Teh Kew San and the brotherhood that carried Malaysia

Teh Kew San and the brotherhood that carried Malaysia


3 hours ago
Frankie D'Cruz


The badminton great belonged to a vanished sporting age — one where men played for country before money, carried office bags to work by day and became giants by night

Old friends and former Thomas Cup teammates Teh Kew San (right) and Yew Cheng Hoe at the 100th anniversary celebration of the Penang Badminton Association in November last year, taking a walk through memory lane at a gallery showcasing photographs during their era. (Yew Cheng Hoe pic)

PETALING JAYA: A day before Teh Kew San died, he raised his fingers slowly and formed the numbers “513”.

Across the video call, his old Thomas Cup teammate Yew Cheng Hoe understood immediately.

May 13.


Kew San, hard of hearing but smiling, looked at his friend and softly uttered just one name.

“Cheng Hoe.”


On Wednesday, the former Malaysian Thomas Cup captain died at the age of 91, closing another chapter of a golden sporting generation that helped build the soul of Malaysian badminton.

Cheng Hoe said he was grateful for that final conversation.

The two men had last met during the 100th anniversary celebrations of the Penang Badminton Association in November last year, walking slowly through a gallery lined with photographs and memories from another era.

Malaysia’s triumphant 1967 Thomas Cup squad pictured after one of the most dramatic victories in badminton history. From left: Yew Cheng Hoe, Tan Aik Huang, Teh Kew San, BAM president Mohd Khir Johari, Ng Boon Bee, Tan Yee Khan and Billy Ng. (BAM pic)


Kew San becomes the third member of Malaysia’s victorious 1967 Thomas Cup team to pass away after Ng Boon Bee and Tan Yee Khan.


For many who knew him, it feels like the fading of a brotherhood.

The quiet man who turned ruthless on court

Soft-spoken away from badminton, Kew San was known affectionately as “Ah Pek”, a warm and familiar term many younger players and friends used for the Penang-born legend.

But on court, he could be merciless.

Yew Cheng Hoe (left) and Teh Kew San pose with their trophies after thrashing Indonesian stars Rudy Hartono and Muljadi 15-0, 15-0 in the 1966 Penang Open, and (right) reuniting 56 years later, one week before Kew San’s birthday in January. (Teh Kew San pics)

One afternoon in 1966, Kew San and Cheng Hoe produced a performance that still sounds impossible today.

In the final of the Penang Open men’s doubles, they crushed Indonesian idols Rudy Hartono and Muljadi 15-0, 15-0.

Even now, older badminton men still speak of that scoreline with disbelief.

It was a breathtaking display from two players who seemed to know each other’s movements by instinct.

Former national player James Selvaraj said all badminton players, especially those from Penang, saw him as a father figure with exemplary leadership qualities.

“He was quiet, humble and always willing to help. I watched him train for the 1967 Thomas Cup at the SBA Hall in Kuala Lumpur — he was a pure stroke player.”

Another former national star Phua Ah Hua said: “Kew San earned respect not just for his achievements, but as a mentor and role model.

“I was fortunate as a junior Thomas Cup trainee in the 1970s to learn from someone so generous with his knowledge and skill. A true national hero who never sought recognition, only the love of the game.”

That calmness hid a fierce competitor.

Kew San excelled in singles, doubles and mixed doubles during an era when versatility mattered as much as power.

He won the Mexico City International in 1960 and the Asian Badminton Championships in 1962 in singles. In doubles, he and Lim Say Hup swept six international titles in 1959, including the All-England, Canada Open and US Open.

In mixed doubles, he partnered the woman who would later become his wife, Ng Mei Ling, to win the 1962 Malayan Open and the 1965 Malaysian Championship.

Away from badminton, he also played cricket, basketball, football and hockey, making him one of the great all-round sportsmen of his generation.

Jakarta, flashlights and history

Yet Kew San will forever be remembered for Jakarta in 1967.

Malaysia’s Thomas Cup final victory over Indonesia remains one of the fiercest and most controversial nights in badminton history.

The match came only two years after the Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation ended, turning the tie into something far bigger than sport.

The Malaysian team — led by Kew San alongside Tan Aik Huang, Cheng Hoe, Boon Bee, Yee Khan and Billy Ng— entered hostile territory carrying the weight of a young nation.

These were not full-time athletes.

They had day jobs.

Some used annual leave to represent the country. Others took unpaid leave after running out of holidays. They trained together for only a few weeks before major tournaments.

Yet they played with a sense of duty difficult to imagine in modern sport.

“There was no superstar in that team,” Kew San said in a 2022 interview. “That was our strength.”

Malaysia led Indonesia 4-3 in the best-of-nine final when crowd trouble erupted.

Flashlights were shone into the eyes of the Malaysian players. Abuse rained down from the stands. Tournament referee Herbert Scheele abandoned the tie after chaos broke out inside the arena.

At 3am, the Malaysian players were escorted from their hotel under tight security and rushed to the airport.

A year later, Malaysia officially received the Thomas Cup after Indonesia refused to resume the final in New Zealand.

That triumph became Kew San’s fourth and final Thomas Cup after earlier campaigns with the Malayan teams of 1958 and 1961 and the Malaysian side of 1964.

The victory also shaped his personal life in an unforgettable way.

That same year, he named his son Thomas.

Icon from a vanished sporting age

Long after the cheers faded, Kew San never drifted far from badminton.

He worked as a chief clerk with the Penang Island City Council while continuing to guide younger players, many of whom later represented Malaysia.

“Ah Pek” Teh Kew San enjoying his weekly stroke play session at the Penang YMCA badminton hall, and (right) posing with a replica of the Thomas Cup. Even into his 80s, the former Malaysian captain never stopped playing the sport he loved. (Buletin Mutiara pics)

Former national player Khaw Cheow Kheng said Kew San taught him one of the most important lessons in coaching: knowing how hard to push athletes without breaking them.

“He was humble despite his greatness,” said Cheow Kheng. “Even in his later years, he would spar with us.”

Teh Kew San and wife Ng Mei Ling holding the Perak championship mixed doubles trophy, which they won outright after claiming the title three consecutive times. (Buletin Mutiara pic)


Kew San himself kept playing well into his 80s, enjoying weekly stroke play sessions with Mei Ling and daughter Karen.

“I can’t stop playing badminton,” he once said. “It pushes me to stay healthy.”

For all his achievements, parts of his later life carried traces of disappointment.

Players from his era received meagre allowances and often lost income while representing the nation.

When Kew San received the Datuk title in 2007, 40 years after the Thomas Cup triumph, he reportedly had to borrow a coat from former state coach Khoo Kay Choo for the ceremony.

What hurt him even more was how some former players were treated during the 1992 Thomas Cup finals in Kuala Lumpur.

Several old stars had to apply for passes to watch the tournament, only to discover there were no seats reserved for them.

The sportswriter Lazarus Rokk responded with a line that still stings today — that “amnesia set in faster than rigor mortis”.

Malaysia is losing the men who built its sporting soul.

And somewhere in badminton folklore, the scoreboard still reads 15-0, 15-0.

Kew San is survived by Mei Ling, whom he had been married to for nearly 60 years, their children Thomas and Karen, and two grandchildren.

The wake today is from 10am-10pm at the Church of Immaculate Conception, Penang, followed by the funeral mass on Saturday at 10am and cremation at Mt Erskine crematorium.

***

Teh Kew San has always been my hero. But aside, many don't realise that badminton's Malaysian double Ng Boon Bee and Tan Yee Khan were, for aeons, probably one of the world greatest double, if not the GREATEST - and Ng Boon Bee was just a water-meter reader just as Kew San was a City Council clerk - none of the kerbau you associate with today's Malaysian players.

Chow - Lim rift may cause Penang some seats, caution party insiders

Chow - Lim rift may cause Penang some seats, caution party insiders


With a general election on the horizon, they said that DAP, the lead party here, needs to work "overtime" to soothe the rift that has been manifesting itself throughout Chow's tenure for close to a decade

Updated 1 hour ago

Published on 15 May 2026 8:59AM

Voters have become increasingly disillusioned over the ongoing spat between the two leaders - May 15, 2026



by Ian McIntyre



PARTY insiders in Penang have expressed concern after a sharp rebuke that took place between Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow and his predecessor, Lim Guan Eng, on the last day of the state legislative sitting recently.

With a general election on the horizon, they said that DAP, the lead party here, needs to work "overtime" to soothe the rift that has been manifesting itself throughout Chow's tenure for close to a decade.

The rift emerged after Chow apparently chose to ignore ‘advice’ from Lim to his successor since 2018, especially when he questioned the chief minister's decision to follow the civil service recommendation for a steep increase in quit rent rates earlier this year.

DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook, whose name is now touted to contest in Penang as a "compromised" chief minister candidate, was forced to intervene and called the two leaders to Kuala Lumpur for a mediation session over their differences.

Insiders said that Lim was strategic in trying to send a message that all is not well with Chow's administration when he chose to question the latter at the start of the assembly over the proposed quit rent and water tariff hikes when the country was embroiled in a living costs crisis due to the Middle East conflict.

Chow was also rebuked earlier for the falling revenue of the state, the performance of the Penang Development Corporation and the rise in living costs.

The tone of the rift was rather unsettling to the other government backbenchers here when Chow told Lim to "sit down" in a video clip, which has apparently gone viral.

The sharp exchange of words, although brief, was a telling factor to the state of affairs in Penang, said some veteran DAP insiders.

The exchange took place during Chow’s winding-up speech as he replied to questions about PDC's handling of the proposed Batu Kawan Industrial Park II project in Byram, Batu Kawan.

State Speaker Datuk Seri Law Choo Kiang was forced to intervene and urged both sides to move on, citing that Chow had already replied.

The project sees PDC having to call for a second request for proposal (RFP) after the first, although awarded, was voided after the developer could not fulfil certain conditions under the RFP.

Chow said PDC decided not to proceed with a previous RM818 million offer by an IJM-Aspen consortium because the bidder failed to comply with five of nine key conditions of the RFP.

Lim had asked Chow to detail which companies had applied under the latest RFP, which one was successful, and why the second RFP did not proceed.

Chow evaded the question but said that if Lim wanted the PDC and state government to accept the IJM-Aspen offer despite the conditions he had explained, they could not do so.

Lim denied this, saying he was not asking Penang to follow any company’s demands, but only for the second RFP to be explained clearly in the interest of accountability.

Lim then said some reports had described the matter as its “Turkey of the Year”, and that this had affected Penang’s image.

Chow shot back while thumping his table: “You believe reports, but not your comrade. Sit down!”

Lim replied that Chow need not become emotional, saying the state should explain the facts if the report was wrong.

Insiders said that the rift may cause DAP to lose some seats in Penang because the voters have become increasingly disillusioned with the government of the day, as their struggles to cope with a hostile economic environment continued unabated.

Both Chow and Lim need to admit that the projects they have bragged about have yet to be completed, and what voters want is for their problems to be resolved now, not in the future, said party veterans. - May 15, 2026.

***

Yesterday I chided Guanee with my comments as follows:

Guanee may be going too far (and too often) in harassing his own party member, his very own successor. Don't think for an instant you're clever.

Sadly, Guanee couldn't stop, and I suspect he's suffering from being NOT at the top as Penang's CM. He misses his old power-position.

The Malay Putsch - How the move to topple Zahid Hamidi will culminate

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ANALYSIS | The Malay Putsch - How the move to topple Zahid Hamidi will culminate


14 May 2026 • 2:00 PM MYT

TheRealNehruism
An award-winning Newswav creator, Bebas News columnist & ex-FMT columnist

Image credit: Focus Malaysia


Now, this might sound a little racist, but the more that I suspect that the political crisis in Negeri Sembilan is actually a sign that Umno might be orchestrating a move to topple Zahid Hamidi, the more that I can’t help but notice that the different races in Semenanjung do seem to have distinct ways of removing leaders who refuse to go.



Of the three major races in the peninsula, my race — the Indians — are probably the ones with the most destructive and spectacular manner of leadership removal.


I suspect this might be the case because Indians tend to tolerate a leader who refuses to go for far longer than any other race. So when we finally move to remove them, decades of anger and frustration erupt so violently that by the time we are done, not only will the stubborn leader who refused to go will be swept away, but his entire party — and perhaps even the entire leadership structure of our community — will be shattered into so many pieces that we might not be able to rebuild it even after decades have passed.



Our eruption might even be so explosive that even other races’ political parties may suffer collateral damage.


The last time we removed a top leader who refused to step down was in 2007, when the massive Hindraf rally we organised not only ended Samy Vellu’s reign, but also so critically injured MIC, the de facto Indian party at the time, that MIC has still not been able to rejuvenate itself to this day.


Not only did our eruption decimate our own political representation and structure, it also laid the groundwork for the fall of the BN government, which had ruled the nation since independence.



Of all the races, I feel that the Chinese are the most organised, systematic and quiet in how they remove their top leaders. When the Chinese remove a leader, they don't just remove the leader -they remove the leader's entire team. Look at how Lim Guan Eng was removed from DAP, for example. He was taken out little by little, piece by piece, in such a way that when the full effect came together, Lim Guan Eng and his entire camp were removed from DAP’s corridors of power with nary a fuss.


Through mechanisms like chai lists and Team A–Team B strategies, Chinese party leadership — whether in MCA or DAP — tends to move in an incremental and organized fashion. When the Chinese take down their leader, the take down is so complete, that their leader usually fades away into oblivion without a fuss.



Amongst the Malays, I reckon their preferred way of removing the number one is through what I call the “Silent Number Two” putsch — it is a move that has toppled many Malay leaders who refused to step down, from Tunku Abdul Rahman of UMNO to Muhyiddin in Bersatu, and is now probably the method that is being most likely being applied to orchestrate the removal of Zahid Hamidi.


When the Malays remove their number one, it’s usually orchestrated by the number two — but it’s often someone lower in the ranks who actually pulls the trigger.



When Tunku was toppled, for example, although it was widely believed that it was his number two, Tun Razak, that silently orchestrated it, but it was people like Mahathir, who were further down the line, who actively and visibly attacked Tunku in order to bring Tunku down.


The mechanics of removing a top Malay leader goes like this. First, the second-in-command must first tacitly consent to the move, although the number 2 will not directly participate in the coup. Instead, junior leaders like Mahathir during Tunku’s time, or Wan Fayhsal and Wan Saiful in today’s Bersatu, and perhaps Jalaluddin Alias in Umno today, that will the ones that will be seen to be visibly leading the rebellion against the top leader and his camp.



When the top leader and his men retaliate against the junior leaders, we have to see whether the rebellion is quelled or grows. If it is successfully quelled, then the leader will survive. If it grows however, then it is only a matter of time before the leader is toppled.


If the rebellion spreads, the top leader and his men will start to lose control of their party, to the point that the top leader will be effectively rendered a lame duck. At this stage, the top leader will be pressured to give up his position, and hand over control to the second in command.



Once the number two assumes power, the junior leaders who initiated the rebellion will then be rewarded with promotions within the party.


Today, we are seeing this exact process unfold in Umno. Junior leaders in Umno like Jalaluddin Alias and the 14 Umno Negeri Sembilan Aduns have begun a rebellion against Zahid Hamidi. Zahid Hamidi has retaliated, but it is still not yet certain as to whether he has managed to stamp out the rebellion. If he doesn't succeed and the rebellion keeps growing, it’s only a matter of time before Zahid becomes a lame duck president and is forced to hand over power to his number two — who, in all likelihood, has been the silent architect of his downfall all along.



Of course, it is hard to say as to whether Zahid will follow the Tunku Route or the Muhyiddin Route if it comes to pass that the internal rebellion in Umno succeeds in toppling him.


If he follows the Tunku route, he will resign himself to his loss after a while, and hand over his power and position to his Number 2 like a gentleman.


But if he follows the Muhyiddin route, then he will probably capsize Umno just to remain as its captain.


So there you have it, ladies and gentlemen — the three ways the three major races in the peninsula remove their leaders who overstay their welcome.



I hope this helps you understand how politics actually works in our country, with race as its frame of reference.

May 13 incident: Racial riots or political coup?

May 13 incident: Racial riots or political coup?

Ranjit Singh Malhi
Published: May 14, 2026 4:00 PM
Updated: 6:00 PM



COMMENT | The May 13 incident of 1969 remains one of the darkest and most consequential episodes in Malaysian history.

Officially described as “racial riots” largely involving Malays and Chinese in Kuala Lumpur, the violence left hundreds dead, shattered public confidence, and fundamentally altered the direction of the Malaysian state.

More than half a century later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow over national politics, ethnic relations, and public discourse.

The late sociologist Syed Hussein Alatas aptly described May 13 as “a supreme act of barbarism”. Yet, the incident was far more than a spontaneous racial clash.

It emerged from a combustible mix of historical grievances, economic inequality, communal politics, inflammatory rhetoric, and intense internal power struggles within the ruling elite.

Indeed, a substantial body of scholarship suggests that May 13 was not merely a racial riot, but also a political coup in disguise.

The official narrative

The official account, presented in “The May 13 Tragedy: A Report” published by the National Operations Council (NOC) in 1969, blamed several factors for the outbreak of violence: provocative opposition victory parades after the general election, communist influence, Chinese secret societies, communal extremism, and Malay fears about their political future.

According to the NOC, opposition supporters – mainly from DAP and Gerakan – celebrated their election gains by staging processions through Kuala Lumpur between May 11 and 12, 1969.

During these parades, some participants allegedly shouted provocative slogans such as “Malays have lost power” and “Kuala Lumpur now belongs to the Chinese”.

Malaysia’s first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, similarly blamed communist agitators and irresponsible opposition supporters for inflaming communal tensions.

For decades, this became the dominant state narrative: May 13 was portrayed primarily as a spontaneous Malay reaction to opposition provocation and communal insults.


ALSO READ: May 13, never again: The 1969 riots that changed Malaysia


Deep historical fault lines

However, many scholars have questioned whether the official explanation tells the full story.

The roots of the crisis stretched far deeper than election celebrations. British colonial rule had created a sharply divided “plural society” in which ethnic groups occupied distinct economic roles.

Malays were concentrated in rural agriculture and generally poorer; Chinese dominated commerce and urban business; Indians largely worked on plantations and in public works. Economic inequality increasingly overlapped with ethnicity.

This unequal structure bred deep insecurities and mutual suspicion. Many Malays feared economic marginalisation in their own homeland, while non-Malays feared political exclusion.

Historical memories also intensified communal anxieties. During the chaotic aftermath of the Japanese surrender in 1945, violent clashes erupted between Malays and Chinese in several states.

The Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), dominated by Chinese guerrillas, carried out reprisals against suspected collaborators. In turn, Malay groups launched retaliatory attacks on Chinese settlements. These episodes left enduring scars on interethnic relations.

Equally important was the widespread Malay belief that Peninsular Malaysia was fundamentally Tanah Melayu – the land of the Malays.

Although non-Malays had gained citizenship at independence under the 1957 constitutional compromise, many Malays still regarded them as pendatang or immigrants. Some Malays, therefore, viewed the prospect of Chinese political ascendancy as an existential threat.

The election shock

The immediate trigger for the crisis was the general election of May 10, 1969. The ruling Alliance Party – dominated by Umno, MCA, and MIC – suffered its worst electoral setback since independence.

It lost its two-thirds parliamentary majority, while opposition parties made major gains. Gerakan captured Penang, PAS retained Kelantan, and the Alliance failed to secure outright control in Selangor and Perak.

The results sent shockwaves through Umno. For many Malays, they signalled that political power might gradually shift towards non-Malays. Tensions became particularly acute in Selangor, where the Alliance won only half the state seats.

Opposition supporters celebrated exuberantly in Kuala Lumpur. While many processions were peaceful, there is substantial evidence that some participants shouted provocative racial slogans and insults.

Groups of non-Malays reportedly gathered outside then Selangor menteri besar Harun Idris’s residence in Kampung Baru, yelling “The Malays are finished” and “The Chinese are going to run the country”.

Such rhetoric inflamed Malay anger at a moment of deep political anxiety.

At the same time, Umno Youth leaders organised a large Malay counter-demonstration for the evening of May 13 at Harun’s residence in Kampung Baru. Thousands of Malays gathered there, many armed with parang, keris, and other improvised weapons.

A political coup in disguise?

One of the most controversial interpretations of May 13 is that the violence was not entirely spontaneous, but was linked to an internal struggle for power within Umno.

By 1969, Tunku faced mounting criticism from Malay nationalists within his party. They regarded him as too accommodating towards non-Malays. Among his critics were figures such as Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Harun, and powerful Umno ultras who wanted a more assertive Malay political agenda.

Several prominent observers and historians, including RK Vasil and JR Bass, have argued that the May 13 incident created the political conditions that enabled certain forces within Umno to sideline Tunku from effective power.

Tunku Abdul Rahman


Tunku himself reportedly believed that Harun, Mahathir, and Ghazali Shafie had conspired with then-deputy prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein to remove him from office.

Historian Cheah Boon Kheng argued that although the transition from Tunku to Abdul Razak was formally constitutional, it possessed many characteristics of a “coup”. Journalist Subky Latiff went further, describing May 13 as “a form of coup d’état directed against Tunku”.

Whether fully orchestrated or opportunistically exploited, the riots undeniably transformed the balance of power within Umno. The Tunku’s authority effectively collapsed after May 13, even though he remained prime minister until September 1970.


The outbreak of violence

The violence erupted on the evening of May 13, 1969.

A crowd estimated at between 4,000 and 5,000 Malays had gathered along Jalan Raja Muda near Harun’s residence in Kampung Baru. Many were armed. Around 6.30pm, violence broke out and quickly spread across Kuala Lumpur.

Chinese motorcyclists and passers-by were among the first victims. Eyewitnesses later recalled that some were attacked and killed near the gathering point itself. One victim reportedly included a young Chinese boy delivering drinks from a nearby coffee shop.

From Kampung Baru, Malay groups moved into surrounding areas, attacking Chinese neighbourhoods, burning shops and houses, looting property, and assaulting civilians. Violence spread to Jalan Campbell (now Jalan Dang Wangi), Batu Road (now Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman), Cheras, Kampung Pandan, and other parts of the city.

Cars, buses, and buildings were set ablaze. Panic engulfed Kuala Lumpur.

Chinese secret society groups reportedly retaliated in certain areas, attacking Malays and attempting to burn the Umno headquarters on Batu Road.

However, the violence was highly uneven. Most evidence suggests that the Chinese community suffered disproportionately, particularly during the early stages of the riots.

A curfew was declared at 8pm, but it initially failed to restore order.

Security forces and controversy

Troops and police were deployed to contain the violence. A shoot-to-kill order was later authorised.

Yet, the conduct of the security forces became deeply controversial. Several eyewitnesses, foreign correspondents, and scholars alleged that some units of the Royal Malay Regiment displayed bias against Chinese civilians.

Former colonial police officer John Slimming wrote in his book “Malaysia: Death of a Democracy” (1969) that police generally behaved more impartially than sections of the army. Foreign journalists reported incidents of troops firing into Chinese shophouses and shooting residents.

Distinguished Southeast Asian historian Anthony Reid, who volunteered during the crisis, later stated bluntly: “The military had proven that it could not be impartial, that they were shooting the Chinese.”

Statistics from the NOC itself reinforced perceptions that the Chinese community bore the brunt of the violence. Chinese victims accounted for roughly three-quarters of those officially killed and two-thirds of those injured. Chinese casualties from gunfire also far exceeded Malay casualties.

Eventually, the government deployed the Sarawak Rangers – widely regarded as a more neutral force – to help restore order.

Deaths and destruction

The official death toll stood at 196: 143 Chinese, 25 Malays, 13 Indians, and 15 individuals of other ethnicities.

However, many scholars, journalists, and diplomats believed the actual number was far higher. Slimming estimated that around 800 people may have died in the first week alone.

Graves of those who perished during the riots


Thousands were displaced. Around 6,000 Kuala Lumpur residents – about 90 percent of them Chinese – became refugees after their homes were burned or destroyed. Temporary shelters were established at Merdeka Stadium, Chin Woo Stadium, and other locations.

Yet amid the horror, there were also examples of humanity. Some Malays sheltered Chinese neighbours, while some Chinese protected Malays. These acts demonstrated that communal relations during the crisis were not uniformly hostile.


Emergency rule and the fall of Tunku

On May 15, 1969, a nationwide state of emergency was declared.

Parliament was suspended indefinitely, and executive authority was transferred to the NOC, headed by Abdul Razak. Strict censorship was imposed, political debate curtailed, and public assemblies banned.

In practice, Abdul Razak emerged as the country’s most powerful figure. Tunku’s political authority steadily eroded, and he resigned in September 1970.

Abdul Razak Hussein


The post-May 13 political order marked a decisive turning point. Umno’s leadership became more assertively Malay nationalist, and the state increasingly prioritised policies aimed at strengthening Malay political and economic dominance.

The lasting impact

The most significant long-term consequence of May 13 was the introduction of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1971.

Officially aimed at national unity, poverty eradication, and reducing economic disparities, the NEP sought to restructure Malaysian society so that race would no longer be identified with particular economic functions.

In practice, it introduced extensive affirmative action policies favouring Malays and other bumiputera communities in education, employment, and business opportunities.

The NEP undeniably expanded the Malay middle class and increased bumiputera participation in higher education and corporate ownership. However, critics argue that it also entrenched race-based politics and fostered dependency, patronage, and ethnic polarisation.

At a deeper ideological level, May 13 strengthened the doctrine of ketuanan Melayu or Malay political supremacy. Within Umno discourse, the riots became a powerful justification for preserving Malay dominance as essential for national stability.


A tragedy that still shapes Malaysia

More than five decades later, May 13 remains politically sensitive and emotionally charged. Competing narratives persist. For some, it was fundamentally a racial explosion triggered by provocation and communal tension. For others, it was also a political crisis manipulated by elites seeking power.

What is beyond dispute is that the tragedy exposed the fragility of Malaysia’s interethnic relations and the dangers of communal politics. It demonstrated how economic inequality, political insecurity, inflammatory rhetoric, and elite power struggles can combine with devastating consequences.

May 13 should therefore not merely be remembered as a warning about racial hatred. It should also be understood as a cautionary lesson about political manipulation, fear-driven nationalism, and the destructive consequences of exploiting communal anxieties for power.

Ultimately, Malaysia’s long-term stability cannot rest on dominance, suspicion, or racial insecurity. It depends instead on justice, inclusion, constitutionalism, mutual respect, and a genuine commitment to a shared national destiny.

RANJIT SINGH MALHI is an independent historian who has written 19 books on Malaysian, Asian, and world history. He is highly committed to writing an inclusive and truthful history of Malaysia based upon authoritative sources.

***

Read also my post in my other blog Kongsamkok, as follows:

Secret Society of Handsome Chinese Cryptographers

Xi’s ‘blunt’ warning to Trump on Taiwan exposes profound risks, say analysts

Xi’s ‘blunt’ warning to Trump on Taiwan exposes profound risks, say analysts


Xi Jinping made it clear to Donald Trump that he sees Taiwan as a potential flashpoint between the two superpowers

China’s President Xi Jinping makes a toast during a state banquet for US President Donald Trump at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. (AFP pic)


BEIJING: Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s unusually “blunt” warning to US President Donald Trump over Taiwan at Thursday’s summit in Beijing exposes potentially grave pitfalls in the relationship, although its immediate impact could be limited, analysts say.

US sales of military equipment to the self-ruled island claimed by Beijing have long enraged the Chinese government, threatening to derail already-fraught engagement on trade and other issues between the world’s top two economies.

China has vowed to bring Taiwan under its control, by force if necessary, while the US – which diplomatically recognises only Beijing – is required under domestic law to provide weapons to the democratic island so that it can defend itself.


Xi warned Trump on Thursday that “the Taiwan question is the most important issue” in their bilateral relationship, according to remarks published by Chinese state media soon after the talks began.

“If mishandled, the two nations could collide or even come into conflict, pushing the entire China-US relationship into a highly perilous situation,” he said.


Such “blunt” rhetoric is “out of the ordinary” coming from Xi in conversation with a US president, Adam Ni, editor of the China Neican newsletter, told AFP.

“Xi wants to make it very clear to Trump and to the public record that he thinks the Taiwan issue is the potential powder keg between the two superpowers,” Ni said.

Chong Ja Ian of the National University of Singapore said China “has been signalling a desire for US compromise on Taiwan in the lead-up to the summit”.

“Perhaps they see some opportunity to convince Trump,” Chong said.


“So far, the US side has not indicated any movement.”


No consensus yet

Trump has not commented publicly on Taiwan since arriving in Beijing on Wednesday evening.

He ignored multiple questions on the subject from reporters during a visit to the Temple of Heaven on Thursday afternoon, where he and Xi posed for photographs after talks.


A readout of the meeting from a White House official also made no mention of Taiwan.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said Trump would say more on Taiwan “in the coming days”, adding that the president “understands the sensitivities” about the island.

Trump said days before the trip that he would discuss US arms sales to Taiwan with Xi – something that would be a break with a decades-long policy of not consulting with Beijing on the issue.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who is also in Beijing and known for his firm line on China as a senator, suggested continuity in an interview with Fox News aboard Air Force One.

“It’s not in China’s interest or anyone’s interest for there to be any sort of forced change in the status quo. I think stability there is very important,” he said.

Tzeng Wei-feng of the National Chengchi University’s Institute of International Relations in Taipei told AFP that he thinks Xi and Trump “don’t have a consensus yet” on the issue of arms sales.

While a deal on that sensitive subject is unlikely, Tzeng said, it’s possible that Trump will make “some statement that weakens the United States’ promise on defending Taiwan”.

Non-negotiable

Trump repeatedly touted his personal relationship with Xi in the run-up to the summit, praising him as “a Leader of extraordinary distinction” in a social media post on Tuesday.

Many observers say Trump is placing great stock in his ability to cash in on that rapport during the summit.

Casting a shadow over talks is the unresolved US-Israeli war with Iran, which previously delayed Trump’s visit to China – the top customer of Iranian oil.

Speculation has emerged that Trump would seek to use US arms sales to Taiwan as a bargaining chip to encourage Beijing to use its leverage with Tehran to accept a deal to end the war.

However, Ryan Hass, an expert on China and Taiwan at the Washington-based Brookings Institution, threw cold water on the proposition.

“Doing so would violate Beijing’s longstanding principle that Taiwan is ‘non-negotiable’. It isn’t how Beijing rolls,” he wrote on social media.

“More likely, both leaders will affirm their shared interest in stabilising relations and use (economic and) commercial deals to demonstrate progress.”

Pressed by Guan Eng on Penang polls, Kon Yeow grabs Hokkien reprieve from PAS rep

Pressed by Guan Eng on Penang polls, Kon Yeow grabs Hokkien reprieve from PAS rep



Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow speaks in the state legislative assembly. — Picture via Facebook/Chow Kon Yeow

Thursday, 14 May 2026 6:30 PM MYT


GEORGE TOWN, May 14 — The decision on whether Penang will hold its state poll concurrently with the next general election hinges on two key factors: the state constitution and the final say of the ruling party’s leadership, Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow said today.

In response to a question from Lim Guan Eng (PH - Air Putih) at the state legislative assembly, Chow explained that he could not make a unilateral decision.

“We need to look at this from two angles: one will be based on the constitution, and another will be based on the political party’s stand,” Chow said.

“For the first angle, I will seek the advice of the state legal advisor. For the second, I will need to get advice from the party’s national leadership.”


Lim acknowledged the need for constitutional backing but pointed out that the ultimate authority still rests with the chief minister.

He also reminded the assembly of the party's official position, as stated by DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke Siew Fook.

“The secretary-general has already announced that state and general elections should be held concurrently, based on the order by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong,” Lim said.


The exchange took a light-hearted turn when Opposition assemblyman Bukhori Ghazali (PAS - Pinang Tunggal) interjected by saying in Hokkien, “kong kang kor, bo kong pun kang kor (It’s a problem if you say it and a problem if you don’t)”, which drew laughter from other lawmakers.

Chow corrected the phrase and translated it to Malay for the assembly.

“The phrase to use is ‘cho kang kor, bo cho pun kang kor,’ which translates to ‘buat susah, tak buat lagi susah’ (damned if you, damned if you don’t),” Chow explained, neatly summarising his predicament.

He concluded by reaffirming his position, stating, “I must accept any decision made by the party leadership on this.”

***

Guanee may be going too far (and too often) in harassing his own party member, his very own successor.  Don't think for an instant you're clever.

Unicef says 59 children killed or hurt in Lebanon in past week despite ceasefire

Unicef says 59 children killed or hurt in Lebanon in past week despite ceasefire



Unicef also warned that more than 770,000 children in Lebanon are experiencing heightened psychological distress due to repeated exposure to violence, displacement, and loss. — File pic by Raymond Manuel

Thursday, 14 May 2026 9:00 PM MYT


BEIRUT, May 14 — At least 59 children were reportedly killed or injured in Lebanon over the past week despite a ceasefire agreement, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) said on Wednesday, warning of deepening physical and psychological harm among young survivors, reported Xinhua.


According to Lebanon’s Health Ministry, at least 23 children have been killed and 93 injured since the ceasefire took effect at midnight between April 16 and 17, bringing the total number of child casualties since March 2 to 200 killed and 806 injured.


On Wednesday alone, at least 33 people, including women and children, were killed in an escalation of Israeli strikes across southern and central Lebanon, according to Lebanon’s Public Health Emergency Operations Centre and local media.

“Children are being killed and injured when they should be returning to classrooms, playing with friends, and recovering from months of fear and upheaval,” said UNICEF Regional Director for West Asia and North Africa Edouard Beigbeder.

Beigbeder added that despite the agreement intended to halt violence, children continue to suffer repeated attacks and trauma that could have lifelong consequences.


UNICEF also warned that more than 770,000 children in Lebanon are experiencing heightened psychological distress due to repeated exposure to violence, displacement, and loss.

Symptoms among children and caregivers include fear, anxiety, nightmares, insomnia, and hopelessness. — Bernama

***

Frigging shailoks on murderous genocidal rampage - I blame and curse Adolf - he could have done better

Court commutes death sentence to 40 years’ jail for ex‑student who murdered pregnant girlfriend, set body on fire

Court commutes death sentence to 40 years’ jail for ex‑student who murdered pregnant girlfriend, set body on fire



The First Defendant alleged that there was no single candidate acceptable to the eight Tribal Chiefs, whereupon it was his duty under the adat, custom and constitution of the luak to choose the new Undang. — Bernama pic

Thursday, 14 May 2026 3:59 PM MYT


PUTRAJAYA, May 14 — The Court of Appeal has commuted the death sentence of a former college student who pleaded guilty to murdering his pregnant girlfriend and setting her body on fire to 40 years in prison and 12 strokes of the cane.

A three-man bench, comprising Justices Datuk Azman Abdullah, Datuk Ahmad Kamal Md Shahid and Datuk Seri Mohd Radzi Harun, allowed Muhammad Fakrul Aiman Sajali’s appeal against his sentence, substituting the High Court’s death penalty with a custodial sentence and caning.

Delivering the decision, Justice Azman said the court considered Muhammad Fakrul’s age at the time of the offence, as well as the law that gives judges the option to impose either death or a prison term.

He ordered the sentence to take effect from May 23, 2023, the date of Muhammad Fakrul’s arrest.

On October 15 last year, the Klang High Court had sentenced Muhammad Fakrul, now 23, to death by hanging after he pleaded guilty to murdering Nur Anisah Abdul Wahab, 21, at Jalan Sungai Limau between 8.30pm on May 22 and 8am on May 23, 2023.

Earlier, his lawyer Muhammad Nor Tamrin submitted that the death sentence imposed by the High Court was too harsh, stressing that the appellant was a young offender.

He said the High Court failed to take Muhammad Fakrul’s age into account at sentencing, he was just 20 years and four months old when he committed the crime.

He added that the High Court also did not properly consider the appellant’s mitigation, including his claim that he had been made a scapegoat by the victim, which was supported by DNA test results showing that the foetus she was carrying was not his.

Deputy public prosecutor Abdul Malik Ayob, however, argued that the death sentence was fair and just and should be upheld, given the inhumane and brutal cruelty inflicted on the victim.

While acknowledging that the appellant was a young offender, the prosecutor said his age carried little weight compared to the seriousness of the case.

The victim had been stabbed and slashed multiple times, and her body was later set on fire.

Abdul Malik further submitted that in cases involving youthful offenders, the court must balance the accused’s age against the seriousness of the offence and the public interest.

“If a person is not too young to commit a serious offence under the law, then he is not too young to suffer the penalties prescribed by the law,” he argued.

According to the case facts, the appellant stabbed the victim multiple times in the chest and abdomen and slashed her neck.

He then cut open her abdomen and attempted to remove the foetus with his hand, but failed. Afterward, he burned her body using petrol. — Bernama

Malaysia weighs legal action after Norway blocks missile export for LCS programme

Malaysia weighs legal action after Norway blocks missile export for LCS programme



Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin attends the launch of the Prowira Ready-to-Work (RTW) Graduate Programme and Yayasan LTAT Education Initiative 2026 in Kuala Lumpur, May 14, 2026. —

Thursday, 14 May 2026 3:48 PM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, May 14 — The Defence Ministry is considering legal action after Norway moved to block the export of Naval Strike Missiles (NSM) for Malaysia’s littoral combat ship (LCS) programme.

According to Malaysiakini, Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin said the government had already paid nearly 95 per cent of the contract value, amounting to more than RM500 million.

He reportedly said a special ministry-level committee had been formed to detail Malaysia’s claims, including refunds and damages arising from breach of contract.

“We will not only seek recovery of funds paid, but also compensation for the consequences of the breach that has affected the government,” he was quoted as saying.

Khaled said the LCS programme would continue despite the setback, adding that the issue only involved the missile system and not the overall construction of the ships.

Khaled said the LCS programme would continue and the ships would still be completed, although they would not have surface-to-surface missiles until Malaysia secures a replacement system.

The missiles were ordered in 2018 for the Royal Malaysian Navy’s LCS fleet, with Norway reportedly refusing to approve the export licence shortly before shipment.


Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin had said the missiles were scheduled for delivery in March this year, and were intended for the LCS fleet as well as naval vessels KD Jebat and KD Lekiu.

Reuters reported that Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS said export licensing decisions are handled by Norwegian authorities, while Norway’s Foreign Affairs Ministry said it had revoked certain export licences related to specific technologies, citing stricter controls.

The NSM procurement was formalised between the Royal Malaysian Navy and Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS in April 2018, in a deal worth €124 million, or about RM571.9 million, to equip six new LCS vessels.

Namewee freed of drug charges in Kuala Lumpur court, AGC drops case after second bid

Namewee freed of drug charges in Kuala Lumpur court, AGC drops case after second bid



Singer Wee Meng Chee, better known as Namewee, was today acquitted by the magistrates’ court of two drug charges. — Picture by Raymond Manuel

Thursday, 14 May 2026 3:46 PM MYT


PETALING JAYA, May 14 — Singer Wee Meng Chee, better known as Namewee, was today acquitted by the magistrates’ court of two drug charges.

As reported by Free Malaysia Today (FMT), the decision came after the Attorney General’s Chambers (AGC) accepted his second representation to drop the charges.

Magistrate Khairunnisak Hassni granted the acquittal following confirmation from the prosecution.

Last month, the AGC had rejected Wee’s initial representation to withdraw the charges under Section 9(1) of the Poisons Act 1952 and Section 39A(1) of the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952.


In January, the 43-year-old pleaded not guilty to possessing 0.78g of sildenafil under the Poisons Act 1952 and an amended charge of possessing 1.57g of methamphetamine under the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952.

Prosecutors alleged the substances were found in his possession at a hotel near Jalan Conlay at about 4.30pm on October 22 last year.

Sildenafil is a controlled substance that may only be held with a valid prescription under the Poisons Act.


The case gained wider attention after Taiwanese influencer Iris Hsieh Yu-hsin, 31, was found dead in a hotel bathtub in Kuala Lumpur on the same day while reportedly working on a video project with Wee.

Khairy: ‘Coalition of coalitions’ is Malaysia’s new political reality as Umno rebuilds ahead of polls

Khairy: ‘Coalition of coalitions’ is Malaysia’s new political reality as Umno rebuilds ahead of polls



Khairy Jamaluddin, a former health minister and once a rising Umno figure, was among senior members recently brought back into the party after being expelled in 2023. — Picture by Firdaus Latif

Thursday, 14 May 2026 10:13 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, May 14 — “A coalition of coalitions is the new political reality,” said Khairy Jamaluddin, who has long harboured his own ambitions to become prime minister.

In a recent interview with Bloomberg, Khairy said no single bloc is expected to dominate future elections, forcing parties to adapt to an era of fragmented mandates and unstable alliances.

Khairy reportedly said that parties will increasingly need to rely on broad alliances to secure power.

His remarks come as Umno positions itself for a return to prominence ahead of the next general election.


Umno, which dominated Malaysian politics for more than six decades after independence until its 2018 electoral defeat, is now seeking to rebuild its base by welcoming back former members and attracting new recruits.

The party re-admitted more than 6,000 members last month and has eased recruitment rules in an effort to bring in younger voters, Bloomberg reported.

Khairy, a former health minister and once a rising Umno figure, was among senior members recently brought back into the party after being expelled in 2023.


During his time away from politics, he maintained a public profile through podcasts, radio appearances and speaking engagements, Bloomberg reported.

“I’ve had three years of many, many conversations with Malaysians, whether through my podcast, through my radio gig,” he was quoted as saying.

“I think I understand better the sentiment out there because I’m within the arena of the people.”

According to the report, Umno president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi is banking on figures like Khairy to help the party reconnect with younger Malay voters who drifted away following the 1MDB corruption scandal involving former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

The party is also facing pressure from the growing influence of the conservative PAS and the wider opposition among youth voters, Bloomberg reported.

Zahid has also indicated that Barisan Nasional is likely to contest the next general election independently, while not ruling out “the need for an understanding with other party coalitions,” underscoring the fluid nature of Malaysia’s political alignments, Bloomberg reported.

Khairy said Malaysia’s electorate is being reshaped by demographics, with around 500,000 new voters entering the system each year, most of them young Malays.

He told Bloomberg that winning their support will require addressing concerns over living costs, identity, jobs and economic mobility rather than relying on nostalgia for Umno’s past stability.

Penang will not raise taxes or service charges to boost revenue, says Chow Kon Yeow

Penang will not raise taxes or service charges to boost revenue, says Chow Kon Yeow



Penang Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow said the state will take a holistic, integrated and focused approach to strengthen its financial position so it remains strong and sustainable in the long term. — Bernama pic

Thursday, 14 May 2026 10:43 AM MYT


GEORGE TOWN, May 14 — The Penang state government will not burden the people through sudden hikes in taxes or service charges in order to increase state revenue, said Chief Minister Chow Kon Yeow.

The Padang Kota assemblyman said the state will take a holistic, integrated and focused approach to strengthen its financial position so it remains strong and sustainable in the long term.

One of the measures being prioritised is improving the efficiency of existing revenue collection by enhancing collection systems and enforcing the collection of arrears, he said.


“The state government is also optimising the use of state-owned assets through the disposal, leasing and redevelopment of non-productive assets to generate higher returns,” he said at the state legislative assembly today in response to a question from Phee Syn Tze (DAP–Sungai Puyu).

He said the state government is looking to diversify revenue sources prudently without involving tax hikes or service charges that could place additional pressure on the people.

“At the same time, aspects of fiscal governance continue to be strengthened through the implementation of a zero-based budgeting approach, high-impact spending, integrated monitoring of financial performance, as well as enhancing transparency and accountability through audits and periodic reporting,” he said.

He said this approach is not only aimed at increasing state revenue in the short term but also at building a more resilient, inclusive and sustainable financial foundation for the state.

Chow said the state is also encouraging strategic investments, especially in high-technology manufacturing, modern services and tourism sectors.

He said government-linked companies (GLCs) also play an important role as catalysts for the state’s economic development through the implementation of strategic projects, infrastructure development and the provision of public facilities.

“Although GLCs do not function as direct contributors to state revenue through tax collection, their role is significant in generating economic value that indirectly contributes to increased state revenue,” he said.

He said Chief Minister Incorporated (CMI) played a direct role in revenue generation through the management and optimisation of state assets, including rental collection, lease returns and the implementation of the Request for Proposal (RFP) method.

He said as a result of the approach, CMI contributed RM6.41 million in revenue to the state government in 2024 before the amount increased to RM54.2 million in 2025.

“The increase reflects the effectiveness of the asset management strategy implemented to strengthen the state’s economic and financial foundations sustainably without affecting the wellbeing of the people,” he said.

Existing Gurney Drive hawkers to be relocated to new Gurney Bay centre by 2027, says Penang exco

Existing Gurney Drive hawkers to be relocated to new Gurney Bay centre by 2027, says Penang exco



State local government and town and country planning committee chairman H’ng Mooi Lye said construction works on the new hawker centre are currently ongoing and are 4.16 per cent complete. — Bernama pic

Thursday, 14 May 2026 10:39 AM MYT


GEORGE TOWN, May 14 — Existing hawkers at Anjung Gurney and around the Gurney Drive roundabout will be relocated to the new Gurney Bay Hawker Centre, which is expected to be completed in the first quarter of 2027.

State local government and town and country planning committee chairman H’ng Mooi Lye said construction works on the new hawker centre are currently ongoing and are 4.16 per cent complete.

“The new hawker centre will have 127 hawker stalls, seven beverage stalls, 17 retail shop units and 43 mobile kiosk lots,” he said in reply to a question by Joshua Woo (PH–Pulau Tikus) at the state legislative assembly.

H’ng said 93 traders are operating at the Anjung Gurney Hawker site, with another 12 temporary static hawkers around the Gurney Drive area.


“The relocation will be carried out in an orderly manner to ensure hawker operations continue smoothly,” he said.

He said the planning permission for the Gurney Bay development was approved on January 20, 2022 and is being implemented in phases by Chief Minister’s Incorporated (CMI).

“The hawker centre is among the key public components planned under the development, aimed at providing a more organised, comfortable and conducive trading environment while complementing Gurney Bay’s role as a recreational and public destination in Penang,” he said.


Once completed, he said the 134 hawker stalls together with the retail units will be offered through a tender process by the Penang Island City Council (MBPP).

“Rental rates for hawkers have also yet to be finalised as operational and maintenance costs will have to be reviewed to ensure the centre remains sustainable in the long term,” he said.

He added that CMI will be appointing an operator to manage the hawker centre after its completion next year.

He said CMI had requested details of the traders currently operating at Anjung Gurney and the surrounding Gurney Drive area from MBPP.

“The council submitted the information on the affected traders to CMI on April 28 and MBPP will work with CMI on the relocation of the hawkers to the new hawker centre next year,” he said.

‘Contracts are not confetti’, Anwar tells Norway over halted missile delivery

‘Contracts are not confetti’, Anwar tells Norway over halted missile delivery



Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is seen in a photo released with his statement on Malaysia’s objection to Norway’s halted missile delivery. — Picture via Facebook/Anwar Ibrahim

Thursday, 14 May 2026 10:27 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, May 14 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim today said Malaysia has strongly objected to Norway’s decision to revoke export approval for the Naval Strike Missile (NSM) system and its associated launcher systems, warning that the move could affect the country’s defence readiness and the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) programme.

In a statement, Anwar said he conveyed Malaysia’s objection directly to Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre during a telephone conversation, describing Oslo’s decision as “unilateral and unacceptable”.

“I made it plain that this decision will have grave consequences for Malaysia’s defence operational readiness and the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) modernisation programme. It will undoubtedly carry broader ramifications for the regional balance,” he said.

Anwar said Malaysia had honoured every obligation under the contract since 2018 “scrupulously, faithfully and without equivocation”, but said Norway had not extended the same good faith.


“Signed contracts are solemn instruments. They are not confetti to be scattered in so capricious a manner,” he said.

“If European defence suppliers reserve the right to renege with impunity, their value as strategic partners flies out the window.”

The missiles were ordered in 2018 for the Royal Malaysian Navy’s LCS fleet, with Norway reportedly refusing to approve the export licence shortly before shipment.


Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin had said the missiles were scheduled for delivery in March this year, and were intended for the LCS fleet as well as naval vessels KD Jebat and KD Lekiu.

Reuters reported that Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS said export licensing decisions are handled by Norwegian authorities, while Norway’s Foreign Affairs Ministry said it had revoked certain export licences related to specific technologies, citing stricter controls.

The NSM procurement was formalised between the Royal Malaysian Navy and Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace AS in April 2018, in a deal worth €124 million, or about RM571.9 million, to equip six new LCS vessels.

Can Rafizi work his magic for Malaysia?

Can Rafizi work his magic for Malaysia?


2 hours ago
Tajuddin Rasdi


Rafizi Ramli’s possible new party may excite voters, but he must still answer questions about his record in government and his ability to work with others

Many Malaysians, myself included, are waiting with bated breath for Rafizi Ramli’s promised announcement of a new political direction, expected this Sunday.

Will he form a new party? If so, how many candidates will it field at the next general election? More importantly, will it challenge Pakatan Harapan, Barisan Nasional and Perikatan Nasional all at once?


Are we about to witness a Malaysian remake of David versus Goliath? Perhaps. But that chapter can wait until June.

For now, I have questions of my own.


What is Rafizi’s track record? As economy minister, he introduced programmes such as the Central Database Hub (Padu) and the People’s Income Initiative, which included the vending machine scheme.

These were ambitious ideas. Yet ambition alone is not enough.

A close relative of mine in Bagan Serai has struggled without steady income since 2022, surviving only on family support — not on any assistance I can clearly trace to the economy ministry.

Another couple I know, raising six children, has received help from ordinary Malaysians, but not from Putrajaya.


Perhaps these are isolated cases. But when grand programmes are announced in the capital, the real test is whether they reach families in places like Bagan Serai.

Then there is the vending machine initiative. Have these machines truly become as widespread as once envisioned? Where are they? I have yet to see them in any meaningful number.

To be fair, perhaps Padu and the vending machines needed more time. But Rafizi chose to leave the Cabinet, and since then he has seemed more energetic outside government than he ever appeared inside it.

After losing the PKR deputy presidency and resigning as economy minister, he has turned to his podcast, often criticising his own party and the government.


That is his right. Criticism is healthy. But one wonders what might have happened if the same consistency and sharpness had been applied to Padu and the People’s Income Initiative.

Now let us consider the political possibilities. Suppose Rafizi forms a new party and, by some miracle, wins 20 seats. Will he work with Pakatan Harapan to form the government? Or will he align with PAS or Umno in another unity government?

Politics is strange — after all, Umno and Pakatan Harapan once seemed impossible partners, and yet here we are.

But Rafizi faces one problem: trust. He has yet to show that he is willing to work with any party for the long haul. Whoever partners with him must accept the risk of becoming the next target of his podcast if relations sour.

In truth, Rafizi may find it easier to remain in opposition, armed with data, citations and a microphone.

But politics is not a seminar room. It is about patience, compromise and coalition-building. It means working even with persons one may not like, because the country still needs a government.

Now humour me: what if Rafizi pulls off the miracle of miracles, wins 112 seats and becomes Malaysia’s 11th prime minister? Will he be able to rein in PAS, Umno, Bersatu and others who never shy away from playing the race card or stoking fears about Malay rights?

If he can, I will gladly call it magic. More importantly, it would be good for Malaysia.

So perhaps it is time for Rafizi to put his money where his mouth is and go up against the big boys at the next polls.

That way, Malaysians will not only hear his ideas but also judge whether those ideas can survive the rough and tumble of real politics.

I still hope to see Rafizi’s magic. Many Malaysians do. But magic alone is not enough.

Rafizi must show he can stay the course, finish the reforms he promises, and not raise the white flag midway through.

KJ praises Anwar for stabilising economy

KJ praises Anwar for stabilising economy

However, the former health minister says ordinary Malaysians have yet to feel the benefits

Former health minister Khairy Jamaluddin said younger voters want politicians who recognise concerns over living costs, identity, jobs, and economic mobility.

PETALING JAYA: Umno’s Khairy Jamaluddin says Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has stabilised the economy and improved Malaysia’s standing with investors.

However, the former health minister also said that ordinary Malaysians had yet to feel the benefits, Bloomberg reported.

Malaysia’s economy grew 5.3% in the first quarter, outpacing Thailand and Singapore, while the ringgit extended its run as Asia’s best-performing currency against the dollar for the second year in a row.


“The man on the street is not feeling the macroeconomic numbers, the GDP growth, the lower unemployment, the stronger ringgit,” Khairy was quoted as saying.

The former Umno Youth chief also said that younger voters wanted politicians who recognised concerns over living costs, identity, jobs, and economic mobility.


He said he understood these sentiments as he was “within the arena of the people”.

“I’ve had three years of many, many conversations with Malaysians, whether through my podcast, through my radio gig,” he said.

Khairy was referring to the Keluar Sekejap podcast which he co-hosts with another former Umno leader, Shahril Hamdan, and his stint as a radio presenter at Hot FM.

According to Bloomberg, Umno president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi is banking on Khairy’s return to Umno to woo young Malay voters who left the party following the 1MDB scandal.


Khairy was sacked in January 2023 following disciplinary action linked to the 15th general election.

The former Rembau MP was among over 6,000 former members who were readmitted to the party last month.

Commenting on his return to Umno, Khairy said Zahid was taking him back as he was.

“But of course, I will be mindful of party decorum and discipline,” he added.

Khairy was openly critical of Zahid in the lead-up to the last nationwide polls, especially after Barisan Nasional fielded him to contest the urban Pakatan Harapan stronghold of Sungai Buloh.

Trump seeks ‘big hug’ from Xi as US-China tensions shadow Beijing summit

Trump seeks ‘big hug’ from Xi as US-China tensions shadow Beijing summit



US President Donald Trump (centre) is greeted by China’s Vice President Han Zheng as SpaceX, Twitter and electric car maker Tesla CEO Elon Musk (right) looks on at Beijing Capital Airport in Beijing on May 13, 2026. — AFP pic

Thursday, 14 May 2026 8:55 AM MYT


BEIJING, May 14 — US President Donald Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping are set to tackle thorny issues dividing the two superpowers when they meet in Beijing on Thursday, with Iran, trade and Taiwan on the cards.

Xi will greet Trump with pomp and ceremony as they meet at 10:00 am (0200 GMT) in the opulent Great Hall of the People, a lavish welcome that belies the deep tensions between the world’s biggest economies.

The two leaders will also enjoy a state banquet at the hall in the evening, and Trump will visit the historic Temple of Heaven, a World Heritage site where China’s emperors once prayed for good harvest.

The US president arrived for the two-day summit on Air Force One late Wednesday accompanied by top CEOs, including Nvidia’s Jensen Huang and Tesla’s Elon Musk -- symbols of business deals Trump hopes to reach.


He was given a red carpet welcome, with 300 Chinese youth in white uniforms chanting “welcome” and waving small Chinese and US flags in unison as he descended the steps of the presidential plane pumping his fist.


On Friday, Trump and Xi are set to have tea and a working lunch before the US president heads home to Washington.

The trip to Beijing marks the first by a US president in nearly a decade, after Trump visited in 2017, accompanied – unlike this time – by his wife Melania.


Following that first visit, Trump unleashed a barrage of tariffs and restrictions on Chinese goods.

He did so again after returning to the White House last year, triggering a trade war before Xi and Trump agreed to a truce in October.

‘Big hug’

Trump has said he expects a “great big hug” from Xi as he banks on what he believes is a strong personal relationship with the Chinese leader who he has admiringly said rules China with an “iron fist”.

Top of his wish list will be business deals on agriculture, aircraft and other topics, with a host of top businessmen in the US leader’s delegation.

Aboard Air Force One en route to Beijing, Trump vowed on social media to push Xi to “open up” China to US firms “so that these brilliant people can work their magic”.

The Chinese foreign ministry said Wednesday it “welcomes” Trump’s visit and that “China stands ready to work with the United States...to expand cooperation and manage differences”.

But Trump is dealing with a different and more emboldened China to the one he visited nine years ago, with a host of unresolved trade and geopolitical tensions between the two countries.

The Iran war in particular has threatened to weaken Trump’s position in talks with Xi, having already forced him to postpone it from March.

The US president said he expected a “long talk” with Xi about Iran, which sells most of its US-sanctioned oil to China, but insisted that “I don’t think we need any help with Iran” from Beijing.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio struck a somewhat different tone.

“We hope to convince them to play a more active role in getting Iran to walk away from what they are doing now, and trying to do now in the Persian Gulf,” US Secretary of State Marco Rubio told broadcaster Fox News in an interview aired Wednesday.

Tariff truce?

The long-simmering trade war between the two countries will also be top of the agenda, after Trump’s sweeping tariffs last year triggered tit-for-tat levies that exceeded 100 per cent.

Trump and Xi are set to discuss extending a one-year tariff truce, which the two leaders reached during their last meeting in South Korea in October, although a deal is far from certain.

On Taiwan, another issue that has bedevilled ties, Trump said Monday he would speak to Xi about US arms sales to the self-governing democracy claimed by China.

That would be a departure from historic US insistence that it will not consult Beijing on its support for the island, and one which will be closely watched by Taipei and US allies in the region.

China’s controls on rare earth exports, AI rivalry and the countries’ raucous trade relationship are also among the topics expected to be taken up by the two heads of state.

Both sides will be looking to come out of the summit with whatever wins they can, while also stabilising an often tense relationship between Beijing and Washington that has global implications.

Trump will also be hoping to leave with a firm date for a reciprocal visit by Xi to the United States later in 2026, to prove his rapport with his Chinese counterpart. — AFP

***

Trump is a man who lacks 'real' friends thus he wants, nay, very much desires mateys from Putin and now Xi. But the problem with him is we cannot anticipate what he'll do next should Xi 'hug' him as he so desires - will he turn bully mistaking Xi's friendliness for subservience? Wakakaka