Truth about the "grandma banned from Hong Kong"
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Monday, February 23, 2026
National Emergency: The Roast Pork Crisis
OPINION | National Emergency: The Roast Pork Crisis
22 Feb 2026 • 6:00 PM MYT
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Fa Abdul
Photo credit: Malay Mail
Ladies and gentlemen, brace yourselves for a new national tragedy.
A senior minister has spoken about pork.
Not GDP. Not the fiscal deficit. Not policy paralysis.
Pork.
And according to certain analysts, this was a “new low” for the nation.
One almost expects the Jalur Gemilang to lower itself in embarrassment.
Let’s unpack this supposed catastrophe.
Pig farming in Selangor was under controversy. Malaysian Chinese families were preparing for CNY. Anxiety began bubbling - not just about meat, but about whether a cultural tradition might be disrupted.
A minister stepped up and said, “Supply is stable. There will be roast pigs at every CNY reunion dinners.”
The crowd cheered.
And somehow, this was political degeneration?
Fascinating.
Petty announcements? Really?
According to critics, this announcement was beneath the dignity of high office. A leader of the largest party in government should not be speaking about meat supply. That responsibility, we are told, should have been left to a deputy minister buried somewhere deep inside an agricultural spreadsheet.
And yet, when chicken prices spike, ministers rush to markets with cameras in tow. When cooking oil shortages hit, leaders hold press conferences. When rice prices worry households, they reassure Malaysians that supply will stabilise and the government will intervene to protect affordability.
In fact, PM Anwar Ibrahim himself has repeatedly addressed ordinary Malaysians directly about basic food affordability - because he understands that governance is not an abstract theory class. It lives in kitchens and at dining tables.
Was that beneath him?
Did anyone say, “Prime Minister, please leave the rice to a deputy minister”?
Did anyone gasp, “How dare the Prime Minister mention rice?”
Nope.
Because rice is serious. Chicken is serious. Cooking oil are serious.
When ministers tour wet markets and stores before Hari Raya to inspect prices, they are praised for being close to the rakyat. When the government announces price controls, it is decisive leadership. When cost-of-living packages are unveiled, it is compassion in action.
But pork?
Suddenly we are managing a hawker stall?
When it affects the majority, it is economic stewardship. When it affects a minority, is it suddenly grocery-store politics?
Please-lah.
Governance happens at dining tables
Let’s be honest. In Malaysia, festive food is not a side issue. It is emotional currency. Chinese New Year without roast pork is not merely a menu adjustment - it is cultural disruption.
When there was public anxiety over pig farming in Selangor, reassurance was not trivial. It was preventive politics.
If that felt like a “new low,” perhaps we need to revisit our definition of high office.
Because governance does not only happen in Putrajaya boardrooms. It happens at dining tables. At reunion dinners. In the quiet relief of knowing traditions continued uninterrupted.
Malaysia has many real crises. A roast pork announcement was not one of them.
Ladies and gentlemen, brace yourselves for a new national tragedy.
A senior minister has spoken about pork.
Not GDP. Not the fiscal deficit. Not policy paralysis.
Pork.
And according to certain analysts, this was a “new low” for the nation.
One almost expects the Jalur Gemilang to lower itself in embarrassment.
Let’s unpack this supposed catastrophe.
Pig farming in Selangor was under controversy. Malaysian Chinese families were preparing for CNY. Anxiety began bubbling - not just about meat, but about whether a cultural tradition might be disrupted.
A minister stepped up and said, “Supply is stable. There will be roast pigs at every CNY reunion dinners.”
The crowd cheered.
And somehow, this was political degeneration?
Fascinating.
Petty announcements? Really?
According to critics, this announcement was beneath the dignity of high office. A leader of the largest party in government should not be speaking about meat supply. That responsibility, we are told, should have been left to a deputy minister buried somewhere deep inside an agricultural spreadsheet.
And yet, when chicken prices spike, ministers rush to markets with cameras in tow. When cooking oil shortages hit, leaders hold press conferences. When rice prices worry households, they reassure Malaysians that supply will stabilise and the government will intervene to protect affordability.
In fact, PM Anwar Ibrahim himself has repeatedly addressed ordinary Malaysians directly about basic food affordability - because he understands that governance is not an abstract theory class. It lives in kitchens and at dining tables.
Was that beneath him?
Did anyone say, “Prime Minister, please leave the rice to a deputy minister”?
Did anyone gasp, “How dare the Prime Minister mention rice?”
Nope.
Because rice is serious. Chicken is serious. Cooking oil are serious.
When ministers tour wet markets and stores before Hari Raya to inspect prices, they are praised for being close to the rakyat. When the government announces price controls, it is decisive leadership. When cost-of-living packages are unveiled, it is compassion in action.
But pork?
Suddenly we are managing a hawker stall?
When it affects the majority, it is economic stewardship. When it affects a minority, is it suddenly grocery-store politics?
Please-lah.
Governance happens at dining tables
Let’s be honest. In Malaysia, festive food is not a side issue. It is emotional currency. Chinese New Year without roast pork is not merely a menu adjustment - it is cultural disruption.
When there was public anxiety over pig farming in Selangor, reassurance was not trivial. It was preventive politics.
If that felt like a “new low,” perhaps we need to revisit our definition of high office.
Because governance does not only happen in Putrajaya boardrooms. It happens at dining tables. At reunion dinners. In the quiet relief of knowing traditions continued uninterrupted.
Malaysia has many real crises. A roast pork announcement was not one of them.
***
I just love Fatima ššš
Speaker denies DAP MP's motion to discuss Azam's shares scandal
Speaker denies DAP MP's motion to discuss Azam's shares scandal
Qistina Nadia Dzulqarnain
Published: Feb 23, 2026 3:37 PM
Updated: 7:49 PM
PARLIAMENT | Dewan Rakyat speaker Johari Abdul has rejected a government MP’s bid to have Parliament discuss MACC chief commissioner Azam Baki’s share ownership in two publicly listed companies.
Johari said he had decided to decline the motion submitted by Ramkarpal Singh (Harapan-Bukit Gelugor) as the government has since established a special committee to probe the matter.
“Since there is already a committee and investigations are ongoing, I will have to reject the motion,” the speaker said in the lower house today in response to the DAP MP’s queries on the status of his motion.
Replying to Johari’s rejection, Ramkarpal argued that lawmakers’ discussions on matters implicating Azam could run concurrently with the committee’s ongoing probes.
“In my view, even though there is a committee investigating (the matter), it is just a committee - it does not prevent this house from discussing the issue, which has made headlines and calls for an urgent debate,” he said.
Despite the former deputy law minister’s insistence on the matter, Johari affirmed that the committee should be given “space” to conduct its investigations.
He noted, however, that he might allow debates on the issue once the committee has released its findings.
Published: Feb 23, 2026 3:37 PM
Updated: 7:49 PM
PARLIAMENT | Dewan Rakyat speaker Johari Abdul has rejected a government MP’s bid to have Parliament discuss MACC chief commissioner Azam Baki’s share ownership in two publicly listed companies.
Johari said he had decided to decline the motion submitted by Ramkarpal Singh (Harapan-Bukit Gelugor) as the government has since established a special committee to probe the matter.
“Since there is already a committee and investigations are ongoing, I will have to reject the motion,” the speaker said in the lower house today in response to the DAP MP’s queries on the status of his motion.
Replying to Johari’s rejection, Ramkarpal argued that lawmakers’ discussions on matters implicating Azam could run concurrently with the committee’s ongoing probes.
“In my view, even though there is a committee investigating (the matter), it is just a committee - it does not prevent this house from discussing the issue, which has made headlines and calls for an urgent debate,” he said.
Despite the former deputy law minister’s insistence on the matter, Johari affirmed that the committee should be given “space” to conduct its investigations.
He noted, however, that he might allow debates on the issue once the committee has released its findings.
Bukit Gelugor MP Ramkarpal Singh
Ramkarpal submitted the motion to Johari’s office on Feb 12, amid mounting pressure on the government to investigate Azam, who previously held considerable shares in financial services company Velocity Capital Partner Berhad and Awanbiru Technology Berhad.
While it is not known how much Azam paid for the shares, the lowest Velocity Capital shares traded last year were RM0.015 per unit, meaning the MACC chief’s holdings could have been worth RM265,500 - at the minimum.
Records from the Companies Commission of Malaysia showed that, as of Jan 13, Azam held slightly over 4.52 million shares in Awanbiru, representing a 1.08 percent stake.
The shares were valued at RM0.305 each on Jan 13, putting Azam’s stake at almost RM1.38 million at that time.
Ramkarpal submitted the motion to Johari’s office on Feb 12, amid mounting pressure on the government to investigate Azam, who previously held considerable shares in financial services company Velocity Capital Partner Berhad and Awanbiru Technology Berhad.
While it is not known how much Azam paid for the shares, the lowest Velocity Capital shares traded last year were RM0.015 per unit, meaning the MACC chief’s holdings could have been worth RM265,500 - at the minimum.
Records from the Companies Commission of Malaysia showed that, as of Jan 13, Azam held slightly over 4.52 million shares in Awanbiru, representing a 1.08 percent stake.
The shares were valued at RM0.305 each on Jan 13, putting Azam’s stake at almost RM1.38 million at that time.
MACC chief commissioner Azam Baki
Following reports on the matter by Malaysiakini and Bloomberg, Azam claimed he had declared his shareholdings with the Public Service Department.
Without addressing his non-compliance with the RM100,000-per-company limit for civil servants, he also said he had disposed of his portfolio by July last year, although he did not specify the exact date of disposal.
Three-member committee
The special committee tasked with probing the allegations against Azam is led by Attorney-General Dusuki Mokhtar alongside Public Service Department director-general Wan Ahmad Dahlan Abdul Aziz and Treasury secretary-general Johan Mahmood Merican.
Chief Secretary to the Government Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar’s previous statement indicated that the committee’s scope of investigation is only on the issue of Azam’s shareholding.
This was later backed by Dusuki, who said the committee’s probe does not involve any criminal elements.
Following reports on the matter by Malaysiakini and Bloomberg, Azam claimed he had declared his shareholdings with the Public Service Department.
Without addressing his non-compliance with the RM100,000-per-company limit for civil servants, he also said he had disposed of his portfolio by July last year, although he did not specify the exact date of disposal.
Three-member committee
The special committee tasked with probing the allegations against Azam is led by Attorney-General Dusuki Mokhtar alongside Public Service Department director-general Wan Ahmad Dahlan Abdul Aziz and Treasury secretary-general Johan Mahmood Merican.
Chief Secretary to the Government Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar’s previous statement indicated that the committee’s scope of investigation is only on the issue of Azam’s shareholding.
This was later backed by Dusuki, who said the committee’s probe does not involve any criminal elements.
Chief Secretary to the Government Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar
This is despite another allegation that surfaced claiming that MACC officers had colluded with private individuals to strong-arm business rivals and stage corporate takeovers.
Yesterday, Shamsul said the committee had summoned the top anti-graft officer and would speak with other witnesses to complete its investigation.
"The outcome of the investigation and recommendations for any further action will be forwarded to the relevant authorities, including in cases where it is found that there is a violation of law or rules," he added in a statement.
This is despite another allegation that surfaced claiming that MACC officers had colluded with private individuals to strong-arm business rivals and stage corporate takeovers.
Yesterday, Shamsul said the committee had summoned the top anti-graft officer and would speak with other witnesses to complete its investigation.
"The outcome of the investigation and recommendations for any further action will be forwarded to the relevant authorities, including in cases where it is found that there is a violation of law or rules," he added in a statement.
Seputeh MP’s car broken into at Bukit Kiara park
FMT:
Seputeh MP’s car broken into at Bukit Kiara park
Teresa Kok says she lost about RM2,000, her identity card, ang pow money, credit cards and other important documents
Seputeh MP Teresa Kok filed a police report after her car was broken into and her handbag stolen. (Facebook pic)
PETALING JAYA: Seputeh MP Teresa Kok has called on Kuala Lumpur City Hall (DBKL) to install CCTV cameras at the parking area of Bukit Kiara park after her car was broken into yesterday evening.
In a Facebook post, Kok said she went jogging at the park at around 6.15pm and discovered the break-in when she returned to her car at about 7pm.
She said the front passenger-side window was broken, and her handbag in the footwell was missing.
“I lost about RM2,000 in cash and ang pow money, as well as my identity card, various credit cards and other important documents,” she said.
Kok said she immediately lodged a report at the Taman Tun Dr Ismail police station, and forensic officers arrived shortly after to take photographs and lift fingerprints from her vehicle.
Noting that car break-ins and theft of valuables often occur in the area, Kok called on DBKL to take action.
“I sincerely hope that DBKL will install CCTV cameras at the parking area of Bukit Kiara park to facilitate police investigations into crimes that take place there,” she said.
In a Facebook post, Kok said she went jogging at the park at around 6.15pm and discovered the break-in when she returned to her car at about 7pm.
She said the front passenger-side window was broken, and her handbag in the footwell was missing.
“I lost about RM2,000 in cash and ang pow money, as well as my identity card, various credit cards and other important documents,” she said.
Kok said she immediately lodged a report at the Taman Tun Dr Ismail police station, and forensic officers arrived shortly after to take photographs and lift fingerprints from her vehicle.
Noting that car break-ins and theft of valuables often occur in the area, Kok called on DBKL to take action.
“I sincerely hope that DBKL will install CCTV cameras at the parking area of Bukit Kiara park to facilitate police investigations into crimes that take place there,” she said.
‘Heart no longer in PKR’: Rafizi hints at solo defence of Pandan in GE16
Pandan MP Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli says he will likely not stand as a candidate for PKR in the 16th general election, but has decided he will defend his Pandan seat nevertheless. - Screenshot, Sin Chew Daily Facebook, February 23, 2026.
‘Heart no longer in PKR’: Rafizi hints at solo defence of Pandan in GE16
Former economy minister admits his strong-headed nature and difficulty in toeing party line, says he only answers to voters
‘Heart no longer in PKR’: Rafizi hints at solo defence of Pandan in GE16
Former economy minister admits his strong-headed nature and difficulty in toeing party line, says he only answers to voters
Scoop Reporters
Updated 22 seconds ago
23 February, 2026
1:07 PM MYT
KUALA LUMPUR — Pandan MP Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli will defend his seat in the 16th general election but most likely not as a PKR candidate.
He told Sin Chew Daily this in an interview, saying PKR was “no longer the party that we know”.
“I don’t think I will stand as a PKR candidate. I will still contest in Pandan. That, I have made up my mind. But how I will contest in Pandan, I think that is a secret,” Rafizi said in the interview, excerpts of which was posted to Sin Chew Daily’s Facebook videos.
He said those like him had joined PKR because they were attracted to its “multiracial progressiveness, dynamism, competence and the space that it allows”, but that “a lot of this is no longer in PKR”.
“So if you ask me, my heart is no longer in PKR but I’m here because there is the anti-hopping law. If I leave the party, never mind what happens to me, but Pandan will lose an MP.”
Rafizi, who was replaced as economy minister in a December cabinet reshuffle, acknowledged that he was “too strong-headed” and “too independent minded” for “any party” to handle.
“People like me… we don’t necessarily toe the line. So that’s also my challenge as a politician, I’ve grown my career with a certain image, a certain track record that may not fit in many political parties that exist now.”
“I’m not here to serve a prime minister. I have a constituency. I have the public to answer to.”
Rafizi, who was Pandan MP from 2013 to 2018, and was re-elected in GE15 in 2022, acknowledged that defending the seat on his own would be a tough fight.
“But if your objective is continuous political change, then winning is not necessarily the objective. It’s about the long-term. I want to make sure that progressive multiracial politics survive.”
Rafizi was also asked in the interview if he would consider teaming up with another political outcast, Khairy Jamaluddin who was sacked from Umno in January 2023.
Rafizi said he and Khairy would like disagree as they had different objectives and views on politics.
“If you put us in the same room, we will disagree. Khairy is very much an establishment figure…I think he believes you can make a difference if you are government, if you are prime minister, then you can make changes
“But if you follow my career, I don’t necessarily subscribe to that. I think my contribution to society is pushing for changes to enlighten society towards a certain direction that is better for the country, no matter how incremental it is.
“I think I can also play a very effective role outside govt, even as a social activist
So my objective and his objective and style very different,” Rafizi said. – February 23, 2026
Updated 22 seconds ago
23 February, 2026
1:07 PM MYT
KUALA LUMPUR — Pandan MP Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli will defend his seat in the 16th general election but most likely not as a PKR candidate.
He told Sin Chew Daily this in an interview, saying PKR was “no longer the party that we know”.
“I don’t think I will stand as a PKR candidate. I will still contest in Pandan. That, I have made up my mind. But how I will contest in Pandan, I think that is a secret,” Rafizi said in the interview, excerpts of which was posted to Sin Chew Daily’s Facebook videos.
He said those like him had joined PKR because they were attracted to its “multiracial progressiveness, dynamism, competence and the space that it allows”, but that “a lot of this is no longer in PKR”.
“So if you ask me, my heart is no longer in PKR but I’m here because there is the anti-hopping law. If I leave the party, never mind what happens to me, but Pandan will lose an MP.”
Rafizi, who was replaced as economy minister in a December cabinet reshuffle, acknowledged that he was “too strong-headed” and “too independent minded” for “any party” to handle.
“People like me… we don’t necessarily toe the line. So that’s also my challenge as a politician, I’ve grown my career with a certain image, a certain track record that may not fit in many political parties that exist now.”
“I’m not here to serve a prime minister. I have a constituency. I have the public to answer to.”
Rafizi, who was Pandan MP from 2013 to 2018, and was re-elected in GE15 in 2022, acknowledged that defending the seat on his own would be a tough fight.
“But if your objective is continuous political change, then winning is not necessarily the objective. It’s about the long-term. I want to make sure that progressive multiracial politics survive.”
Rafizi was also asked in the interview if he would consider teaming up with another political outcast, Khairy Jamaluddin who was sacked from Umno in January 2023.
Rafizi said he and Khairy would like disagree as they had different objectives and views on politics.
“If you put us in the same room, we will disagree. Khairy is very much an establishment figure…I think he believes you can make a difference if you are government, if you are prime minister, then you can make changes
“But if you follow my career, I don’t necessarily subscribe to that. I think my contribution to society is pushing for changes to enlighten society towards a certain direction that is better for the country, no matter how incremental it is.
“I think I can also play a very effective role outside govt, even as a social activist
So my objective and his objective and style very different,” Rafizi said. – February 23, 2026
***
Sore loser - has not forgiven Anwar for his losing to Nurul in PKR Dep Prez contest
Quake off Sabah coast strongest in 11 years, says MetMalaysia
FMT:
Quake off Sabah coast strongest in 11 years, says MetMalaysia
The previous strongest earthquake in Malaysia occurred on June 5, 2015, in Ranau, Sabah, and claimed 18 lives
MetMalaysia director-general Hisham Anip said no aftershocks have been recorded so far from this morning’s earthquake. (MetMalaysia pic)
KUALA LUMPUR: The earthquake that struck off the coast of Sabah early this morning was the strongest to hit the country in 11 years.
Meteorological department (MetMalaysia) director-general Hisham Anip said that based on the department’s records, the previous strongest earthquake in Malaysia occurred on June 5, 2015, in Ranau, Sabah.
The 6.0-magnitude quake claimed 18 lives and is still regarded as one of the most notable earthquakes in Malaysia’s history.
Commenting on this morning’s quake, Hisham said it occurred off Sabah’s coast as the state lies near the Pacific Ring of Fire, a seismically active zone formed by the movement of Earth’s tectonic plates.
“We are monitoring the situation closely and will continue to do so. No aftershocks have been recorded so far,” he told Bernama.
“Because the earthquake’s epicentre was deep beneath the Earth’s surface, at a depth of 678km, only mild tremors were felt by the public.”
MetMalaysia reported this morning that a powerful 6.8-magnitude earthquake had struck off the coast of Sabah at 12.57am, but posed no tsunami threat.
The epicentre was located approximately 49km west of Kudat, Sabah, and tremors were felt across parts of Sabah, Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia.
Meteorological department (MetMalaysia) director-general Hisham Anip said that based on the department’s records, the previous strongest earthquake in Malaysia occurred on June 5, 2015, in Ranau, Sabah.
The 6.0-magnitude quake claimed 18 lives and is still regarded as one of the most notable earthquakes in Malaysia’s history.
Commenting on this morning’s quake, Hisham said it occurred off Sabah’s coast as the state lies near the Pacific Ring of Fire, a seismically active zone formed by the movement of Earth’s tectonic plates.
“We are monitoring the situation closely and will continue to do so. No aftershocks have been recorded so far,” he told Bernama.
“Because the earthquake’s epicentre was deep beneath the Earth’s surface, at a depth of 678km, only mild tremors were felt by the public.”
MetMalaysia reported this morning that a powerful 6.8-magnitude earthquake had struck off the coast of Sabah at 12.57am, but posed no tsunami threat.
The epicentre was located approximately 49km west of Kudat, Sabah, and tremors were felt across parts of Sabah, Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia.
Islamic finance leader Daud Bakar charged with abetting unlicensed trading
FMT:
Islamic finance leader Daud Bakar charged with abetting unlicensed trading
4 hours ago
Faisal Asyraf
The 62-year-old pleaded not guilty to the charge under Section 58(1) of the Capital Markets and Services Act 2007
Daud Bakar previously served as chairman of the shariah advisory councils at both Bank Negara Malaysia and Securities Commission Malaysia. (Bernama pic)
KUALA LUMPUR: Islamic banking figure Daud Bakar pleaded not guilty in the sessions court here today after charged with abetting unlicensed securities trading activities involving a corporate entity.
Daud, who previously served as chairman of the shariah advisory councils at both Bank Negara Malaysia and Securities Commission Malaysia, entered his plea before judge Norma Ismail after the charge was read to him.
The 62-year-old was charged under Section 58(1) of the Capital Markets and Services Act 2007, which prohibits anyone from carrying out a regulated activity, including dealing in securities, without a valid capital markets services licence or being a registered person.
According to the charge sheet, Daud allegedly conspired with AUF MBZ Consortium PLT and two individuals linked to the entity between June 14 and Aug 9, 2021. AUF MBZ was neither a holder of a capital markets services licence nor registered to deal in securities.
The prosecution claimed the alleged conspiracy involved dealings connected to Energy Eco Bhd, which Daud was said to represent. The charge sheet did not disclose the value of the securities involved.
If convicted, Daud faces a fine of up to RM10 million, imprisonment of up to 10 years, or both.
The court granted bail of RM50,000 with one surety. Daud was also ordered to surrender his passport and report monthly to Securities Commission Malaysia pending the disposal of the case.
Case management is set for April 10.
Lawyer Haziq Razali represented Daud while Securities Commission deputy public prosecutor Shoba Venu Gobal appeared for the prosecution.
Meanwhile, AUF MBZ Consortium PLT founder Mahadi Badrul Zaman, 42, faced two charges on behalf of his company of conducting securities trading without the required licence or registration.
The alleged offences were said to have occurred at the company’s Subang Jaya premises during separate periods between June 2021 and February 2024.
The first charge, read before judge Azrul Darus, covered the period from June 14, 2021 to Aug 9, 2023, while the second charge, read before judge Norma Ismail, covered Sept 3, 2021 to Feb 15, 2024.
Under the Capital Markets and Services Act 2007, company representatives are deemed responsible for offences committed in the course of the company’s regulated activities. Conviction carries a maximum fine of RM10 million, imprisonment of up to 10 years, or both.
Mahadi pleaded not guilty to both charges.
QEW Group Bhd founder Iqbal Mohamad, 47, was charged on behalf of the company with conspiring with AUF MBZ Consortium PLT to carry out unlicensed securities trading.
The alleged offence was said to have taken place between Sept 3, 2021 and Feb 15, 2024, at the company’s Seri Kembangan premises. His charge was also framed under the Capital Markets and Services Act 2007.
Iqbal pleaded not guilty after the charge was read before judge Norma.
The court allowed bail of RM100,000 for Mahadi and RM50,000 for Iqbal. Case management for both was set for April 10.
Lawyer Zamri Idrus represented Mahadi while deputy public prosecutors K Mageswary and Danial Imran Nasaruddin handled the prosecution.
Lawyer Iylia Syazwani Abdul Jamil appeared for Iqbal, with Securities Commission prosecuting officer Quek Yiing Huey representing the prosecution.
Netherlands to swear in youngest-ever and first openly gay PM Rob Jetten today
Netherlands to swear in youngest-ever and first openly gay PM Rob Jetten today
Netherlands' Prime Minister-designate of the centrist D66 party Rob Jetten speaks to the press after talks with prospective ministers in The Hague. — AFP pic
Monday, 23 Feb 2026 12:41 PM MYT
THE HAGUE, Feb 23 — The new Dutch government will be sworn in today, with 38-year-old centrist Rob Jetten set to be the country’s youngest-ever prime minister and the first openly gay one.
Jetten pulled off a stunning election win in October, coming from behind to dethrone the far-right Freedom Party (PVV) led by firebrand politician Geert Wilders by a razor-thin margin.
The snap election was called after the PVV withdrew from the previous coalition, the Netherlands’ most right-wing government in recent history, which lasted just 11 months.
Jetten’s D66 has teamed up with the centre-right CDA party and the liberal VVD to form a coalition, but will fall nine seats short of a parliamentary majority with only 66 seats.
The parties took 117 days to form their coalition—much less than the 223 days taken to form the previous government.
After his election victory, Jetten declared that it was possible to beat populist movements “if you campaign with a positive message for your country”.
On the campaign trail, Jetten said he wanted to “bring the Netherlands back to the heart of Europe because without European cooperation, we are nowhere”.
In a manifesto published in January, the three parties pledged full support for Ukraine and vowed to live up to the country’s NATO spending commitments.
Although the new government is not as far to the right as the previous one, it still has a “right-wing signature”, Sarah de Lange, a professor of politics at Leiden University, told AFP.
“The coalition has opted for budget cuts rather than running a deficit to finance any investments it wants to make” and there is “substantial continuity between the immigration plans of the new government and the previous one”, De Lange said.
The parties have pledged to press ahead with a crackdown on migration, including measures such as tougher rules on family reunification.
Wilders out
They also want to cut social benefits, including unemployment benefits, to help finance proposed investments in the military and defence.
But since the coalition will rely on support from opposition parties to pass legislation, “getting larger reforms passed by parliament might take longer than usual”, De Lange said.
Jetten and his cabinet will be sworn in on Monday by King Willem-Alexander at the Huis Ten Bosch in The Hague.
The prime minister in waiting was initially more keen on a broad coalition including the left-leaning Groenlinks/PvdA, but this was firmly opposed by VVD leader Dilan Yesilgoz.
Wilders, who shook Europe’s political scene to the core with a shock election win in November 2023, saw his fortunes plummet in last year’s election.
His PVV party plunged from 37 seats in 2023 to 26 seats after what was widely seen as a lacklustre campaign.
The PVV still finished in second place, but all parties in the coalition had ruled out working with Wilders, leaving him sitting on the sidelines.
Other far-right parties have made inroads in Europe’s fifth-largest economy, however.
The Forum for Democracy, led by 28-year-old Lidewij de Vos, gained four seats in the 2025 election with a message against “uncontrolled immigration” and “the hopeless EU”.
Hard-right party JA21 also shot up the rankings, gaining eight seats and nearly securing a place at the cabinet table before being blocked by Jetten. — AFP
***
Oz had a gay opposition leader (Bob Brown, highly respected), a gay High Court Judge (Michael Kirby, highly respected, admired and much loved) and now has a gay foreign minister (Malaysian-born Penny Wong).
Oz has also welcomed Malaysian-born sweet heart Nur Sajat
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Police officers can be sacked for refusing emergency response over attire, deputy minister says
Police officers can be sacked for refusing emergency response over attire, deputy minister says
The Ampang woman’s disappearance was reported on December 15, 2025 at Ampang Police Station and the Pedas Police Station was later notified, prompting the search at a house on Jalan Pedas-Linggi linked to criminal activity. — File picture by Ahmad Zamzahuri
Monday, 23 Feb 2026 12:06 PM MYT
KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 23 — Police officers who refuse to assist members of the public filing a report for an emergency case due to their attire can be sacked, Deputy Home Minister Datuk Seri Shamsul Anuar Nasarah told Parliament today.
He confirmed that a new directive was issued by the federal police headquarters in Bukit Aman last December, making it a serious breach of conduct for any officer to turn away an individual based on their clothing.
Speaking during Question Time in the Dewan Rakyat, Shamsul Anuar stressed that failure to comply with this directive would be considered a serious offence.
“With this directive, disobeying means action can be taken under the Public Officers (Conduct and Discipline) Regulations 1993, as well as PDRM’s own internal disciplinary mechanism,” he said.
“Failure to comply can result in disciplinary action under the PTPA 1993 and refusal to file a report under the said circumstances is deemed to be a serious breach, to the point that they can be sacked,” he added.
He assured the House that compliance with the directive will be monitored continuously to ensure that the public receives the assistance they need, regardless of their attire, during an emergency.
MORE TO COME
Pigs, Politics, and the Peculiar Economics of Smell: A SWOT Analysis of Malaysia’s Most Sensitive Livestock
OPINION | Pigs, Politics, and the Peculiar Economics of Smell: A SWOT Analysis of Malaysia’s Most Sensitive Livestock
22 Feb 2026 • 7:00 PM MYT
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Mihar Dias
A behaviourist by training, a consultant and executive coach by profession
Picture from Google Gemini's Image Generation (Nano Banana)
By Mihar Dias February 2026
If a university business student were assigned a SWOT analysis on pig farming in Malaysia, they would probably begin with an apology to their lecturer — not because the topic lacks data, but because it comes with a fragrance of controversy that refuses to stay inside PowerPoint slides.
Yet few industries illustrate the intersection of economics, culture, religion, land scarcity, and public policy as vividly as pig farming. It is, quite literally, a case study you can smell from afar.
Let us therefore proceed academically.
Strengths
Historically, pig farming in Peninsular Malaysia was a surprisingly robust business. Before urbanisation swallowed vast tracts of agricultural land, the country was once a net exporter of pork. Farmers operated close to major consumer markets, transport costs were low, and supply chains were efficient.
From a purely commercial perspective, pigs are excellent livestock assets. They convert feed efficiently, reproduce quickly, and generate high-value protein products. Unlike durians, they do not wait years to mature. Unlike oil palm, they do not require decades of land commitment.
In short, pigs are what economists call “fast-cycle assets” — the equivalent of a blue-chip stock that pays dividends quarterly.
Sarawak today demonstrates this strength perfectly. Its modern farms operate like sterile laboratories, complete with biosecurity systems, disinfected vehicles, and workers dressed like surgeons preparing for an operation rather than farmers preparing for breakfast.
By Mihar Dias February 2026
If a university business student were assigned a SWOT analysis on pig farming in Malaysia, they would probably begin with an apology to their lecturer — not because the topic lacks data, but because it comes with a fragrance of controversy that refuses to stay inside PowerPoint slides.
Yet few industries illustrate the intersection of economics, culture, religion, land scarcity, and public policy as vividly as pig farming. It is, quite literally, a case study you can smell from afar.
Let us therefore proceed academically.
Strengths
Historically, pig farming in Peninsular Malaysia was a surprisingly robust business. Before urbanisation swallowed vast tracts of agricultural land, the country was once a net exporter of pork. Farmers operated close to major consumer markets, transport costs were low, and supply chains were efficient.
From a purely commercial perspective, pigs are excellent livestock assets. They convert feed efficiently, reproduce quickly, and generate high-value protein products. Unlike durians, they do not wait years to mature. Unlike oil palm, they do not require decades of land commitment.
In short, pigs are what economists call “fast-cycle assets” — the equivalent of a blue-chip stock that pays dividends quarterly.
Sarawak today demonstrates this strength perfectly. Its modern farms operate like sterile laboratories, complete with biosecurity systems, disinfected vehicles, and workers dressed like surgeons preparing for an operation rather than farmers preparing for breakfast.
And importantly, the market exists just across a narrow stretch of water: Singapore, one of the world’s most reliable pork importers.
Few businesses enjoy a neighbour that wealthy, that hungry, and that geographically convenient.
Weaknesses
The weaknesses, however, are painfully obvious.
Pig farming is a business that competes not just with other industries, but with public sentiment. Odour complaints, environmental concerns, water pollution issues, and disease risks make it one of the least politically attractive agricultural sectors.
No politician ever won an election promising to expand pig farms.
Add to this Malaysia’s socio-religious sensitivities, particularly in highly urbanised West Coast states, and the industry faces an unusual challenge: its economic logic is often overshadowed by cultural discomfort.
In many places, pigs are not merely livestock.
They are a political liability with hooves.
Then there is disease risk. The memory of the Nipah virus outbreak still lingers like a cautionary tale in agricultural textbooks. African Swine Fever remains a constant threat. In business terms, pig farming carries what analysts call “catastrophic risk exposure.”
In plain language: one virus can wipe out an entire industry overnight.
Opportunities
Ironically, the very factors weakening pig farming in the peninsula are creating enormous opportunities elsewhere.
Sarawak’s rise illustrates the classic principle of economic displacement. When one region restricts production due to land competition or social pressures, another region with fewer constraints fills the gap.
It is textbook comparative advantage — David Ricardo would have approved, even if he might have requested a less aromatic example.
Sarawak’s demographic composition, land availability, and policy support create a near-perfect environment for the industry. The state government openly encourages investment, viewing pig farming not as a nuisance but as a legitimate economic driver.
Modern technology also transforms the sector. Closed-house systems eliminate odour, improve animal health, and enhance productivity. In other words, pig farming is evolving from a rustic backyard activity into a highly controlled agro-industrial enterprise.
This is no longer your grandfather’s muddy pigsty.
It is more like a climate-controlled protein factory.
Threats
Still, threats loom large.
The biggest is not disease, nor imports, nor market volatility.
It is perception.
Pig farming sits at the intersection of environmental activism, religious sensitivities, urban land scarcity, and royal directives — a combination that would give any business consultant nightmares.
In fast-developing states, land values rise faster than livestock profits. Housing projects inevitably outbid pig farms. The economics of urbanisation simply squeeze the industry out.
At the national level, Malaysia now imports roughly one-third of its pork supply. This dependence exposes the country to external price shocks — an irony for a nation that once exported the very same product.
Conclusion: A Business That Reflects the Nation
Pig farming, in the end, is not merely about pork.
It is a mirror reflecting Malaysia’s broader developmental tensions — between urban growth and agricultural preservation, between cultural sensitivities and economic pragmatism, between environmental protection and food security.
A business student might conclude their SWOT report with a neat recommendation: modernise, relocate, consolidate, and integrate technology.
But in Malaysia, the real conclusion is far more nuanced.
Sometimes, the success of an industry depends not only on market forces or production efficiency — but on whether society can tolerate its smell.
And that, unfortunately, is not something you can fix with a deodoriser or a business model.
Few businesses enjoy a neighbour that wealthy, that hungry, and that geographically convenient.
Weaknesses
The weaknesses, however, are painfully obvious.
Pig farming is a business that competes not just with other industries, but with public sentiment. Odour complaints, environmental concerns, water pollution issues, and disease risks make it one of the least politically attractive agricultural sectors.
No politician ever won an election promising to expand pig farms.
Add to this Malaysia’s socio-religious sensitivities, particularly in highly urbanised West Coast states, and the industry faces an unusual challenge: its economic logic is often overshadowed by cultural discomfort.
In many places, pigs are not merely livestock.
They are a political liability with hooves.
Then there is disease risk. The memory of the Nipah virus outbreak still lingers like a cautionary tale in agricultural textbooks. African Swine Fever remains a constant threat. In business terms, pig farming carries what analysts call “catastrophic risk exposure.”
In plain language: one virus can wipe out an entire industry overnight.
Opportunities
Ironically, the very factors weakening pig farming in the peninsula are creating enormous opportunities elsewhere.
Sarawak’s rise illustrates the classic principle of economic displacement. When one region restricts production due to land competition or social pressures, another region with fewer constraints fills the gap.
It is textbook comparative advantage — David Ricardo would have approved, even if he might have requested a less aromatic example.
Sarawak’s demographic composition, land availability, and policy support create a near-perfect environment for the industry. The state government openly encourages investment, viewing pig farming not as a nuisance but as a legitimate economic driver.
Modern technology also transforms the sector. Closed-house systems eliminate odour, improve animal health, and enhance productivity. In other words, pig farming is evolving from a rustic backyard activity into a highly controlled agro-industrial enterprise.
This is no longer your grandfather’s muddy pigsty.
It is more like a climate-controlled protein factory.
Threats
Still, threats loom large.
The biggest is not disease, nor imports, nor market volatility.
It is perception.
Pig farming sits at the intersection of environmental activism, religious sensitivities, urban land scarcity, and royal directives — a combination that would give any business consultant nightmares.
In fast-developing states, land values rise faster than livestock profits. Housing projects inevitably outbid pig farms. The economics of urbanisation simply squeeze the industry out.
At the national level, Malaysia now imports roughly one-third of its pork supply. This dependence exposes the country to external price shocks — an irony for a nation that once exported the very same product.
Conclusion: A Business That Reflects the Nation
Pig farming, in the end, is not merely about pork.
It is a mirror reflecting Malaysia’s broader developmental tensions — between urban growth and agricultural preservation, between cultural sensitivities and economic pragmatism, between environmental protection and food security.
A business student might conclude their SWOT report with a neat recommendation: modernise, relocate, consolidate, and integrate technology.
But in Malaysia, the real conclusion is far more nuanced.
Sometimes, the success of an industry depends not only on market forces or production efficiency — but on whether society can tolerate its smell.
And that, unfortunately, is not something you can fix with a deodoriser or a business model.
Can Azmin Ali Rise?
OPINION | Can Azmin Ali Rise?
22 Feb 2026 • 12:00 PM MYT
TheRealNehruism
An award-winning Newswav creator, Bebas News columnist & ex-FMT columnist
Image credit: Yahoo
After the 2018 general election, Azmin Ali was appointed Economic Affairs Minister. At that time, Anwar Ibrahim had just been released from prison and held no position in government.
Although Anwar’s wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, as Deputy Prime Minister, was the highest-ranking Pakatan Harapan figure in the Pakatan 1.0 administration, it was arguably Azmin who was seen by many — friend and foe alike — as the most prominent political figure within Pakatan, save for Anwar himself.
During that period, I remember watching Azmin deliver a speech on screen. There was something in the way he carried himself — measured, confident, deliberate — that projected what I can only describe as a prime ministerial aura. It was subtle, but unmistakable.
At that time, I was not yet a columnist or political writer. I merely left a comment on the Facebook page of the media portal that carried the news, observing that such overt projection of prime ministerial energy might prove dangerous to his political future. In Malaysian politics, ambition — when seen too clearly — can be costly.
Not long after that, a leaked video surfaced and began circulating widely. Whether by coincidence or design, the episode severely damaged Azmin’s prospects of ever ascending to the premiership. To this day, nobody truly knows who was responsible for leaking it. But in politics, leaks rarely happen without intent — and rarely without beneficiaries.
Soon after, Azmin, together with Muhyiddin Yassin, would engineer what later became known as the Sheraton Move — a political realignment that saw them leave PKR and Pakatan Harapan, triggering the collapse of the PH government and paving the way for Perikatan Nasional to assume power.
Since then, Azmin has remained a loyalist to Muhyiddin. And in the current internal struggle within Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), he has firmly aligned himself with Muhyiddin against Hamzah Zainudin.
After the 2018 general election, Azmin Ali was appointed Economic Affairs Minister. At that time, Anwar Ibrahim had just been released from prison and held no position in government.
Although Anwar’s wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, as Deputy Prime Minister, was the highest-ranking Pakatan Harapan figure in the Pakatan 1.0 administration, it was arguably Azmin who was seen by many — friend and foe alike — as the most prominent political figure within Pakatan, save for Anwar himself.
During that period, I remember watching Azmin deliver a speech on screen. There was something in the way he carried himself — measured, confident, deliberate — that projected what I can only describe as a prime ministerial aura. It was subtle, but unmistakable.
At that time, I was not yet a columnist or political writer. I merely left a comment on the Facebook page of the media portal that carried the news, observing that such overt projection of prime ministerial energy might prove dangerous to his political future. In Malaysian politics, ambition — when seen too clearly — can be costly.
Not long after that, a leaked video surfaced and began circulating widely. Whether by coincidence or design, the episode severely damaged Azmin’s prospects of ever ascending to the premiership. To this day, nobody truly knows who was responsible for leaking it. But in politics, leaks rarely happen without intent — and rarely without beneficiaries.
Soon after, Azmin, together with Muhyiddin Yassin, would engineer what later became known as the Sheraton Move — a political realignment that saw them leave PKR and Pakatan Harapan, triggering the collapse of the PH government and paving the way for Perikatan Nasional to assume power.
Since then, Azmin has remained a loyalist to Muhyiddin. And in the current internal struggle within Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), he has firmly aligned himself with Muhyiddin against Hamzah Zainudin.
The Shifting Power Structure in Bersatu
For months, Muhyiddin and Hamzah have been locked in a leadership tussle. That conflict culminated recently in Hamzah and 16 other leaders being sacked from Bersatu — a move that has dramatically reshaped the party’s internal hierarchy.
According to Hisomudin Bakar of Ilham Centre, Hamzah’s removal has effectively cleared the pathway for Azmin. With the deputy presidency now vacated, Azmin’s route to the top appears more structured, more organised — and notably, less obstructed.
Over the past year, Azmin has played his cards carefully. He has positioned himself as disciplined, patient, and consistently loyal to Muhyiddin, even as tensions between the president and his former deputy escalated. Hisomudin notes that in politics, loyalty and patience are often the determinants of survival.
Azmin’s public messaging has been measured. He has avoided open confrontation. He has defended the leadership line. In doing so, he has demonstrated a deep understanding of Bersatu’s internal culture and power structure. That is not accidental. That is strategic.
But Can He Replace Muhyiddin?
Before asking whether Azmin can challenge Hamzah, we must first ask a more immediate question: can he replace Muhyiddin?
Despite speculation that Muhyiddin’s influence within Bersatu is waning, it is far from clear that he is ready to relinquish the presidency. As political analyst Azmi Hassan notes, Muhyiddin’s desire to remain Bersatu president is closely tied to his position as chairman of Perikatan Nasional. Control of Bersatu strengthens his claim to the coalition leadership.
Muhyiddin also understands the arithmetic. If he were to step aside prematurely, PAS could push its own candidate — a move that might not sit well with coalition partners such as Gerakan or MIPP. From his perspective, stepping down could unravel more than just his party position.
In other words, Muhyiddin has strong incentives to hold on.
And considering the lengths he has gone to in neutralising Hamzah — including sacking him — it is difficult to imagine that he would simply hand over the presidency to Azmin without resistance.
A Long Game Strategy?
Hisomudin suggests that Azmin may be playing the long game. There is no immediate pressure for transition if Muhyiddin intends to lead Bersatu into the next general election — which many believe could be his final contest as party president.
If that is the case, Azmin’s strategy becomes clearer. Rather than confronting Muhyiddin, he may be positioning himself as the natural, orderly successor — someone who ensures stability rather than rupture.
That approach fits Azmin’s recent conduct. He has warned party members against attending meetings organised by those expelled by the disciplinary board, signalling alignment with the official leadership structure. He is consolidating legitimacy within the formal apparatus of the party.
The Hamzah Factor
Yet, the story does not end there.
Awang Azman Pawi of Universiti Malaya cautions that a majority of Bersatu MPs are believed to support Hamzah. If that assessment is accurate, then even with Hamzah formally removed, his influence may linger beneath the surface.
Should Azmin eventually take over the presidency, he may inherit a party structurally intact but politically divided. Leading a weakened party into a general election would not automatically translate into a viable pathway to Putrajaya.
And that brings us back to the original question:
Will Azmin Rise?
His prospects are undeniably stronger today than they were a week ago. Hamzah’s sacking has reshuffled the deck. The immediate internal obstacle standing between Azmin and the deputy presidency has been removed.
Among Muhyiddin’s loyalists, Azmin is arguably the only figure with sufficient weight, experience, and ambition to mount a serious claim to the top job. He is disciplined. He is patient. And he understands the mechanics of power.
But his ascent depends on two variables beyond his control:
- Whether Muhyiddin is willing — or forced — to step aside.
- Whether the internal support base within Bersatu can be consolidated under him without fragmentation.
If Azmin succeeds in replacing Muhyiddin through an orderly transition, then the next phase begins: consolidating Bersatu, stabilising Perikatan Nasional, leading the opposition effectively, and rebuilding his long-damaged national image.
Only then can we speak seriously of a pathway toward the premiership.
For now, the question is not whether Azmin can defeat Hamzah.
The real question is whether he can outlast Muhyiddin.
If he can, then perhaps the prime ministerial aura I once glimpsed years ago was not imagination — but premonition.
***
I reckon there's no one in Malaysian politics more devious, cunning and Machiavellian than Ass-min. Zaid Ibrahim (when in PKR) was a victims of his intra-party manipulations, wakakaka. Muhyiddin will not be safe from such a plotter. Yes, even Anwar was/is in fact scared of him.
Sadly, for Ass-min, the appearance (and soon to be a definite re-appearance-s-s-s) of a video clip has been a mighty thorn in his side, and will continue to be so - thus his prime ministerial prospects look rather dubious.
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