Friday, October 23, 2026

No Country for Good Men

 

Dennis Ignatius

~ Provoking discussion, dissent & debate on politics, diplomacy, human rights & civil society.

No Country for Good Men

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[1] On 21 October, Mohd Shuhaily Mohd Zain, director-general of the Malaysian Border Control and Protection Agency (MCBA), stood in the dock at the Sepang Magistrate’s Court and pleaded not guilty to two charges of voluntarily causing hurt to two Special Branch officers at KLIA on 28 September. The charges, under Section 323 of the Penal Code, are compoundable and carry at most a year in jail or a RM2,000 fine.[1]

[2] Consider the context. Shuhaily came to MCBA in July 2025 after 26 years of exemplary service in the police, including as director of the CID at Bukit Aman. He inherited an airport where “counter-setting” – syndicates paying officers to wave foreigners through without proper checks – had long been an open secret. Barely ten weeks into his tenure, the MACC detained 18 MCBA officers from KLIA’s two terminals over precisely such a racket and froze more than RM1 million in bank accounts.[2] By his own account, he was at KLIA on 28 September leading an operation against a foreign tout syndicate and rising drug and contraband seizures.

[3] There is no question that agents of the government must at all times behave appropriately; his guilt or innocence is something for the courts to decide. But the circumstances surrounding this case invite questions – and, inevitably, speculation. Here was a senior officer who led from the front, at the very place where the rot was said to be deepest. Then came an altercation, and suddenly all hell broke loose.

[4] Then CCTV footage surfaced and was shared widely. Recordings from inside our main airport do not usually find their way online by accident. MCBA lodged its own police report asking whether the leak was meant to tarnish the agency and its chief. Malaysians deserve an answer.

[5] Then there is the unusual speed with which the case was brought to court: twenty-three days from incident to charge. In Malaysia, the wheels of justice usually turn slowly. Families of those who die in custody, often in violent circumstances, wait years for answers; accountability seldom follows. Here, however, it has been full speed ahead – two charges over a single confrontation, for an offence the law itself treats as compoundable. Justice that is swift for some and glacial for others is neither proportionate nor consistent – and only invites further speculation.

[6] Curiously, though an agency chief now faces criminal charges, the government has not asked him to step aside pending trial. That suggests even it does not regard the matter as grave.

[7] Taken together, the optics suggest that perhaps something else is going on. I make no allegation about anyone’s motives. But when the normally ponderous wheels of justice suddenly spin at speed for one man – a man disrupting interests long thought untouchable – people will draw their own conclusions. In a nation where trust in institutions is already threadbare, perception is no trivial matter.

[8] At the heart of Malaysia’s immigration crisis is a deeply corrupt bureaucracy, one that has defied successive attempts to clean it up. We now have a man of integrity in charge of securing our borders and disrupting the syndicates and cartels that have operated with impunity for years. That he, rather than the criminals, now stands in the dock raises uncomfortable questions.

[9] Our leaders speak eloquently about integrity, good governance and the fight against corruption. Yet time and again, those who actually live by those values are pushed out, sidelined or retired – a Chief Justice of unimpeachable integrity and a widely respected deputy IGP come to mind. By contrast, an MACC chief mired in controversy was given extension after extension. In Malaysia today, it is integrity, not corruption, that ends careers.

[10] “Changing something comes at a price,” Shuhaily said before he was charged. “If that price is myself, then I will pay it.” That is the measure of the man, and I, for one, salute his courage and his service. The question is whether ours has become a country where those who try to change things are the ones made to pay. Is there still room for good men here? If the answer is no, the syndicates will have won – without having to lift a finger.

[Dennis Ignatius |Kuala Lumpur |23 October 2026]

OPINION | When Coffee Becomes a Racial Issue, Somebody Is Brewing Trouble



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OPINION | When Coffee Becomes a Racial Issue, Somebody Is Brewing Trouble


23 Oct 2026 • 8:00 AM MYT



Mihar Dias


https://amp.scmp.com/week-asia/lifestyle-culture/article/3371474/how-malaysian-coffee-shop-menu-became-latest-political-battleground

By Mihar Dias October 2026


In Malaysia, you can get into trouble for saying the wrong thing, wearing the wrong thing, supporting the wrong person and, apparently, ordering the right thing from the wrong menu.



Welcome to the wonderful world of Malaysian politics, where even a cup of coffee can acquire racial, cultural and electoral significance.


The latest victim of our national obsession is Oriental Kopi, the homegrown coffee-shop chain whose menu has attracted controversy because it features English and Chinese but omits Bahasa Melayu. According to the South China Morning Post, the omission has prompted calls for a boycott and reignited arguments about race, national identity and the status of the national language. https://amp.scmp.com/week-asia/lifestyle-culture/article/3371474/how-malaysian-coffee-shop-menu-became-latest-political-battleground



The timing is interesting. Melaka goes to the polls on November 14. Suddenly, a menu is no longer merely a menu. It has become a potential manifesto, a test of patriotism and an opportunity for politicians to demonstrate their commitment to defending Malay identity.


One wonders what would happen if somebody discovered that a politician's favourite restaurant had no Malay translations on its menu. Would the politician boycott the restaurant, or would the restaurant be declared a threat to national unity?



In Malaysia, never underestimate the political possibilities of a misplaced noun.


The customers have already voted with their wallets.


Here lies the delicious irony.


Oriental Kopi reportedly attracts substantial numbers of Malay customers. They queue for its food, enjoy its coffee and spend their money there. They do not appear to require a political scientist to explain the cultural implications of ordering an egg tart.


They go because they like what the establishment offers.


This is what the marketplace is supposed to do. Customers choose where to eat, what to buy and how much they are prepared to pay. They make decisions based on taste, price, convenience, service and the experience they receive.



They do not necessarily consult a racial manifesto before deciding whether to have breakfast.


Apparently, however, some people have decided that the absence of Bahasa Melayu from a menu is sufficient reason to question the establishment's national credentials.


Bahasa Melayu is our national language. Its presence in the public life of Malaysia deserves respect, and businesses serving Malaysians have perfectly good reasons to make their menus accessible in the national language. Including Malay would be sensible, inclusive and commercially practical.



But there is a difference between asking a business to improve and turning its shortcomings into a racial confrontation.


One approach solves a problem. The other manufactures one.


Why the selective outrage?


If the concern is genuinely about the dignity of Bahasa Melayu, then let us apply the same principle consistently.


Are all restaurants and coffee shops being examined for their language choices? Are businesses that use English predominantly being subjected to the same scrutiny? Are we going to audit every menu, signboard and advertising campaign in the country?



Or is the indignation reserved for a particular establishment when its controversy happens to be politically convenient?


Consistency is the inconvenient test of sincerity.


It is easy to champion a cause when the target is popular, the outrage is contagious and the political rewards are potentially attractive. It is considerably harder to apply the same standards to everybody, including one's friends, supporters and commercial interests.


The national language should not need a general election to remind businesses of its importance.



Nor should every omission require a boycott before somebody notices it.


Enter the guardians of national identity.


As the Melaka election approaches, the temptation to exploit an emotional issue is obvious. The SCMP report places the controversy against the backdrop of political competition for Malay support.


This is hardly a uniquely Malaysian phenomenon. Politicians everywhere discover causes that can be converted into votes. The difference is that in Malaysia, the list of potentially combustible subjects is long enough to keep an entire industry of political opportunists employed.



A language issue can become a racial issue. A racial issue can become a question of loyalty. And a question of loyalty can become an electoral weapon.


By the time the argument has travelled through social media, a coffee-shop menu may be carrying more political baggage than the customers sitting at its tables.


Meanwhile, the original problem remains remarkably simple: the menu does not include Bahasa Melayu.


Fortunately, the solution does not require a parliamentary select committee, a royal commission or a national unity summit.



Print a better menu.


Oriental Kopi's founder, Calvin Chan, has apologised and indicated that improvements are being made. That is a reasonable response to reasonable criticism. The company can demonstrate its commitment by following through.


Customers can then decide whether the revised menu meets their expectations. Those who remain dissatisfied are free to take their business elsewhere.


That is how adults resolve commercial disagreements.


Patriotism is not a breakfast special.


There is something deeply revealing about a society that repeatedly confuses symbols with substance.



We can argue passionately about which language appears on a menu while overlooking more consequential questions about the quality of education, the cost of living, public accountability and whether institutions are serving the people they are supposed to serve.


We can demand visible demonstrations of patriotism from a business while remaining remarkably tolerant of shortcomings in other areas of public life.


A translated menu is useful. It makes customers feel included and allows them to understand what they are ordering. But it is not a certificate of moral character.



Likewise, the absence of a translation does not, by itself, establish hostility towards a language, a community or a country.


Businesses should be judged by their conduct, their service and their willingness to correct legitimate shortcomings. Politicians should be judged by their performance, their integrity and the quality of their policies.


Neither should be allowed to escape scrutiny simply because the public is busy arguing about something else.


After more than five decades observing human behaviour in organisations and society, I have learnt that people are remarkably good at turning small problems into large dramas when there is something to gain from doing so.



Sometimes it is ego. Sometimes it is attention. Sometimes it is the prospect of political advantage.


And sometimes, all three are served in the same cup.


Malaysia does not need to choose between respecting Bahasa Melayu and enjoying a cup of coffee at Oriental Kopi. We can do both without difficulty.


So, by all means, improve the menu. Respect the national language. Make customers feel welcome.


But let us not pretend that a missing translation is proof of a national crisis.


In Malaysia, the coffee may be Oriental, the menu may be bilingual, but the politics is always served with an extra shot of racial anxiety.

Indonesia Minister Admits Forest Fires Are Difficult to Put Out as 1.9 Million Hectares of Land Burn



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Indonesia Minister Admits Forest Fires Are Difficult to Put Out as 1.9 Million Hectares of Land Burn


23 Oct 2026 • 11:53 AM MYT


As transboundary haze continues to shroud parts of Malaysia, the Indonesian government has officially defended its response efforts, insisting that authorities are working tirelessly despite encountering immense natural and logistical obstacles on the ground.


According to Utusan Malaysia, the response comes amid growing frustration from the public and online criticism regarding the choking air quality currently affecting neighboring countries, with claims suggesting a sluggish response to the crisis.




“People don’t see what is happening on the ground”

Addressing the situation, Indonesia’s Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Dudung Abdurachman, denied allegations that the government has been slow to react to the escalating forest fires.


Speaking during a 45-minute video conference, Dudung emphasised that key ministries and agencies, including the National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB), the Ministry of Forestry, and the Ministry of Environment, are actively coordinating firefighting operations.


“The Forestry Minister is genuinely serious about carrying out his duties. The public simply does not know everything that is being done behind the scenes,” Dudung stated, addressing backlash over the spreading haze.

He acknowledged the harsh realities faced by firefighters on the frontlines, where rapidly spreading bushfires, dense smoke, and hard-to-reach locations make extinguishing peatland blazes exceptionally difficult.



Dudung also touched upon online critiques concerning Indonesia’s alleged lack of response to Malaysia’s offers of assistance, explaining the complex challenges hindering rapid containment.


Over 1.9 million hectares burned, an area 12 times the size of London

Utusan Malaysia further reported that the true scale of the environmental disaster has been highlighted by environmental monitoring group Nusantara Atlas. According to their satellite image analysis, more than 1.9 million hectares (1,916,588 hectares) of land across Indonesia were consumed by fire between January and late September this year alone.


Nusantara Atlas founder David Gaveau pointed out that this burned area is nearly 12 times the total size of London. Worse still, the actual damage is likely much higher than official estimates.


“The calculations for this year were affected because thick haze obscured satellite imagery at certain times.

“Therefore, the reported total burned area is actually lower than the real figure,” Gaveau explained.


How is the air quality in your area today? Are you wearing masks outdoors? Let us know in the comments below!

Also read: “We are still capable” – Indonesia Says It Can Handle Forest Fires With Its Own Resources Despite M’sia’s Offer to Help

Source: Utusan MalaysiaSource: Dudung Abdurachman | Facebook

The post Indonesia Minister Admits Forest Fires Are Difficult to Put Out as 1.9 Million Hectares of Land Burn appeared first on WORLD OF BUZZ.

Dear Datuk Takiyuddin Hassan, the public knew and remember what you said in May 2017 at a press conference at PAS HQ



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Dear Datuk Takiyuddin Hassan, the public knew and remember what you said in May 2017 at a press conference at PAS HQ


23 Oct 2026 • 9:30 AM MYT



Malay Mail


You said, quote and unquote:-The constitution in Selangor is clear on this; the excos are appointed by the Sultan.

And the exco will stay as long as the Sultan approves.
Only the Sultan can issue an order asking them to resign, or to sack them.


Recently, you questioned the Attorney General's view that the dismissal of 10 Negeri Sembilan exco members by Yang di-Pertuan Besar Tuanku Muhriz was lawful, arguing it allegedly contradicted state constitutional provisions requiring the Menteri Besar's advice.



Article 38(5) of the Laws of the Constitution of Negeri Sembilan 1959 specifically handles the tenure, dismissal, and resignation of Exco members.


In Selangor, Article 53 of the Laws of the Constitution of Selangor 1959 operates under the same constitutional principle rules.


Slightly more than 9 years, you strongly state, that only the Sultan of Selangor can issue an order asking the Exco to resign, or to sack them.



Why the change in your position when it comes to Negeri Sembilan as both Negeri Sembilan and Selangor have almost similar constitutional principle rules which are highly similar in intent?


Maybe you should enlighten the public the basis for your stance in the present imbroglio in Negeri Sembilan?


The public is now confused with the flip flop in your stance.


The public views that if a government, that was elected in a democratic system lies in a strict textual and literal reading of the constitutional clauses to stay in power, it is meaningless.


Democratic governance relies heavily on unwritten conventions, institutional checks, and political morality.


When these are ignored in favor of a literal reading that serves self-interest, the government may remain legally valid but loses its moral authority and democratic legitimacy in the eyes of the public.


Return the power to the people of Negeri Sembilan for them to vote and decide again would be more meaningful and in line with democratic ideals.


Chinese Tourist In Sabah Hides In Bushes After Fleeing From Security Guard Who Forcefully Undressed Her



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Chinese Tourist In Sabah Hides In Bushes After Fleeing From Security Guard Who Forcefully Undressed Her | WeirdKaya


23 Oct 2026 • 11:20 AM MYT



WeirdKaya




A tourist from China went through a horrific and traumatic experience while vacationing in Sabah after she nearly became a victim of rape last month.

According to HK01’s report, the tourist named Huang (transliteration), was spending the night at a hotel in Semporna on Sept 19 when a man broke into her hotel room while she was sleeping.


When she woke up, Huang found herself being pinned down by the suspect, who allegedly undressed her and attempted to commit rape, leading her to fight her way out of it.


Photo via Douyin


Hid in bushes till morning

Huang said she later managed to trick the suspect into taking a shower, thus giving her a chance to escape.

However, the suspect allegedly yanked her by the hair and dragged her to the ground as she tried to run, leading to multiple wounds on both of her legs.

Thankfully, Huang eventually managed to escape and found refuge in bushes halfway up a nearby mountain, where she endured bites from ants and mosquitoes which were feasting on her wounds.

According to Huang, she hid in the bush from 3.30am to 8am, while praying fervently and fearing that she would lost her life there and then.
Photo via Douyin


Eventually, she was found by the hotel’s staff and the suspect, later identified as an 18-year-old security guard working at the hotel, was caught.


Deeply traumitised

Although the suspect was arrested, Huang said the incident left her so shaken that’s too scared to close her eyes as she fears something untoward will happen to her.

She revealed that she paid more than a thousand yuan (over RM600) for the hotel, which is located on a mountain surrounded by an oil palm plantation.

Huang also reiterated that paying more for accommodation does not necessarily guarantee one’s safety.

Photo via Douyin


Suspect jailed

As for the suspect, Huang said he was a foreign national suspected of entering or remaining in Malaysia illegally without valid documents. He was also jailed for two years for trespassing.

Police reportedly informed Huang that legal action will be taken against employers who hire undocumented immigrants or workers without valid work permits.

When the Chinese Embassy intervened, it prompted the Sabah Tourism Board to check on Huang, who added the state government’s was closely monitoring the case.
Photo via Douyin


Huang said the hotel also contacted her after the attempted sexual assault but did not offer any compensation.

The case is now being handled by Huang’s lawyer.


Ab Rauf says BN must rethink its approach as Melaka polls loom





Ab Rauf says BN must rethink its approach as Melaka polls loom


He cited Alor Gajah as a case in point. BN won the Gadek, Asahan and Machap Jaya state seats in the constituency at the 2022 general election but failed to secure the parliamentary seat


Updated 25 seconds ago · Published on 23 Oct 2026 6:42PM


Ab Rauf said the party had to rethink how it identified and engaged voters instead of relying on methods that had worked in previous elections. - October 23, 2026


by Alfian Z.M. Tahir



BARISAN Nasional cannot assume that past electoral victories will guarantee future success, its Melaka chairman Datuk Seri Ab Rauf Yusoh has warned, pointing to the coalition’s defeat in Alor Gajah despite winning several state seats in the parliamentary constituency.

His remarks come as BN prepares for the Melaka state election on November 14, with the expansion of the electorate through Undi18 and automatic voter registration presenting parties with a different electoral landscape.

Ab Rauf said the party had to rethink how it identified and engaged voters instead of relying on methods that had worked in previous elections.

“In the past, we could register voters, collect their names and keep them in our basket. We would know that if we contested here, we could win,” he said.

That certainty had diminished with automatic voter registration, which brought more Malaysians into the electorate, including young people aged 18 and above and older citizens who had never voted before.

Ab Rauf said the party could no longer be certain of the preferences of voters who had entered the electoral roll automatically.

He cited Alor Gajah as a case in point. BN won the Gadek, Asahan and Machap Jaya state seats in the constituency at the 2022 general election but failed to secure the parliamentary seat.

The result, he said, should prompt the coalition to examine why its performance at state level had not translated into a parliamentary victory.

“I do not see the Alor Gajah machinery as weak. I see it as capable, but we have to ask why we lost,” he said.

BN won 21 of Melaka’s 28 state seats in the November 2021 election, giving it a comfortable majority to form the state government. But the result did not translate into comparable success at the parliamentary level in the general election a year later.

For Ab Rauf, that gap is a reason for the party to reassess its strengths and weaknesses before the next state contest, rather than assume that a strong grassroots machinery alone will be enough to secure victory.

He also warned that internal divisions could undermine BN’s chances, particularly if members allowed personal ambitions or dissatisfaction over candidate selection to take precedence over the coalition’s interests.

Members, he said, must accept the leadership’s choice of candidates and work together regardless of who is selected to contest.

“The party must win, not individuals,” he said, urging members to close ranks ahead of the election.

He said BN could not afford another defeat and called on its machinery to remain united throughout the campaign. – October 23, 2026

Federal Court to hear Negeri Sembilan exco members’ dismissal challenge on Dec 16






Federal Court to hear Negeri Sembilan exco members’ dismissal challenge on Dec 16



The Federal Court will hear on December 16 a challenge by 10 former Negeri Sembilan state executive council members against the ruler’s decision to revoke their appointments. — Picture by Raymond Manuel


Summary

  • The Federal Court will hear on December 16 the challenge by ten former Negeri Sembilan Exco members against their dismissal by the state ruler.
  • These ex-council members have posed legal questions based on the 1959 State Constitution concerning the ruler's authority to revoke their appointments.
  • The dismissal, enacted by the Yang Dipertuan Besar in September, was due to them allegedly breaching their pledge of allegiance, as stated in a gazette.


First Published: Friday, 23 Oct 2026 6:36 PM MYT


PUTRAJAYA, Oct 23 — The Federal Court has set December 16 to hear the legal bid filed by ten deposed Negeri Sembilan State Executive Council (Exco) members to challenge the state ruler’s decision last month to revoke their appointments.

Lawyer Datuk Wira Mohd Hafarizam Harun, representing the former exco members, and lawyer Marisa Regina Mohd Aris Rizal, appearing for the Negeri Sembilan government, confirmed the hearing date when contacted by Bernama after case management Deputy Registrar Azaraorni Abd Rahman.

The 10 are Datuk Mohd Faizal Ramli, Datuk Zaifulbahri Idris, Mustapha Nagoor, Siow Kong Choon, Siti Nur Umaira Hasim, Datuk Mohd Asna Amin, Datuk Mohd Razi Mohd Ali, Suhaimizan Bizar, Datuk Mohd Fairuz Mohd Isa and Datuk Razali Abu Samah.

They filed the notice of motion on October 14 and named the Negeri Sembilan State Secretary and the State Government as respondents.


Through the notice of motion, they are requesting that the court determine three legal questions concerning the effect and interpretation of provisions within the 1959 State Constitution of Negeri Sembilan — questions that have arisen from an originating summons they filed at the Seremban High Court.

On October 5, they filed an originating summons at the Seremban High Court to challenge the validity of the gazette notification revoking their appointments as members of the Negeri Sembilan State Exco.

One of the questions is whether Article 38(5), when read together with Articles 38(2), 38(3), 38(4), 40(1), 40(1A), and 40(2) of the State Constitution of Negeri Sembilan, authorises the Yang Dipertuan Besar to revoke the appointment of an Exco member without the advice of the Menteri Besar.

Should the answer to that question be in the negative, they seek a determination as to whether the revocation of the Exco appointments, as gazetted on September 24, was carried out in accordance with the State Constitution of Negeri Sembilan, and whether such revocation is null, void, and of no legal effect.


Another question is whether Article 38(5), read together with Article 28(1) of the State Constitution, implies that the term Raja Pemerintah (Ruler) refers to the Yang Dipertuan Besar, vesting him with the authority to revoke the appointment of an Exco member at his own discretion, without the advice of the Menteri Besar.

If the answer to this question is in the negative, then it must be determined whether their dismissal is contrary to the State Constitution.


On September 20, the Negeri Sembilan Palace announced that the Yang Dipertuan Besar, Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir, had revoked the appointments of the 10 Exco members with immediate effect.

The revocation of their appointments was gazetted on September 24, with their removal taking effect on September 20.

The gazette stated that their appointments were revoked and annulled because they violated their pledge of allegiance to Tuanku Muhriz when they agreed on Tuanku Muhriz’s removal as the Yang Dipertuan Besar. — Bernama

Even with its blue flag, PN offers BN little in Melaka — Phar Kim Beng






Even with its blue flag, PN offers BN little in Melaka — Phar Kim Beng



Summary

  • The High Court's decision to stay the deregistration of Perikatan Nasional (PN) temporarily bolsters its political standing, yet this does not instantly translate into electoral success, particularly in Melaka where Barisan Nasional (BN) remains dominant.
  • The structural, historical, and electoral landscape in Melaka favors BN, highlighting its entrenched networks and multiracial appeal, while PN struggles with internal coherence and limited grassroots support.
  • For BN, collaborating with PN poses strategic risks, potentially undermining its electoral position and creating voter confusion without promising significant political gains.
  • Overall, BN might benefit more from navigating the Melaka elections independently rather than aligning with PN.


First Published: Friday, 23 Oct 2026 10:53 AM MYT


OCTOBER 23 — The High Court's decision to stay the deregistration of Perikatan Nasional (PN) may have given the opposition coalition a temporary political lifeline.

Yet the restoration of its ability to function does not necessarily translate into electoral strength, especially in Melaka, where Barisan Nasional (BN) remains deeply entrenched.

Indeed, even if PN enters the November 14 state election with its familiar blue flag fluttering beside BN's equally recognisable blue banner, the latter has little to gain from such an arrangement.

The reasons are structural, historical and electoral.


First, Melaka is not Kedah, Kelantan or Terengganu, where PAS enjoys a formidable grassroots presence. Neither is it a state where PN has demonstrated an ability to displace BN as the principal political force.

In the 2021 Melaka state election, BN secured 21 of the 28 seats in the legislative assembly. Pakatan Harapan (PH) won five, while PN managed only two.


That electoral arithmetic remains important. It demonstrates that BN possesses an established political machinery, extensive local networks and a recognisable governing identity that PN has yet to replicate.

Second, BN's political strength in Melaka is not merely the consequence of its electoral logo. It is rooted in decades of organisational penetration through Umno, MCA and MIC, supported by local relationships that extend from villages and small towns to urban constituencies.


These networks cannot be manufactured overnight by PN, regardless of whether its registration is legally protected.

The court's intervention may preserve PN's political existence. It cannot automatically confer electoral legitimacy or grassroots depth.


Third, the internal divisions within PN have already exposed weaknesses in its organisational coherence.

The dispute involving Bersatu and PAS, culminating in the Registrar of Societies' decision to deregister the coalition, has demonstrated that PN's leadership structure is far from settled.

A coalition struggling to maintain internal consensus is hardly in a position to offer BN a dependable partnership.

BN would therefore be assuming additional political risks without securing commensurate electoral benefits.

Fourth, the two coalitions are competing for overlapping segments of the Malay electorate.

While some political strategists may argue that cooperation between BN and PN would consolidate Malay votes, such calculations overlook the differences between their respective political identities.

Umno remains a Malay nationalist party with a long history of governing a multiracial federation.

PAS, conversely, draws much of its political identity from religious mobilisation.

These differences are not necessarily irreconcilable.

However, they complicate any attempt to forge a seamless electoral understanding, particularly in a state where BN already possesses a strong advantage.

Fifth, cooperation with PN could undermine BN's efforts to rebuild confidence among moderate Malays, Chinese, Indians and other communities.

Melaka's electorate is neither politically homogeneous nor uniformly receptive to religiously framed political mobilisation.

For BN, maintaining its multiracial character is essential to preserving its traditional appeal.

An electoral partnership that appears excessively dependent on PAS could create unnecessary anxieties among non-Malay voters without guaranteeing substantial additional Malay support.

Sixth, BN has already demonstrated renewed electoral competitiveness in Johor and Negeri Sembilan.

These developments have strengthened the argument within Umno that the party should recover its political confidence rather than perpetually seek alliances from a position of uncertainty.

The strategic question for BN is therefore not how much PN can contribute, but whether PN's involvement would dilute BN's ability to claim an independent mandate.

In Melaka, the answer may be particularly straightforward.

Seventh, PN's presence could complicate BN's relationship with PH under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's Unity Government.

Although federal cooperation does not automatically require identical electoral arrangements at the state level, political consistency remains important.

BN cannot indefinitely benefit from federal stability while simultaneously entertaining competing political alignments that may weaken confidence in the governing coalition.

Such contradictions would become increasingly difficult to explain as Malaysia approaches the 16th general election.

Eighth, PN's political predicament is fundamentally its own.

The legal controversy surrounding its registration originated from disputes within the coalition, particularly over Bersatu's participation in its decision-making processes.

BN has no compelling reason to inherit these difficulties.

Even if the courts provide PN with temporary protection, the underlying problems of leadership, trust and coalition management remain unresolved.

A judicial stay is not a political reconciliation.

Ninth, the presence of two competing blue flags could confuse rather than consolidate voters.

BN's blue has historically represented continuity, experience and institutional familiarity.

PN's blue, meanwhile, represents an alternative political formation that has frequently challenged BN's leadership of Malay politics.

Placing both banners within the same electoral understanding risks blurring their respective identities.

For BN, whose principal objective should be to strengthen its own political brand, this would constitute an unnecessary strategic concession.

Finally, Melaka provides BN with an opportunity to demonstrate that its political recovery is genuine.

If BN can secure a convincing mandate without becoming dependent on PN, it would strengthen Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi's position and reinforce the coalition's bargaining power nationally.

It would also establish that BN's electoral relevance is not contingent upon PAS or any other political formation.

This does not mean PN should be denied its legitimate right to participate in democratic elections.

The courts must determine the legal questions independently, while voters should remain free to choose among competing parties.

But legal survival and electoral usefulness are two entirely different propositions.

PN may have regained the opportunity to fly its flag.



A Perikatan Nasional campaigner installs flags ahead of the 15th Johor state election in Larkin, Feb 28, 2022. — Picture by Hari Anggara



Whether that flag commands sufficient support in Melaka remains another question altogether.

For BN, the calculation is simpler. In a state where its own blue flag already commands considerable recognition, BN has little reason to invite another blue flag to compete for the same political space.

Melaka should be an opportunity for BN to consolidate its recovery, not an occasion to rescue PN from its own contradictions.

Ultimately, BN has more to gain by standing confidently on its own feet than by leaning on a coalition still struggling to establish its political footing.



* Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is Professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia and Director of the Institute of International and Asean Studies (IINTAS).


Why Taiwan is racing against time as it waits for US missiles and defence systems






Why Taiwan is racing against time as it waits for US missiles and defence systems



An US-made MIM-104 Patriot surface-to-air missile is launched during a live fire exercise at the Chiupeng missile base in Pingtung county on August 20, 2024. — AFP pic


Summary

  • Taiwan awaits approval from U.S. President Donald Trump on a $14 billion arms sale crucial for deterring potential Chinese aggression, amidst historical American commitment to Taiwanese defense.
  • Despite Taiwan's domestic military enhancements, U.S. arms remain vital; however, Trump has suggested arms deals could serve as leverage in U.S.-China trade discussions, leading to delays.
  • The proposed package, including Patriot missiles and air defense systems, falls under scrutiny, with options to segment the deal to avoid straining U.S.-China relations.
  • Taiwan, concerned about increasing regional tensions, emphasizes the urgency of acquiring these defense capabilities.


First Published: Friday, 23 Oct 2026 7:00 AM MYT


TAIPEI, Oct 23 — Taiwan has been waiting months for US President Donald Trump to approve a US$14 billion (RM57 billion) sale of weapons and equipment, which the island democracy would use to fend off a potential Chinese attack.

Washington – Taipei’s most important security backer – has sold many billions of dollars’ worth of arms to Taiwan, most recently in December when it approved a record US$11.1 billion package.

China opposes American military support for Taiwan, which Beijing claims is part of its territory and has threatened to seize with force.

Trump, who last month hailed his “great friendship” with Chinese President Xi Jinping, has resisted US political pressure, including from Republican lawmakers, to give the green light for the current arms package.


AFP takes a look at what’s in it and why it’s being held up:

Why is Taiwan buying US arms?

Taiwan is spending huge sums upgrading its defence capabilities and expanding its domestic weapons production capacity, but it still needs US arms to deter China.

Since Washington switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing in 1979, the United States has stuck to its commitments under the Taiwan Relations Act to provide weapons to Taiwan for its defence.


But Trump said in May that US arms sales to Taiwan could be a bargaining chip with China, setting off alarm bells across the world.

Taipei has reminded Trump of US commitments, and US officials including Secretary of State Marco Rubio have insisted American policy on Taiwan has not changed.


The sale would signal US support for Taiwan and send a message to Beijing that if it launched an attack, it would not face “Taiwan alone”, said Wang Ting-yu, a senior lawmaker in President Lai Ching-te’s Democratic Progressive Party.



A Taiwanese military Patriot missile system is deployed at a local park during the annual Han Kuang military exercise in New Taipei City on August 6, 2026. — AFP pic



What’s in the package?

Taiwan is developing a multi-layered air defence system, known as the T-Dome, that it hopes could counter a potential Chinese attack.

Patriot missiles, an automated command and control system and a 360-degree air defence radar system are seen as critical components of this system and are among the items in the US$14 billion package.

“Together these systems can strengthen the resilience of Taiwan’s strategic air defences,” said Su Tzu-yun, a military expert at the Taipei-based Institute for National Defense and Security Research.

Money for the weapons system is expected to come from a US$25 billion defence spending bill passed by Taiwan’s parliament in May after months of political wrangling.

Why has it been delayed?

Trump and Xi met in Beijing in May – the first of four expected meetings for 2026 – as the rival leaders sought to ease trade tensions between their countries.

Xi issued a blunt warning to Trump that missteps on Taiwan could push the US and China into “conflict”.

A record US$14 billion arms sale to Taiwan could threaten the US-China trade truce.

“I’m going to make a determination. I’m going to see,” Trump said after the summit in response to a question about whether he would go ahead with arms sales to Taiwan.

Rubio said in June that the proposed package was “under review”, while officials said in May they were assessing whether American weapons stockpiles were sufficient for its Iran operations.

A US official said recently that the chances of the package being split into smaller chunks “have gone way up”.

Some Taiwanese officials have said they do not care if the US bundles the arms into a single package or multiple – they just want the weapons.

“Militarily... Taiwan is racing against time,” said the analyst Su.

“Acquiring weapons is not like ordering at a drive-through. Production, delivery and training all take time before the systems can enter service and become effective.” — AFP

US weighs ‘mother of all bombs’ against Iran as Tehran teases ‘father of all bombs’





US weighs ‘mother of all bombs’ against Iran as Tehran teases ‘father of all bombs’


Reports that Washington is considering deploying its largest non-nuclear bomb against Iran’s deeply buried nuclear facilities have been met with Tehran’s claim that it is preparing a new weapon of its own


Updated 2 hours ago · Published on 23 Oct 2026 2:07PM


Brent crude climbs to US$111.74 a barrel amid fears of further escalation - October 23, 2026


THE United States and Iran have raised the prospect of a new phase in their conflict, with Washington reportedly considering its 9,979kg “Mother of All Bombs” for a strike on an underground Iranian nuclear site while Tehran says it is preparing to unveil a weapon dubbed the “Father of All Bombs”.

The New York Times reported that US and Israeli military commanders were drawing up plans for a short but intense campaign targeting Iran’s nuclear sites, energy infrastructure, missile arsenals and drones after the US midterm elections.

US President Donald Trump has reportedly proposed using the GBU-43/B Massive Ordnance Air Blast bomb against the Pickaxe Mountain nuclear site, which is buried beneath thick layers of granite.

However, the weapon’s effectiveness against deeply fortified underground facilities remains uncertain. CNN reported that US military planners had questioned whether the bomb could penetrate the rock and destroy the targeted nuclear infrastructure.

The GPS-guided conventional bomb can devastate a large area, but its ability to achieve Washington’s strategic objectives against Iran’s deeply buried facilities is in doubt.

Officials cited in reports said Trump was particularly interested in the weapon, partly because of its name.

Meanwhile, Hossein Mohabi, a spokesman for Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, said Tehran was preparing to unveil a new weapon in response to the escalating confrontation.

“We are in the preparation stage of unveiling the ‘Father of All Bombs.’ It is a new weapon for our enemies,” he told YJCNA on Wednesday.

Mohabi did not reveal the weapon’s type, destructive power, operational capabilities or when it would be unveiled.

The reported weapons plans come as Brent crude rose 2.68 per cent to US$111.74 a barrel on Thursday, amid concerns that renewed US-Israeli strikes could further disrupt energy supplies.

Trump had pledged earlier this month not to launch fresh attacks before the midterm elections, which are approaching in about 12 days. US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth visited Israel this week to discuss the reported plans with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Some US planners reportedly believe a three-day bombing campaign could further weaken Iran’s economy and pressure Tehran to make concessions over its nuclear programme after nearly eight months of war. However, there is no guarantee that the operation will proceed, as Trump has previously cancelled planned military action.

Iran has warned that any new attacks could trigger retaliation against a wider range of targets, including oil tankers, energy facilities, data centres and undersea internet cables.

“Our attacks will be more devastating, creative and different,” said Mahdi Mohammadi, a senior adviser to Iran’s chief negotiator. - October 23, 2026

Sarawak assembly to dissolve next Monday

 


Sarawak assembly to dissolve next Monday

Sarawak assembly to dissolve next Monday

Premier Abang Johari Openg says the Yang di-Pertua Negeri has approved his request to dissolve the assembly, with polling due within 60 days.

Abang Johari Openg
Sarawak premier Abang Johari Openg announced the dissolution of the state assembly at a press conference in Kuching today.
PETALING JAYA:
The Sarawak legislative assembly will be dissolved next Monday, paving the way for the 13th state election to be held within the next 60 days.

Premier Abang Johari Openg told a press conference in Kuching today the Yang di-Pertua Negeri, Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar, had consented to his request to dissolve the state assembly.

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