gas dispute with the federal government. The Sarawak state government has even filed a petition in Malaysia's Federal Court challenging the validity of three federal petroleum laws, in a move that aims to secure its rights over oil and gas resources and confirm the authority of state-owned Petros as the exclusive gas aggregator, challenging Petronas's long-standing control.



Considering that Anwar never had a majority in Parliament - and considering the fact that he might lose 10 of his own party's MPs in the foreseeable future, or lose meaningful support from DAP, or be betrayed by BN or be abandoned by Sabah or Sarawak - I really don't think it is in Anwar's hands as to when the general election will be called.


Anwar currently is in a very weak position, in terms of numbers as well as mandate.


His mandate is so weak that according to internal PKR analysis, he is most likely to lose his Tambun seat if an election is held today.



If I were to give an analogy, I would say that Anwar's administration is currently sitting on a chair with three legs, and one of the legs is already wobbly.


If it is not already hard enough for Anwar to balance himself on the three legged chair, the fact that the slightest force might collapse another leg, and that there are multiple forces that could act on the weak leg , makes it hard to see how Anwar is the one who will decide when the next elections will be called.


The third wobbly leg that his reign is depending on might collapse for multiple reasons in the near future , and when that happens, rather than him calling for elections, it might be elections that will be calling on him, regardless of whether he is ready to face it or not.

Saturday, May 16, 2026

OPINION | Ramanan will 100 percent lose in Sungai Buloh



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OPINION | Ramanan will 100 percent lose in Sungai Buloh


16 May 2026 • 11:00 AM MYT



Image credit: Malay Mail


According to a recent internal PKR analysis, PKR heavyweight and Human Resources Minister R. Ramanan is set to lose in Sungai Buloh in the coming General Election.


In the PKR analysis, 66 parliamentary seats were separated into four categories, with only seven listed as Tier 1 or safe seats. Thirteen were classified as Tier 2A, 17 as Tier 2B (marginal), and 29 seats were placed in Tier 3, described as vulnerable or requiring significant recovery efforts.



Ramanan's Sungai Buloh was placed in Tier 3, indicating that retaining Sungai Buloh is going to be an uphill task for him.


I knew that Ramanan was likely to lose Sungai Buloh even before PKR came out with its internal analysis, when I heard that the only request Khairy Jamaluddin made to Umno after recently rejoining the party was for his old membership number in Sungai Buloh Umno to be restored to him.


If Khairy re-contests the Sungai Buloh seat, I am quite certain that he will defeat R. Ramanan comfortably this time around.



In the last general election, Khairy only lost by a narrow margin to Ramanan.


This despite the fact that Khairy was only sent to Sungai Buloh at the last minute from Rembau, likely to die politically, as a result of his souring ties with Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi. Despite having only weeks to campaign in the PH stronghold, Khairy only narrowly missed defeating Ramanan.


Khairy obtained 48,250 votes to Ramanan's 50,943. That is a narrow majority of just 2,693 votes, or less than 2 percent, in a constituency with 158,090 voters.



Also, the PKR internal analysis, mind you, was made before Rafizi Ramli, the former PKR deputy president and a person that Ramanan has frequently crossed swords with, is projected to start a new party in June.


If not only Khairy, but also Rafizi's new party, were to contest in Sungai Buloh in the next election, I am not even sure that Ramanan would be able to secure third place. After all, in the 2022 elections, the PN candidate Mohd Ghazali Md Hamin was able to secure a respectable 29,060 votes.



Despite his depressing prospects, Ramanan, at least on the face of it, is seemingly retaining his pluck and daring.


Check out what Ramanan has to say about the prospect of him facing a crushing defeat in rh next election.


"Everyone has their own views. But to me, whether this seat is orange, blue, yellow, or red, I don't care. I am service-oriented.


"Some previous analyses even claimed we wouldn't win the government. I can't comment much on this recent analysis because it certainly wasn't based on the views of all 180,000 residents in Sungai Buloh.



"Perhaps they only surveyed 100 or 200 people, and just made blind guesses (main tembak) for the rest. So, I don't take it seriously. I will just do the best I can and work as hard as possible," he said.


"Even here today, you can see 2,000 voters present. When we distributed free crash helmets, over 1,000 people came. Our public schooling aid reached over 4,000 people.


"Our programmes truly touch the grassroots. Let the people decide what 'colour' this seat should be. But of course, I like the colour red, because I am from Pakatan Harapan," he quipped bravely, doing his best to make a lemonade out of a lemon of an internal report.



I don't know how many crash helmets and schooling aid packages Ramanan gave out to be so cheerful about his prospects winning, but whatever the number is, I am more than sure that he did not give out enough in a constituency with a population of 347,092 to make a dent.


There are many reasons working against Ramanan today.


The first is his rapid rise in PKR. Ramanan only joined PKR in 2020 but he was already given a safe seat to contest in the 2022 election. In just a couple of years, he has also made it as a vice president in PKR and a full minister. That he has been promoted so quickly, despite his short tenure and lack of visible accomplishments, has definitely not not given him a very good impression, not only within PKR, but also in the minds of voters in general.



That Rafizi Ramli is gaining in stature and popularity, while Ramanan is seen as one of Rafizi's key nemesis in PKR, is not doing him any favours either.


But the biggest problem Ramanan faces is likely the deep unpopularity of Anwar Ibrahim and PH in the minds of voters today. In 2022, I couldn't throw a stone without hitting at least on or two supporters or fans of Anwar and PH. Today, I can travel far and go for months without seeing even one person who has anything good to say about Anwar and PH.



In the minds of those who voted for Anwar and PH in 2022, Anwar is, at best, a disappointment and, at worst, someone who betrayed their trust.


Ramanan, rightly or wrongly, is seen as a Rasputin-like figure whose negative influence led Anwar astray.


That being the case, Ramanan is not only unpopular because Anwar and PH are unpopular, but he is also suffering from the added unpopularity of being seen as both the symptom and cause of Anwar and PH's decline.


As an Indian, I can certainly appreciate Ramanan's punch dialogue about red being his favorite color or about how he doesn't care about statistics, because he believes in himself.



As a popular Tamil saying goes, I understand that even if a man were to tumble, it is important that he should make sure that his moustache doesn't touch the dirt.


But putting the bravado aside, I will also say that I am 100 percent sure that if Ramanan contests in Sungai Buloh in the next election, he will certainly bite the dust. I am so sure, that if he wins, I will definitely spend 1000 bucks to buy a lottery ticket using the number of votes he gained, because it is definitely a very very very very lucky number.



In the PKR internal analysis, even Anwar's own Tambun seat is reportedly categorised as a red zone seat that Anwar himself might not be able to retain in the next election.


Accordingly, Anwar is supposedly already looking for another constituency to contest in.


If Anwar himself is looking for another constituency, then Ramanan, who is definitely and unquestionably more unpopular than Anwar, would do well to look for another constituency at the earliest possible time.


I think Jelutong is a seat that Ramanan can win.



I am sure that even if PH fields a corpse in Jelutong , it would still be able to win. That being the case, if Ramanan is able to persuade R. S. N. Rayer to give way, perhaps Ramanan might still remain an MP after the next election.


Otherwise, if he insist on being confident because red is his favourite colour, then all I can say is that the proverbs are indeed right : pride does come before the fall.


***


Jelutong is a DAP blue-ribbon seat. PKR can give him Batu, wakakaka.


Treacherous, venomous & vicious by nature

 

Israeli strikes on Southern Lebanon continue despite ‘ceasefire’ 45-day extension

Shailoks are treacherous, venomous & vicious by nature





UN condemned US attacks on Caribbean boats as extrajudicial killings


From the FB page of:


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THE COMMANDER OF THE U.S. attack on Iran on Thursday said he had “no data” on deadly airstrikes which had destroyed civilians and their facilities, including 22 Iranian schools and 17 hospitals and clinics.
But on the same day, his own department revealed that Pentagon operations to gather data on the killings of civilians had been quietly defunded.
It was unfortunate timing.
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‘NO WAY TO INVESTIGATE’
Admiral Brad Cooper told Congress he was unable to confirm reports from the New York Times and others about US attacks on civilian operations such as schools and hospitals in Iran.
The lack of data meant that the US would not be investigating the alleged attacks, Cooper said. “There is no way we can corroborate that.”
But that same day, the Department of War’s internal watchdog said the Pentagon had gutted a body designed to prevent and respond to civilian deaths in US military attacks.
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CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
The program no longer functions, even though it is legally required to exist, said a report from the Department of War’s inspector general, an office that reviews Pentagon functions.
“As a result, the DoW may not comply with its civilian casualties and harm policy,” the report read. “A policy required by federal law.”
In other words, there is no data on killings of Iranian civilians, because operations to gather it have been deliberately allowed to grind to a halt, with no funding for data gathering, no meetings, and loss of staff numbers.
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‘THEY DID NOT KNOW THEIR NAMES’
In related news, it was revealed yesterday (Friday) that the US likely did not even know the identities of the 194 people it has killed (so far) in air strikes on boats in Caribbean and Pacific waters, a Latin American journalists’ group said.
US jetfighters simply fired rockets at the boats they believed were taking drugs to the United States, including one that was going in the opposite direction.
Even if some or all those killed had been transporting drugs, “there is no death penalty for cocaine trafficking,” said MarĂ­a Teresa Ronderos, director of the Latin American Center for Investigative Journalism.
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‘JUST MURDER’
The UN has condemned the attacks as extrajudicial killings. Even some US politicians agreed that the killings were unlawful.
“Even if Congress authorized it, this would still be illegal under U.S. and international law because we are not in an armed conflict with these cartels,” Sara Jacobs of the House Armed Services Committee told The Intercept. “And so this is just murder.”
Because of its wealth and military power, the US is never held accountable for murders overseas, however large the number of victims.