Room rentals in Klang Valley discriminate by race, Indians most excluded, study finds

Room rentals in Klang Valley discriminate by race, Indians most excluded, study finds



The research highlighted that while 96.1 per cent of listings were open to Chinese renters and 92.4 per cent to Malay renters, only 68.3 per cent accepted Indian renters. — Pexels.com pic

Thursday, 12 Mar 2026 12:55 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, March 12 — A new study released by non-profit organisation, Architects of Diversity, has revealed that the room rental market in the Klang Valley displays significant racial discrimination, particularly against the Indian ethnic group.

The report, titled ”Room Rental Discrimination. Volume 1: The Klang Valley Report”, is the first systematic quantitative analysis of explicit racial discrimination in Malaysia’s rental sector.

Using data from a renowned room rental platform, the study analysed 35,367 listings to assess the extent of racial filtering by landlords and agents.

Alarmingly, 42.8 per cent of these listings featured explicit racial exclusions, surpassing those that welcomed all races (22.6 per cent) or had no stated preferences (34.6 per cent).

That simply means that renters searching for accommodation were statistically more likely to encounter listings that exclude certain racial groups.

The research highlighted that while 96.1 per cent of listings were open to Chinese renters and 92.4 per cent to Malay renters, only 68.3 per cent accepted Indian renters.

According to the data, a significant pattern of discrimination was evident, as 21.3 per cent of all listings excluded Indian renters while accepting tenants from other ethnicities.


The study also found that discrimination rates varied across the Klang Valley, with five areas exceeding 50 per cent.

Among the areas were Ampang (57.5 per cent), Taman Desa (56.2 per cent), Klang (54.8 per cent), Setapak (51.1 per cent), and Bangi (50.5 per cent).

In contrast, areas closer to the Kuala Lumpur city centre exhibit lower rates of discrimination, with KL City Centre (31.3 per cent) and Titiwangsa (25.7 per cent).

The report also points to a financial burden for Indian renters, as listings that do not discriminate against them are, on average, 11.2 per cent (RM735) pricier compared to those that exclude Indian renters (RM661).

According to the findings, the disparity suggested that more affordable housing options are often inaccessible to Indian tenants.

“We are looking at a failure on two fronts. First, Malaysia still has no law that explicitly prohibits racial discrimination in the private rental market,” said Architects of Diversity executive director Jason Wee.

According to him, Malaysia still has no law that explicitly prohibits racial discrimination in the private rental market; hence, landlords can openly refuse tenants based on race, and renters who are excluded have no legal avenue for redress.

“This has to change. When a platform designs a system that lets landlords tick a box to exclude an entire race from seeing their listing, that platform is not neutral.

“It is actively enabling discrimination at scale, and it should be held accountable for that design choice,” he said.

Asked about the root causes of the discrimination against the Indian ethnic group, Wee said most of the landlords who were interviewed in the past study cited bad experiences as their discriminatory reason.

“Most of these landlords also don’t see racial preferences as discrimination, which we find quite concerning,” he added.

***


Sadly, racial discrimination occurs everywhere, even in places like Fiji. There (Fiji prior to 1990), Indian Fijians discriminated notoriously against native (indigenous) Fijians on, for example, issue of rental. Then Indians dominated not only the economic domain but also Fiji's politics. That was until Colonel (later a General) Sitiveni Ligamamada Rabuka launched a coup d'etat'

Google says:

Rabuka, by now a colonel, emerged suddenly from obscurity on 14 May 1987 when he staged the first of two military coups, allegedly to reassert ethnic Fijian supremacy, following the 1987 election, which had brought to power an ethnic Fijian-led government in which half the ministers were Indo-Fijian (ethnic Indian).

A source informed me then, Rabuka sought advice from a Malaysian "leader" on his personal grievance about his fellow local natives being left out in the cold.

Google has this to say (in addition to above coup d'etat):

Information regarding the involvement of India's Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW or RAW) in Fiji during the 1980s, particularly around the 1987 coups, is primarily found in emerging covert history accounts, books by former intelligence officers, and specialized media, often described as "Operation Fiji" or "Operation Trishul".


Key aspects of RAW's reported involvement include:

1987 Coup Response: Following the first military coup on May 14, 1987, led by Lt. Col. Sitiveni Rabuka, which ousted the first Indo-Fijian-dominated coalition government of Timoci Bavadra, RAW was tasked with responding to the anti-India stance of the new regime.

"Operation Fiji": According to reports and media, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi directed RAW to take action to destabilize the newly established military regime led by Rabuka.

Covert Agents: Reports often cite a covert operation where RAW agents (sometimes described as three agents) were sent to Fiji to sabotage the new government's stability.

Objective: The alleged goal was to put an end to the dictatorship, protect the interests of Fiji Indians, and facilitate the return of a democratic government.

Aftermath and Impact: The reports suggest that while the operation was initially a complex, covert intervention in a South Pacific island state during the Cold War era, it contributed to the internal challenges faced by Rabuka, which later contributed to his election losses, specifically in 1999.

Contextual Factors:

Cold War Dynamics: The 1987 coups were characterized by intense ethnic tensions between indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians (who outnumbered them at the time), with significant geopolitical undertones.

India's Reaction: India imposed trade sanctions on Fiji in response to the coups.

Guess who is bonking and who is being bonk-ed?

😂😂😂

Earth’s ice is melting: Where and how fast?

Earth’s ice is melting: Where and how fast?



Mountain glaciers alone lost about 9.18 trillion tonnes of ice between 1976 and 2024, according to a 2025 study in the journal Earth System Science Data (ESSD) based on satellite and ground observations. — Reuters file pic

Friday, 13 Mar 2026 7:00 AM MYT


PARIS, March 13 — Melting glaciers and ice sheets are raising sea levels while the Arctic is poised to log one of its worst winters on record.

Here are some key points about the planet’s ice as human-induced global warming accelerates:

Where is the Earth’s ice?

Nearly all of the planet’s land ice — about 99 per cent — is stored in the polar ice sheets, mainly in Antarctica and the Arctic, especially Greenland, glaciologist Christian Vincent told AFP.


The rest is largely found in mountain glaciers around the world.

If all the ice in Antarctica were to melt, global sea levels would rise by about 58 metres (190 feet), Vincent said.

Greenland’s ice sheet alone would add around seven metres, and mountain glaciers about 41 centimetres.


Ice does not melt at the same rate everywhere. The loss of polar ice sheets is the main driver of sea-level rise, ahead of melting mountain glaciers and the thermal expansion of seawater, which occurs as the oceans warm due to global heating.

Between 1901 and 2018, the global average sea level rose by about 20 centimetres.

Sea ice, which melts in summer and reforms in winter, does not raise ocean levels — much like a floating ice cube in a glass of water.

Where has melting occurred?

Mountain glaciers alone lost about 9.18 trillion tonnes of ice between 1976 and 2024, according to a 2025 study in the journal Earth System Science Data (ESSD) based on satellite and ground observations.

That figure is close to estimates by the World Glacier Monitoring Service (WGMS) for the period from 1961 to 2016, which likened the loss to a block of ice the size of Germany and 27 metres tall.

Most of this mountain ice loss occurred in Alaska, Patagonia and the Arctic, the WGMS said.

At the poles, Greenland and Antarctica together lost roughly 7.56 trillion tonnes of ice between 1992 and 2020, according to a 2023 estimate by the Ice Sheet Mass Balance Inter-comparison Exercise (IMBIE), an international collaboration between NASA and the European Space Agency that relies on satellite observations.

That amount is roughly equivalent to a cube of ice measuring about 20 kilometres (12 miles) on each side.

These figures do not include sea ice.

In the Arctic, however, sea ice has thinned dramatically, with average thickness falling from 3.59 metres in 1975 to 1.25 meters in 2012, according to a 2015 study.

The poles are warming at a faster rate than the rest of the planet — four times the global average in the Arctic.

Greenland, the Danish territory that US President Donald Trump wants to acquire, lost nearly 4.9 trillion tonnes of ice between 1992 and 2020.

Looking further back in time is much harder, especially for Antarctica.

“I do not know if we can really say how much ice Antarctica has lost since the 1950s,” said British scientist Ruth Mottram, a specialist in polar ice sheets, referring to the period before satellite measurements began.

“It’s extremely challenging to measure even today with satellites and we simply don’t have very many observations going back so far in time,” she told AFP.

What about the future?

Ice loss is accelerating as the planet warms, and the extreme heat of the past three years—the hottest ever recorded—offers little reason for optimism.

“The rate of ice loss is now five times higher in Greenland and 25 per cent higher in Antarctica compared to the early 1990s,” according to a 2023 study published in the journal ESSD.

In Greenland, summer melting has accelerated since 1900 to levels not seen in at least 850 years, according to the latest report on the cryosphere by the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).

The melt season is also lasting longer, extending into late summer and even September—something rare in the past.

As for mountain glaciers, about 41 per cent of their total ice loss occurred in the decade from 2015 to 2024, according to a study in ESSD that found the largest losses in Alaska, western North America and central Europe. — AFP

Why do we care so much about what politicians wear? — Khoo Ying Hooi

Why do we care so much about what politicians wear? — Khoo Ying Hooi


Thursday, 12 Mar 2026 1:00 PM MYT


MARCH 12 — The recent public discussion surrounding Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department (Federal Territories) Hannah Yeoh wearing a tudung during an official event has once again revealed how deeply appearance is politicised in Malaysia.

My aunt was a rubber tapper in "tudung"


What might otherwise be an unremarkable moment quickly became the subject of online debate.

Yet the reaction tells us less about a single politician’s clothing choice and more about the broader political culture in which race, religion, and symbolic identity continue to dominate the public imagination.

In Malaysia, politics has long been intertwined with questions of identity. Ethnicity and religion are not merely social categories; they are central organising principles of political discourse.

Another aunt was a dulang washer in "tudung"


From electoral campaigns to policy debates, political narratives frequently revolve around protecting community interests, defending religious values, or preserving cultural identity.



According to the author, the debate surrounding Hannah Yeoh’s attire should not be reduced to either criticism or defence of a single clothing choice. — Picture from Facebook/Hannah Yeoh


In such a landscape, visual symbols, including clothing, inevitably acquire political meaning.

A tudung, for instance, is not merely an item of attire. In Malaysia’s social and political context, it is often associated with religious modesty and Muslim identity, and is sometimes read as a cultural marker within the Malay-Muslim majority.

When worn by a politician, particularly one who does not typically wear it, the public reaction often moves quickly from curiosity to interpretation.

Some see it as a gesture of respect toward a particular audience or setting. Others interpret it as political signalling, identity positioning, or strategic accommodation within Malaysia’s identity-driven political environment.

Another aunt was a construction labourer in "tudung"


But there is another layer to this debate that deserves attention. While the public may read symbolism into appearance, politicians themselves are often fully aware that visual cues matter.

In politics, clothing can become a form of communication. Leaders frequently dress in ways that resonate with the communities they are engaging with — wearing baju Melayu and songkok during festive celebrations, donning traditional attire at cultural events, or adopting religiously appropriate dress when attending faith-based gatherings.

In this sense, appearance can function as a subtle political tool. It signals familiarity, respect, and sometimes solidarity.

In a country as culturally and religiously diverse as Malaysia, these gestures may be intended to bridge social boundaries and demonstrate sensitivity toward different communities.

Yet once such symbols enter the public arena, they rarely remain neutral. They become open to interpretation, speculation, and political debate.

This raises an uncomfortable but necessary question: when politicians adopt certain visual symbols, are they simply demonstrating respect — or are they also responding to a political environment where identity signalling carries electoral and cultural significance?

This is not necessarily about casting doubt on individual intentions. Rather, it reflects the reality that Malaysian politics has conditioned both leaders and voters to interpret identity cues.

Clothing, language, and ritual gestures are frequently read as indicators of political positioning. When politicians appear in traditional Malay attire during official functions, it is often interpreted as affirming cultural belonging.

Similarly, when leaders attend religious events dressed in particular ways, their attire may be viewed as signalling alignment with religious sensibilities.

The issue becomes even more layered when gender enters the equation. Women politicians often face greater scrutiny over their appearance than their male counterparts.

Their clothing choices are more likely to become headlines, more likely to invite commentary, and more likely to be interpreted as symbolic statements.

In Malaysia, where debates around modesty, religion, and morality frequently intersect with politics, the attire of women leaders can easily become the centre of public discourse.

Apa Mak Cik jual?

But the deeper issue goes beyond gender or fashion. It concerns how Malaysia understands political representation in a multicultural society.

If the aspiration is to build a political culture that gradually moves beyond race- and religion-based divisions, then the reliance on symbolic identity cues becomes increasingly complicated.

Malaysia’s political leaders frequently speak about unity and inclusivity. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, for example, often emphasises the values of compassion, mutual respect, and social harmony through the framework of Malaysia Madani.

Yet the persistence of identity-based political narratives means that symbols — whether clothing, language, or religious gestures — continue to be interpreted through racial and religious lenses.

This creates a paradox in Malaysian politics. On the one hand, leaders may adopt cultural symbols to demonstrate respect for different communities. On the other hand, these same gestures can reinforce the idea that political legitimacy must constantly be negotiated through visible markers of identity.

In other words, even well-intentioned acts of respect can unintentionally sustain the very identity frameworks that many leaders claim to transcend.

This is why the debate surrounding Hannah Yeoh’s attire should not be reduced to either criticism or defence of a single clothing choice.

The more important conversation is about what kind of political culture Malaysia is trying to build. If the country aspires to move towards a political environment that is less defined by race and religion, then public discourse must also evolve.

A race-blind or religion-neutral political culture does not mean erasing cultural identities. Malaysia’s diversity is one of its defining features, and cultural expression will always remain part of public life.

But it does require shifting the emphasis away from symbolic identity markers toward substantive issues — governance, policy, social justice, and public accountability.

When public attention focuses overwhelmingly on what politicians wear, it risks distracting from these larger questions.

Clothing becomes the headline, while policy becomes secondary. This pattern is not unique to Malaysia, but the country’s long history of identity politics makes the phenomenon particularly visible.

The debate around Yeoh’s tudung therefore offers an opportunity for reflection. Instead of asking simply whether the gesture was appropriate or strategic, Malaysians might ask a broader question: why do such symbols continue to carry such heavy political meaning?

Until political legitimacy is no longer measured through racial or religious signalling, appearance will remain part of the political conversation. And until that culture changes, what politicians wear will continue to attract attention far beyond the fabric itself.

Perhaps the real challenge for Malaysian politics is not whether leaders wear symbols of identity, but whether the country can eventually reach a point where such symbols no longer determine how leadership is judged.



* Khoo Ying Hooi, PhD is an associate professor at Universiti Malaya.

Iran supreme leader says vengeance is priority ‘until fully achieved’

Iran supreme leader says vengeance is priority ‘until fully achieved’



A schoolgirl holds up a poster of Iran’s new supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei during an anti-US and Israel demonstration in Baghdad March 12, 2026. — AFP pic

Friday, 13 Mar 2026 9:03 AM MYT


TEHRAN, March 13 — Iran’s new supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei, who is yet to appear in public, vowed yesterday to avenge the deaths since the start of the war with the US and Israel, in a statement read out by a presenter on state TV.

“A limited amount of this revenge has so far taken concrete form, but until it is fully achieved, this case will remain among our priorities,” Khamenei, said according to the statement.


“We will seek compensation from the enemy, and if they refuse, we will take as much of their property as we determine, and if that is not possible, we will destroy the same amount of his property,” he added.

Iran’s health ministry said on March 8 that more than 1,200 people had been killed, and over 10,000 civilians injured.


It was his first statement since he was proclaimed as the Islamic republic’s new supreme leader on Sunday and after the killing of his father and predecessor in US and Israeli strikes.


On February 28, the US and Israel killed late supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in initial strikes which triggered a war that has since spread across the Middle East.

Iran has responded with drone and missile strikes on Israel and US interests across the region and effectively closed the strategic Strait of Hormuz.


The 56-year-old Khamenei has yet to make a public appearance since his appointment and state television had reported he had been wounded during the ongoing war.

In his statement, Khamenei called for the closure of US bases across the region, saying “the claim of establishing security and peace by America was nothing more than a lie.”

He also called for using “the lever of blocking the Strait of Hormuz” — a strategic waterway through which a fifth of global oil passes.

The new leader also thanked Iran’s allies in the region including Lebanon’s Hezbollah, Yemen’s Houthis and armed groups in Iraq.

“We consider the countries of the Resistance Front our best friends, and the cause of resistance and the Resistance Front are an inseparable part of the values of the Islamic Revolution,” he said.

Following the reading of the statement, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards said they had launch strikes on Israel and US bases across in tribute to Khamenei and his family. — AFP

Several French soldiers wounded, one officer dead in Iraq after drone attack

Several French soldiers wounded, one officer dead in Iraq after drone attack



French President Emmanuel Macron condemned a drone attack in northern Iraq that killed a French officer and wounded several soldiers. — Reuters pic

Friday, 13 Mar 2026 11:59 AM MYT


PARIS, March 13 — French President Emmanuel Macron today condemned an attack in northern Iraq that killed one French officer and wounded several soldiers in the Erbil region.

Six French soldiers providing counter-terrorism training in the region were wounded in a drone attack, France's army said yesterday, just hours after an Italian base was also targeted in the area.


France has hundreds of troops based in the Erbil region as part of a broader international coalition to fight Islamic State militants in the area.

In a post on X, Macron said Chief Warrant Officer Arnaud Frion "died for France" and several of our soldiers have been injured in the attack.


"This attack against our forces engaged in the fight against Daesh (ISIS) since 2015 is unacceptable," he said.


"Their (French soldiers) presence in Iraq is strictly within the framework of the fight against terrorism. The war in Iran cannot justify such attacks."

It was not immediately clear where the drone had come from.


Iraqi Shi'ite militants have picked up the pace of drone and missile attacks on US interests in Iraq in the last three to four days, according to three Iraqi security sources and two sources close to the groups.

Erbil Governor Omed Koshnaw said in a statement that the drone attack was in the Makhmour area.

An overnight airstrike that hit an Italian military base in Iraqi Kurdistan was deliberate, the Italian defence ministry said earlier yesterday, targeting a facility hosting Nato personnel.

France is deploying about a dozen naval vessels, including its aircraft carrier strike group, to the Mediterranean, Red Sea and potentially the Strait of Hormuz as part of defensive support to allies threatened by the conflict in the Middle East.

The leaders of Iran, Israel and the United States all voiced defiance and vowed to fight on as the Middle East war approached the two-week mark today, killing thousands of people, disrupting the lives of millions of others and shaking financial markets. — Reuters

Malaysia’s fuel supply steady, says Amir Hamzah, as government moves to secure extra reserves

Malaysia’s fuel supply steady, says Amir Hamzah, as government moves to secure extra reserves



Finance Minister II Datuk Seri Amir Hamzah Azizan has assured that Malaysia’s petrol and diesel supply remains sufficient, backed by local production. — Bernama pic

Friday, 13 Mar 2026 1:09 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, March 13 — Finance Minister II Datuk Seri Amir Hamzah Azizan has assured that Malaysia’s petrol and diesel supply remains sufficient, backed by local production.

He said the government is, however, working to secure additional oil reserves to safeguard energy security as tensions in West Asia continue to disrupt global markets.


“Petronas (Petroliam Nasional Berhad) and other oil companies are actively exploring alternative sources to replace supplies affected by the ongoing conflict, even as domestic fuel stocks remain stable,” Amir told a post-Cabinet meeting joint press conference here today.

MORE TO COME

How political opportunism breeds extremism in Malaysia

How political opportunism breeds extremism in Malaysia

By R. Paneir Selvam
10/03/2026





MALAYSIA often congratulates itself for avoiding the large-scale terrorist attacks that have scarred other parts of Southeast Asia.


Security agencies deserve credit: they have dismantled networks linked to the Islamic State, arrested radicalised youths, and disrupted transnational cells connected to Jemaah Islamiyah and Kumpulan Mujahidin Malaysia.


Nevertheless, the country’s counter-terrorism success story hides an uncomfortable truth. The ideological ecosystem that nourishes extremism is not created only by clandestine terrorist networks or online propaganda.

It is often fertilised by mainstream actors: religious demagogues, race-based organisations, and opportunistic politicians who weaponise identity for power.

The Malaysian state has focused heavily on security responses: preventive arrests, intelligence operations, and legislation such as the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act. These tools disrupt plots and dismantle networks.


But they treat the symptoms of extremism rather than its ideological soil. That soil is increasingly shaped by a toxic convergence of religious absolutism and ethno-political mobilisation.

Extremist ideology rarely emerges in isolation. It grows from narratives that portray society as a battlefield between believers and enemies, between one race and another, between a supposedly “pure” faith and a corrupted world. Terrorist organisations merely radicalise these narratives further, transforming them into violence.

(Image: LinkedIn)


In Malaysia, the early stages of this ideological ladder often appear in far more respectable spaces: religious places, political rallies, social media sermons, and NGO campaigns framed as defending religion or race.

Over the past two decades, certain religious preachers have propagated exclusionary interpretations of Islam that divide society into rigid moral categories. These narratives often portray minorities as threats, dismiss pluralism as weakness, and claim that Islam itself is under siege.


While such rhetoric does not always call for violence, it normalises hostility and moral absolutism, both of which are central ingredients of extremist recruitment.

Groups like the Islamic State rely on precisely these emotional triggers. Their propaganda frames global politics as a war against Islam, a message that becomes far more persuasive when domestic voices constantly reinforce the idea that Muslims are under existential threat.

This is where the political class enters the picture.

Malaysia’s political landscape has long been shaped by race-based parties and identity politics. Politicians across the spectrum both from government and opposition: frequently exploit religion and ethnicity as mobilising tools.

Campaign speeches warn voters that their faith, language, or privileges are under attack. Social media posts amplify fears of demographic replacement or cultural erosion.

Such rhetoric may deliver short-term electoral gains, but it comes with long-term security consequences.

When leaders normalise the idea that politics is a struggle for religious or racial survival, they validate the worldview promoted by extremists. The difference between mainstream identity politics and extremist ideology then becomes a matter of degree rather than principle.

This ideological overlap is particularly dangerous for young people navigating identity crises in an increasingly digital world.

(Image: Unsplash/ Christian Wiediger)


Recent arrests of Malaysian youths: some still minors illustrate how easily online radicalisation can occur. Encrypted platforms such as Telegram or Discord provide spaces where extremist propaganda circulates freely.

In these online communities, recruits encounter narratives about religious duty, heroism, and global injustice.

But these messages resonate only because they echo ideas already circulating in society. When young Malaysians hear political leaders constantly framing politics as a defence of religion, the leap to militant interpretations becomes psychologically easier.

Radicalisation thus follows a continuum. At one end lies everyday identity politics and sectarian preaching. At the other lies violent extremism. The transition from one to the other may involve online recruiters, but the underlying narratives are often familiar.


The same dynamic can be seen in cases involving migrant communities. Authorities recently dismantled a network among Bangladeshi workers who were raising funds and spreading ISIS propaganda. These migrants, often marginalised and socially isolated, are particularly susceptible to ideological messaging that offers belonging and purpose.

Nonetheless, even here, the ideological framework did not appear out of nowhere. Transnational extremist networks exploit global narratives of Muslim victimhood, narratives that gain credibility when echoed by political and religious actors in multiple countries.

Malaysia’s counter-terrorism strategy has rightly focused on law enforcement and deradicalisation. Rehabilitation programs, religious counselling, and psychological support have helped reintegrate former militants. Intelligence cooperation with neighbouring countries has disrupted cross-border networks.

But these policies operate downstream from the real problem.

The upstream battle is ideological. It requires confronting the ecosystem of hate speech, sectarian rhetoric, and ethno-religious mobilisation that permeates public discourse.

Unfortunately, this is precisely where political courage is weakest.

Religious hardliners command large followings. Race-based NGOs mobilise powerful voter blocs. Politicians who challenge these narratives risk losing electoral support. As a result, leaders often condemn terrorism while remaining silent about the rhetoric that incubates it.

(Image: Unsplash/Melyna Valle)

This selective outrage is dangerous. It allows extremists to position themselves as the logical defenders of ideas already circulating in society.

When mainstream discourse repeatedly insists that religion or race is under attack, extremists simply take the next step: arguing that violence is justified to defend it. Breaking this cycle requires more than policing.

First, political leaders must abandon the cynical strategy of weaponising religion and ethnicity. Electoral competition cannot justify narratives that divide citizens into enemies and defenders of faith.


Second, religious authorities must actively counter the absolutist interpretations propagated by extremist preachers. Islam in Malaysia has historically coexisted with pluralism and cultural diversity. Reclaiming that tradition is essential for undermining radical narratives.

Third, civil society must challenge the growing normalisation of sectarian rhetoric. Extremism thrives when hateful ideas are tolerated as “just politics.”

Malaysia has shown that it can effectively dismantle terrorist networks. But dismantling an ideological culture that enables extremism is a far more difficult task.

If religious demagogues, race-based NGOs, and opportunistic politicians continue to inflame fears for political gain, the seeds of extremism will remain embedded in the national discourse.

Security operations can uproot militant cells. But unless Malaysia confronts the narratives that nourish them, new ones will inevitably grow. ‒ Mar 10, 2026



R. Paneir Selvam is Principal Consultant at Arunachala Research & Consultancy Sdn Bhd (ARRESCON), a think tank specialising in strategic and geopolitical analysis

“Liberals, urbanites ignore Green Wave 2.0 at their peril; Malay anger, resentment very real”

“Liberals, urbanites ignore Green Wave 2.0 at their peril; Malay anger, resentment very real”






FEAR mongering or having a well-placed finger on the pulse? Such is the big concern facing non-Malay Malaysians – especially liberals – who may have underestimated Malay Muslim sentiments by waving away any negativity as fringe sentiment afflicting a small minority.


This is where political commenter Aisehman (@Aisehman) cautioned that they could have erred in their assessment this time around as how they had previously dismissed highlighted warning signs as fear mongering, eg by brushing aside the “Green Wave” as a political fairytale.
Politics


“Politicians manipulate – not fabricate – communal sentiments which are pre-existent,” he red-flagged on X in reaction to a post by “Mr Kuala Lumpur” Amirul Ruslan (@Amirul Ruslan) who labelled the current ethnic tensions surrounding the highly sensitive illegal temple structures issue as a “boiling frog”.

Aisehman

@Aisehman

·

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I often see non-Malay Malaysians, especially liberals, underestimate Malay Muslim sentiments, waving away any negativity as fringe sentiment, affliciting a small minority. They dismiss warning signs that are highlighted as fear-mongering, e.g. the “Green Wave” brushed aside as a Show more

Amirul Ruslan

@amirulruslan

I have a major fear that anti-Indian ethnic hate is a boiling frog sort of condition in Malaysian, especially Malay, politics... and urban liberals will assume is just isn't real and overrepresented online, until one day it smacks everyone in the face with real violence.

Last edited3:48 PM · Mar 11, 2026

And today, Malays by and large have a lot less desire to be tolerant and are expressing a lot more animosity and hostility, spilling over into hatred.

We now have the perfect environment for right-wing extremists and religio-political fascists to thrive and dominate. Ignore, disregard, dismiss this at your own peril.

In the contention of prominent Youtuber Amirul “urban liberals will assume “it’s just unreal and over-represented online until one day it smacks everyone in the face with real violence.”


Elaborating further in a subsequent post, Aisehman attributed the somehow ‘Green Wave 2.0’ concern to “PAS/PN (Perikatan Nasional) can’t expect much from non-Malays, so it needs to maximise Malay support”.


‘All doom and gloom’

“Much of the rising racial and religious sentiment you see now is being whipped up for that purpose,” observed the Madani critic.

Aisehman

@Aisehman

·

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PAS/PN can’t expect much from non-Malays, so it needs to maximise Malay support. Much of the rising racial and religious sentiment you see now is being whipped up for that purpose. A considerable majority of Malays will vote for Hadi, for his boy Dr Sam, for PAS/PN. Unless Show more

Aisehman

@Aisehman

·

I often see non-Malay Malaysians, especially liberals, underestimate Malay Muslim sentiments, waving away any negativity as fringe sentiment, affliciting a small minority. They dismiss warning signs that are highlighted as fear-mongering, e.g. the “Green Wave” brushed aside as a

Last edited6:36 PM · Mar 11, 2026

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“A considerable majority of Malays will vote for Hadi (PAS president Tan Sri Hadi Awang), for his boy Dr Sam (PN’s chairman Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar) and, for PAS/PN.”

Given that UMNO itself is facing a dearth of Malay support to be relied upon to quell the growing PAS influence, Aisehman’s ‘prophecy’ does make valid sense.

“Unless UMNO can do something about it, which doesn’t seem likely,” he lamented.




Meanwhile, PAS/PN don’t have to do much to try to loosen and reduce PH’s (Pakatan Harapan) hold on non-Malay support.

That work is being done by disappointed PH supporters themselves as well as long-standing anti-Anwar (Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim) forces.

Will PAS conquer Putrajaya? God forbid but soon we’ll find out.

Such doom and gloom painted by Aisehman were met with mixed responses with a few agreeing with the analysis but also feeling a sense of powerlessness to affect a change.



One commenter though claimed that “neutrals” were aware of the Green Wave threat all this while, hence “it’s only PH supporters who’re blind to it”. He went on thank the poster “for admitting the Malay hatred and hostility”.



Even some Malay commenters vouched that the sentiment highlighted by the poster was real.

One claimed that “non-Malays have under-estimated the Malays in every aspect”, thus warned of a “majority ready to explode” while another asked those not happy “to come under an all-Malay rule” to leave the country.



Whether one chooses to subscribe to this view is entirely individual choice. What is not in question right now that the social climate in Malaysia is far from conducive.

Can a middle ground be reached or will extremist elements keep pulling at the edges till the very fabric of Malaysian society is torn asunder.

Justified or not, there is real frustration, disenchantment and disillusionment from both sides of the divide. At the moment, it looks very much like the on-going racial/religious discord will be allowed to roll on to its bitter end. – March 12, 2026

***

You have been warned!