Sunday, July 26, 2026

Ramasamy’s gut feeling of Anthony Loke’s chances in Chennah: Political ground is shifting/shaking





Ramasamy’s gut feeling of Anthony Loke’s chances in Chennah: Political ground is shifting/shaking


By Prof Ramasamy Palanisamy
13 hours ago




THERE have been social media articles and commentaries predicting a handsome victory for DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siee Fook in Chennah state sear contest during the Aug 1 Negeri Sembilan (N9) state election.

The arguments in support of Loke winning the Chennah state constituency are based on the following five considerations.

Firstly, the incumbency factor might favour Loke. Loke contested and won the last state polls in the July 2023 six state elections.

Secondly, there is the fact that Loke is very respectful of the state royalty and its adat (Malay customs) laws. He has consistently warned party members to respect the royal institution.

Anthony Loke Siew Fook
𝐂𝐚𝐥𝐨𝐧 𝐏𝐚𝐤𝐚𝐭𝐚𝐧 𝐇𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐩𝐚𝐧 𝐍𝟎𝟏 𝐂𝐡𝐞𝐧𝐧𝐚𝐡
𝐌𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐢 𝐏𝐞𝐧𝐠𝐚𝐧𝐠𝐤𝐮𝐭𝐚𝐧 | 𝐒𝐞𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐮𝐬𝐚𝐡𝐚 𝐀𝐠𝐮𝐧𝐠 𝐃𝐀𝐏 𝐌𝐚𝐥𝐚𝐲𝐬𝐢𝐚

• Menteri Pengangkutan (2018 – 2020, 2022 – kini)...

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Thirdly, it is argued that the Transport Minister has brought much development to Chennah. He is regarded as a politician who talks less but does more.

Fourthly, the demographics of the constituency with 46% Malays, Chinese (44%), Indians (2.5%) and other ethnic groups (7%) might be favourably disposed towards Loke.

Fifth and finally, it is argued that as the principal DAP leader of and a federal minister, Loke has the advantage on his side.

Editor’s Note; Loke will face a straight fight to defend the Chennah state seat which he has held since 2013 in the 16th NS state polls.

The Seremban MP will be challenged by state MCA Youth chief Siow Kong Choon who is contesting on a Barisan Nasional (BN) ticket.



DAP grassroots aggrieved

However, those supporting Loke – DAP loyalists or the bigger PH coalition – fail to recognise that political circumstances are not static but dynamic.

Conditions favourable to Loke or DAP might have existed three years ago but certainly not now.


DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook (second from right) during his ‘march’ alongside PH supporters to the nomination centre for his Chennah seat defence on July 18, 2026 (Image credit: Bernama)


The level of satisfaction among non-Malays, particularly the Chinese, is no longer as favourable towards DAP.

The traditional DAP supporters are aggrieved that the party has failed them in fully addressing the issue of the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC).

DAP has also failed the Chinese community by not taking up the pig farming issue in the state of Selangor.

While other states can have modern and scientifically managed pig farms, why not Selangor?




PH promised far-reaching reforms in the larger interest of good governance but failed to implement them.

DAP leaders failed to raise the very issues on which they campaigned during the last election.

Over the last few days which I spent in N9, my gut feeling is that the political environment of support for PH and DAP does not appear to be there.

Chinese transport companies have been affected by the strict enforcement of traffic laws. Drivers, most of whom are Indians, have been unfairly disadvantaged by the strict enforcement of these laws.

While the government has a role to play in reducing accidents, the anger among transport company owners and drivers is palpable.

That anger appears to be directed at the PH government.




Many non-Malays I spoke to at restaurants expressed dissatisfaction with DAP and the PH coalition.

Yes, Loke can win the Chennah constituency provided non-Malay, particularly Chinese, support remains intact.

Unfortunately, it is becoming increasingly obvious that Chinese support for DAP can no longer be taken for granted. Instead of coming out to cast their ballot papers, they might subtly boycott the N9 state polls by staying at home instead.

Malay support is also unlikely to shift towards DAP or PH while BN with the support of PAS might consolidate much of the Malay vote.




Thus, there is a possibility that Loke might not even win his favourite constituency.

Ultimately, the issue is not whether Loke is a responsible politician or whether he respects the state’s adat laws.

The real question is whether voters are convinced that he can effectively represent them in the aftermath of the election.

Let us not forget the 8-0 beating DAP took in the Sabah state election and the setback it suffered in Johor.

N9 might well reflect a similar degree of voter unhappiness with DAP and the PH coalition. – July 25, 2026



Former DAP stalwart and Penang deputy chief minister II Prof Ramasamy Palanisamy is chairman of the United Rights of Malaysian Party (Urimai) interim council.

The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Focus Malaysia.

Main image credit: Eric See-To – Lim Sian See/Facebook

Tehran summons Ukraine diplomats over Caspian Sea attack

 



Iran war live: Tehran summons Ukraine diplomats over Caspian Sea attack



Sanusi views BN-PN pact as a PAS-Umno affair, says Puad





Sanusi views BN-PN pact as a PAS-Umno affair, says Puad


The ex-Umno Supreme Council member says Sanusi Nor views the pact as one centred on Malay unity, with other parties such as MCA and MIC sidelined


Former Umno Supreme Council member Puad Zarkashi said Sanusi Nor’s remarks reflected a view of the BN-PN cooperation centred only on PAS and Umno.


PETALING JAYA: Sanusi Nor’s recent controversial remarks stem from his view of Perikatan Nasional’s electoral cooperation with Barisan Nasional as only a matter between PAS and Umno, says former Umno Supreme Council member Puad Zarkashi.

Puad said Sanusi, the PN election director, was known for “speaking without thinking”. However, in asking why Sanusi kept making such controversial remarks, Puad said: “It is because Sanusi views the cooperation only from the perspective of Umno and PAS. For PAS, the unity of the ummah is the priority. MCA, MIC, MIPP and Gerakan are merely passengers.”

Puad said Sanusi’s remarks had hurt Umno, and he backed the call by Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi for Sanusi, who is Kedah menteri besar, to focus on Kedah instead. “The problem is that in Kedah, Sanusi does not have much work to do. The state has no growth,” Puad said.


At a ceramah on Thursday night, Sanusi was reported to have said that Malays only have Tanah Melayu as their homeland, while Chinese and Indians have China and India respectively. The remarks drew criticism from several DAP leaders and MIC president SA Vigneswaran, who called on BN to review its electoral pact with PN for the Negeri Sembilan state election.

Sanusi has since claimed his remarks were distorted for political gain and he threatened legal action against those responsible.

Saturday, July 25, 2026

The 'Projects' That Could Ignite The Next World War





The 'Projects' That Could Ignite The Next World War



by Tyler Durden
Saturday, Jul 25, 2026 - 01:25 PM


Authored by Madge Waggy,


The Military, Industrial and Strategic Programs Reshaping the World in 2026


The most dangerous geopolitical developments of 2026 are not necessarily the weapons that have already been fired, but the systems being constructed in anticipation of the next crisis. 

Across Europe, the Indo-Pacific and the Middle East, governments are committing extraordinary resources to military production, strategic infrastructure, weapons procurement and long-term defence planning, creating a global security environment in which preparation for war has itself become one of the defining features of international politics. 

The official justification is almost always deterrence: stronger armies are supposed to prevent aggression, larger stockpiles are supposed to make adversaries think twice and new military infrastructure is supposed to close the gaps that might otherwise invite attack. Yet deterrence has an inherent paradox. Every military capability built by one state is examined by another as a potential threat, and every response can then be used to justify another round of preparation. 

What emerges is not necessarily an organized march toward a single global conflict, but something more unstable: a collection of increasingly sophisticated military projects operating simultaneously across several regions, each designed to prevent war while potentially making the consequences of miscalculation far more severe.



The scale of this transformation is no longer a matter of speculation. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, global military expenditure reached approximately $2.887 trillion in 2025, marking the eleventh consecutive year of growth. 

European military spending increased by 14% to approximately $864 billion, while military expenditure in Asia and Oceania rose by 8.1% to around $681 billion. The United States remained the world's largest military spender at approximately $954 billion, followed by China at $336 billion and Russia at $190 billion. Together, those three countries accounted for roughly 51% of global military expenditure. SIPRI also reported that European NATO members increased spending sharply, while China's military expenditure continued a decades-long upward trajectory and Taiwan increased its own military spending by approximately 14% in 2025. 

These figures do not prove that a world war is approaching, but they reveal an international system in which the largest military powers are simultaneously expanding or restructuring their strategic capabilities.


THE GLOBAL REARMAMENT MAP





The "Editorial risk assessment" is an analytical classification based on escalation potential, proximity of military forces, strategic importance and likelihood of involvement by major powers. It is not an official probability forecast. Data on military expenditure: SIPRI. Current developments in Taiwan Strait and the Middle East: Reuters and AP.

The most important feature of this table is not any individual number, but the simultaneous concentration of military pressure across several theatres. Europe is rebuilding defence capacity at a pace unseen in decades, China is continuing its military modernization while applying pressure around Taiwan, Russia remains heavily committed to wartime spending, and the United States is attempting to maintain strategic commitments across Europe, the Middle East and the Indo-Pacific. 

This creates a geopolitical environment in which a crisis in one region could consume resources, attention and military capacity that are simultaneously required elsewhere. The risk is therefore not simply that one country decides to start a global war; it is that several regional crises could interact with one another at precisely the moment when governments have fewer diplomatic and military resources available to contain them.


EUROPE'S REARMAMENT PROJECT

Europe's rearmament is perhaps the clearest example of a strategic project that is simultaneously defensive in intention and potentially destabilizing in perception. The transformation began with the recognition that the continent had allowed its conventional military capabilities to decline after the Cold War, but the war in Ukraine fundamentally altered that calculation.

Governments that had spent years treating defence as a secondary budgetary priority are now rebuilding ammunition reserves, expanding weapons production, ordering new aircraft and missile systems, strengthening military logistics and investing in the infrastructure required to move large numbers of troops and equipment across the continent. 

NATO has committed its members to a long-term target of spending 5% of GDP annually on defence and defence-related security requirements by 2035, while the alliance reported in July 2026 that European allies and Canada had already increased core defence expenditure by nearly 20% in 2025 compared with 2024. NATO is also explicitly working with industry to expand production capacity, including ammunition stockpiles and other military capabilities.

The economic dimension of this transformation is significant because military production cannot be expanded overnight. A government can announce a larger defence budget in a single parliamentary session, but factories, skilled labour, supply chains and production lines require years to develop. Once those systems are established, they create their own momentum. 

Defence companies receive long-term contracts, governments become dependent on domestic production capacity and military planners begin designing strategies around weapons that may remain in service for decades. The result is a structural transformation rather than a temporary response to a single crisis. Europe is not simply buying more weapons; it is rebuilding an industrial ecosystem capable of producing them at scale.

From Moscow's perspective, the same transformation can be interpreted very differently. European governments describe their military expansion as a response to Russian aggression and a means of preventing future conflict. Russia, however, is likely to view the growth of European military capabilities, expanded NATO production and increased strategic infrastructure as evidence that the continent is preparing for a prolonged confrontation. 

This is the classic security dilemma, and it is one of the most persistent mechanisms behind arms races throughout modern history. The fundamental problem is that two governments can simultaneously believe they are acting defensively while interpreting the other's defensive actions as preparation for aggression.

The danger becomes greater when military infrastructure acquires permanence. A temporary deployment can be withdrawn relatively quickly; a factory built to produce ammunition for decades, a new logistics corridor or a permanent military installation creates a different strategic reality. These projects establish capabilities that remain available long after the political circumstances that originally justified them have changed. The result is a continent increasingly structured around the possibility of prolonged confrontation, with defence spending becoming not merely a reaction to war but an enduring component of economic and industrial policy. That does not make a European war inevitable, but it does mean that the physical and industrial capacity required for one is expanding substantially.


THE TAIWAN STRAIT: THE MOST DANGEROUS CONVERGENCE OF MILITARY POWER AND GLOBAL ECONOMICS

The Taiwan Strait represents a different kind of danger because it combines territorial sovereignty, national identity, military competition and the technological foundations of the global economy. China claims Taiwan as part of its territory, while Taiwan maintains its own democratic government and rejects Beijing's sovereignty claims. The United States remains deeply involved in the island's security through arms sales and strategic commitments, making any serious military confrontation potentially capable of drawing the world's two largest military powers into direct conflict.

The latest developments demonstrate how quickly the military environment can change. On July 23, 2026, China began two days of live-fire drills in sections of the Taiwan Strait near the coast of Fujian province, following high-level discussions between U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in which Taiwan was a major issue. The exercises followed earlier large-scale Chinese military drills and came amid continuing concerns over the expansion of military activity surrounding Taiwan.

China's military modernization is central to this strategic equation. SIPRI estimates that Chinese military expenditure reached approximately $336 billion in 2025, representing a 7.4% increase and the thirty-first consecutive year of annual growth. Taiwan, meanwhile, increased its own military expenditure by approximately 14% to $18.2 billion, while Japan's spending rose by 9.7% to $62.2 billion. 

The pattern is unmistakable: China is expanding its military capabilities, while countries that fear the consequences of Chinese regional dominance are simultaneously strengthening their own. The result is an increasingly dense military environment in which naval vessels, aircraft, missiles, intelligence systems and surveillance platforms operate in close proximity to one another.

This is where the Taiwan problem becomes larger than the island itself. Any major conflict would immediately threaten one of the world's most important technological and commercial regions, with consequences extending into semiconductor manufacturing, maritime trade, financial markets and global supply chains. 

A military crisis in the Taiwan Strait could therefore produce economic consequences before the conflict had even developed into a full-scale war. The strategic importance of the region means that the international community has a strong incentive to prevent escalation, but it also means that the number of actors with something to lose is exceptionally large.

The most dangerous scenario may not necessarily be a carefully planned invasion. A crisis could emerge from an accident, an unexpected military incident or a political decision made under extreme pressure. As military exercises become more frequent and forces operate closer together, the distinction between signalling and provocation becomes increasingly difficult to maintain. 

The immediate challenge is therefore not simply to determine whether Beijing intends to use force against Taiwan, but whether the military systems being constructed by China, Taiwan, the United States and their regional partners leave enough room for diplomacy when something goes wrong.


THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE STRAIT OF HORMUZ

If Taiwan represents the possibility of a future great-power confrontation, the Middle East demonstrates what happens when escalation is already underway.

The ongoing U.S.-Iran conflict has entered a dangerous phase in which military operations, attacks on infrastructure and disruption of maritime trade are becoming interconnected. According to AP reporting on July 23, U.S. forces carried out another night of airstrikes against Iran amid continuing tensions surrounding the Strait of Hormuz, while Iran and allied forces threatened or attacked shipping and regional infrastructure. 

Reuters reported that the conflict had already cost the United States approximately $37.5 billion, with 18 American service members killed and more than 430 wounded, while the disruption to shipping through key regional chokepoints has created broader economic consequences.

The Strait of Hormuz is particularly dangerous because it transforms a regional military confrontation into a global economic problem. The waterway is a critical route for energy shipments, meaning that any prolonged disruption affects not only the countries fighting the war but also governments, industries and consumers thousands of kilometres away. 

Reuters reported on July 22 that the conflict had significantly worsened the outlook for the global oil market in 2026, with analysts projecting a global oil deficit of approximately 1.5 million barrels per day as disruptions continued to affect exports from the Gulf. The same report noted that Brent crude had risen sharply during the renewed escalation.

This is the point at which military escalation begins to acquire a life of its own. Once energy infrastructure, shipping lanes and civilian economic systems become part of a conflict, every military action produces consequences far beyond the battlefield. A strike against a port can affect insurance markets. An attack on a tanker can alter shipping routes. A threat against energy infrastructure can change oil prices before a single barrel is physically removed from the market. 

The conflict becomes a feedback loop in which military decisions generate economic pressure, economic pressure generates political pressure and political pressure encourages governments to adopt even more aggressive positions.

The latest developments in the Red Sea demonstrate the danger of geographic expansion. On July 23, AP reported that Yemen's Iran-backed Houthi movement claimed responsibility for attacks on two Saudi oil tankers in the Red Sea, while U.S. forces continued strikes against Iranian targets. The involvement of additional maritime routes creates the possibility that the conflict could gradually spread across multiple strategic chokepoints, linking the Strait of Hormuz with the Bab el-Mandeb and the broader Red Sea shipping system.


THE MILITARY-INDUSTRIAL PROJECT THAT CONNECTS THEM ALL

The most consequential project underway may therefore be the expansion of military-industrial capacity itself. Europe is increasing production, NATO is seeking greater industrial output, China is continuing military modernization and countries across Asia are responding by increasing their own defence budgets. 

SIPRI's data show that global military expenditure reached its highest recorded level in 2025, while the sharpest increases were concentrated in regions already experiencing significant geopolitical tension. This does not establish a direct causal relationship between military spending and war, but it demonstrates that the international system is investing heavily in the capacity to sustain conflict at precisely the moment when diplomatic trust between major powers is weakening.

There is an important distinction between preparing for war and wanting war. Governments may rationally conclude that the best way to prevent aggression is to possess overwhelming military capabilities, maintain large reserves and demonstrate the ability to respond immediately. From this perspective, rearmament is a tool of peace. 

The difficulty is that deterrence depends on interpretation. A military project that appears defensive to the country building it may appear offensive to the country observing it. This problem becomes especially severe when multiple states are rearming simultaneously, because each government can use the actions of others as evidence that its own expansion is justified.

The statistical trend is therefore less important as a prediction of war than as an indicator of strategic psychology. The world is spending more because governments increasingly believe that the future will be more dangerous. That belief itself influences policy, and policy then changes the environment that created the belief in the first place. The result is a self-reinforcing cycle in which insecurity generates military investment, military investment generates suspicion and suspicion generates further insecurity.

This is why the most important projects of 2026 are not necessarily individual weapons systems. They are the long-term structures being built around them: defence industries, military logistics, strategic alliances, naval infrastructure, ammunition stockpiles, surveillance networks and procurement programs designed to remain operational for decades. These systems are being constructed under the assumption that strategic competition will not disappear quickly. Once established, they will shape the calculations of governments long after today's political leaders have left office.


THE GEOPOLITICAL RISK MATRIX




Analytical assessment based on current military activity, strategic importance, involvement of major powers, economic interdependence and escalation pathways. This is an editorial framework, not an official forecast or probability model.

The matrix illustrates why the danger of 2026 cannot be reduced to identifying one country or one conflict as the source of the next major war. Europe presents a high-intensity military confrontation involving Russia and NATO. Taiwan represents the possibility of a direct clash between the United States and China. The Middle East has already demonstrated the ability of regional conflict to disrupt global energy markets and maritime trade. These theatres are geographically separate, but they are strategically connected through the allocation of military resources, energy markets, alliance commitments and global economic dependencies.

The most troubling scenario is therefore not necessarily a coordinated decision by several governments to launch a global war. It is the possibility that one crisis could destabilize another. A prolonged conflict in the Middle East could absorb American military resources while tensions rise in the Indo-Pacific. A European crisis could force governments to redirect weapons and ammunition away from other theatres. A major confrontation around Taiwan could disrupt global trade at precisely the moment when energy markets were already under pressure. 

In such circumstances, strategic calculations would become more complicated, not less, because every government would be forced to consider not only the immediate enemy in front of it but also the possibility that another adversary might exploit the distraction.

The modern international system is therefore becoming increasingly vulnerable to strategic overload. The United States, China, Russia and their respective partners are building military capabilities designed to operate in an environment of prolonged competition, while regional conflicts are becoming increasingly interconnected through energy, technology and trade. 

The danger is not that every military project inevitably leads to war; the danger is that the sheer number of simultaneous projects and crises increases the number of pathways through which an accident, miscalculation or deliberate escalation could become much larger than originally intended.

The world is consequently entering a period in which deterrence and escalation are becoming increasingly difficult to separate. Europe is building the industrial capacity to defend itself, NATO is expanding its long-term military commitments, China is strengthening its ability to project power around Taiwan, Taiwan is increasing its own defences, and the Middle East is demonstrating how rapidly military conflict can spread from battlefields to shipping routes and global energy markets. Each of these developments has a rational strategic explanation when examined individually. The deeper danger emerges when they are viewed together.

What is being constructed in 2026 is not a single machine designed to start a world war. It is a network of military and industrial systems designed to ensure that governments are never again caught unprepared by one. Yet the more extensively those systems are built, the more the international order becomes dependent on accurate intelligence, disciplined decision-making and the ability of political leaders to distinguish between preparation and provocation. That dependency is fragile. The statistics show an extraordinary expansion in global military expenditure, the geopolitical map shows multiple simultaneous flashpoints and the latest events in Taiwan and the Middle East demonstrate how quickly military pressure can intensify.

The central risk of the present era is therefore not that war has become inevitable, but that the world is accumulating more weapons, more strategic infrastructure and more potential points of confrontation than it has diplomatic mechanisms capable of reliably controlling.

EU Natural Gas: Russia's Closing Window






EU Natural Gas: Russia's Closing Window



by Asymmetric Research
Thursday, Jul 23, 2026 - 22:56


Europe increased its imports of Russian gas by more than 10% year on year in Q2, while at the same time legislating to eliminate those imports entirely by 2027. This hands Russia considerable leverage over a continent heading into winter in worse shape than it was going into the last energy crisis.


Europe Is Weaker Than It Was in 2021

We have been writing since March about the shortfall in European gas storage injections. The position has deteriorated with almost every passing week, and we now lower our forecasts for a third time.

We estimate EU storage peaks at 73% this year, 2 percentage points below our previous assumption. This assumes Qatari production ramps to 50% of normal by mid-September and 80% a month later. QatarEnergy is reportedly set to extend its force majeure again, this time to October. Equinor reiterated this week that Europe will likely not reach an 80% refill at all this year. In 2021, the year preceding the last energy crisis, European storage peaked at 77%.

European Natural Gas Storage Levels and Our 2026E Forecasts (% full)



Source: GIE AGSI. 2026E = Asymmetric Research estimates

Neither geographical nor time spreads are incentivising refill. In June alone, LNG imports into Europe were down more than 20% yoy, driven predominantly by lower US volumes as cargoes found better prices elsewhere. Injections have been running noticeably weak for weeks, while continuous heatwaves have kept withdrawals higher than they should be at this point in the season.

Complacency by European politicians is striking. We think this is itself part of the bull case: either policymakers wake up and force refilling, which means buying gas aggressively in a tight market, or they remain complacent and the market does the job for them as winter approaches. Both roads lead to higher prices.

TTF price (€/MWh)



Source: Barchart (Month ahead)


The 2027 Phase-Out Creates a Deadline

Under the EU phase-out regulation, long-term Russian LNG contracts are prohibited from January 2027, and long-term pipeline contracts, the majority of remaining volumes, are phased out between September and November 2027. Europe is not ready for this. Replacing those volumes means competing for LNG cargoes in a market where Europe has already shown it will lose on price, while at the same time rebuilding storage from a depleted base and absorbing a heavy Norwegian maintenance schedule.

We think the phase-out is ultimately softened or rescinded, as the alternative is a supply gap Europe has no credible plan to fill in the next year. Politically difficult, certainly. But so was buying Russian gas again after 2022. That would be bearish TTF further out. It does not help this winter though, and it introduces something the market is not thinking about at all.


What Does This Look Like From Russia?

Russian gas still flows to Europe, and those flows increased in Q2. European storage is weaker than in 2021. Tensions with Ukraine are at highs, with attacks on Russian energy infrastructure ongoing. And a regulation is on the books that terminates the commercial relationship, and with it the leverage that relationship provides, by the end of next year. In other words the leverage Russia holds today expires, and its value is highest precisely when European storage is at its lowest.

Would Putin simply sit back and allow EU politicians to dictate the terms and timing of that separation? We doubt it.


The Risk Nobody Is Pricing

Although not our base case, the scenario we think is genuinely unpriced is that Russian flows to Europe stop early, this year, at a moment of Russia's choosing rather than the EU's. Against storage peaking at 73%, that is not a marginal event, with a demand destruction buffer considerably smaller than it was in 2022 given consumption has already reset some 16% below 2021 levels, as we discussed in an earlier report.

We would not expect the US to object particularly strenuously. The commercial interests of the US and the strategic interests of Russia point, on this narrow question, in the same direction.

None of this requires a prediction that Russia will act. It requires only the observation that the market is pricing the probability at zero for an event with a clear rationale, a closing window, and severe consequences.


Our Positioning on Energy

[...]
This article is based on research originally published on Asymmetric Research. Continue reading including positionings at: asymmetricresearch.substack.com


‘Malaysia is their home’: Azalina says Constitution protects rights of non-Malays alongside Malays






‘Malaysia is their home’: Azalina says Constitution protects rights of non-Malays alongside Malays



Umno information chief and Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department (Law and Institutional Reform) Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said said racial rhetoric had no place in the Negeri Sembilan election campaign, criticising remarks by Perikatan Nasional election director Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor. — Bernama pic


Summary

Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said, Umno's information chief and Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, emphasized that racial rhetoric has no place in the Negeri Sembilan election campaign, criticizing remarks by Perikatan Nasional's Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor. 

She highlighted the Federal Constitution's role in safeguarding the rights of all citizens, irrespective of ethnicity, and urged political leaders to focus on issues such as the cost of living, jobs, and healthcare. 

Azalina reaffirmed Barisan Nasional's commitment to stability and moderation, rejecting divisive rhetoric to promote unity among Malaysians.


First Published: Saturday, 25 Jul 2026 3:52 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, July 25 — Umno information chief Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said today said racial rhetoric had no place in the Negeri Sembilan election campaign, as she criticised remarks by Perikatan Nasional election director Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor.

Azalina, who is also Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department (Law and Institutional Reform), said political leaders and campaigners should be responsible for their words, particularly when touching on race, religion and the royal institution.


“Issues involving race, religion and the royal institution must not be used as tools to stir anger or fear in order to win votes,” she said in a statement.

She was referring to remarks by Sanusi, who is also Kedah menteri besar, that “the Chinese have China, Indians have India, Cambodians have Cambodia, while Malays only have Malaysia”.


Azalina said such rhetoric could create the impression that Malaysians of Chinese and Indian descent had other homelands, while only Malays truly belonged in Malaysia.


“The reality is that for millions of Malaysians of Chinese and Indian descent, Malaysia is not a temporary stop. Malaysia is their homeland,” she said.

She said the Federal Constitution safeguarded the position of Islam, the Malay Rulers and the rights of Malays and Bumiputera, while also guaranteeing the rights and legitimate position of every Malaysian citizen regardless of ethnicity.


Azalina said the Negeri Sembilan campaign should instead focus on issues affecting voters directly, including the cost of living, jobs, housing, education, healthcare and local development.

She said Barisan Nasional stood for stability, experience and moderation, adding that the coalition would not allow short-term political interests to undermine what she described as a shared home for all Malaysians.

Education groups Dong Zong and Jiao Zong decry PAS president Hadi Awang’s ‘pendatang’ remarks






Education groups Dong Zong and Jiao Zong decry PAS president Hadi Awang’s ‘pendatang’ remarks



Two of Malaysia’s largest Chinese education advocacy groups, Dong Zong and Jiao Zong, have issued a strong joint condemnation of PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang’s recent remarks labelling DAP supporters as “pendatang” (immigrants). — Picture by Miera Zulyana


Summary

Dong Zong and Jiao Zong, two prominent Malaysian Chinese education advocacy groups, have strongly criticized recent remarks by PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang, which labeled DAP supporters as "immigrants" and accused Malay Muslims of being "ungrateful." 

In their joint statement, they argued that such remarks undermine national unity by fostering ethnic and religious divisions and contradict the principles of equal citizenship outlined in Malaysia's Federal Constitution. Citing Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah's address, they emphasized that the "pendatang" narrative is obsolete and urged politicians to focus on national interests and inclusive policies. 

The groups warned against the dangers of identity-based politics, advocating instead for addressing crucial issues like economic transformation and social justice.


By Malay Mail
First Published: Saturday, 25 Jul 2026 6:03 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, July 25 — Two of Malaysia’s largest Chinese education advocacy groups, Dong Zong and Jiao Zong, have issued a strong joint condemnation of PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang’s recent remarks labelling DAP supporters as “pendatang” (immigrants) and accusing some Malay Muslims of being “ungrateful” and “colluding” with others.

In a joint statement released today, the duo—collectively known as Dong Jiao Zong—warned that such rhetoric undermines the national identity by defining citizenship along ethnic and religious lines, while distorting healthy political competition into inter-ethnic hostility. They said the remarks not only fail to strengthen national unity but also risk eroding the longstanding trust built among Malaysia’s diverse communities.


“Malaysia is a plural society. Regardless of race, religion or political affiliation, all citizens are equal under the Federal Constitution,” the statement read. “After generations of shared struggle, people of all ethnicities have long made this land their home. To label any group as ‘immigrant’ or ‘native’ based on who arrived first is historically unfounded and contradicts the democratic principles of equal citizenship.”

The education groups cited a 2023 royal address by the Sultan of Selangor, Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah, who emphasised that at the dawn of independence, representatives of all races accompanied Tunku Abdul Rahman to London for negotiations. The resulting social contract, enshrined in the Federal Constitution, recognised Malay as the national language and Islam as the official religion, while granting non-Bumiputera citizens citizenship rights and the freedom to preserve their ethnic identities, languages and cultures.


“His Royal Highness’s words were clear: the narrative of ‘*pendatang*’ no longer exists in Malaysia,” Dong Jiao Zong said. “Politicians would do well to heed this wisdom, prioritise the national interest, and uphold the inclusive spirit upon which this country was founded.” They added that those who ignore this history and exploit the “*pendatang*” narrative for political gain risk tearing the nation apart and destroying social harmony.


The groups also took issue with Hadi’s characterisation of supporters of rival parties as “ungrateful”, arguing that in a constitutional democracy, citizens have the right to freely choose their political affiliations. “To label supporters of other parties as ‘ungrateful’ is to deny the people’s right to make independent political judgments,” they said.

Dong Jiao Zong noted that such identity-based politicking is nothing new, having been repeatedly deployed around election cycles over the years. They said it not only deepens inter-ethnic suspicion and hinders national integration but also distracts the country from pressing issues such as institutional reform, economic transformation, and public welfare.


The groups urged all politicians to respect the country’s pluralistic foundations and stop exploiting racial and religious sentiments. Political competition, they said, should instead focus on policies related to economic development, education reform, social justice, and administrative efficiency.

They also called on all Malaysians to remain committed to dialogue over confrontation, and to collectively defend the values of democracy, rule of law, equality and inclusivity.