Friday, July 31, 2026

The MOST hated nation for this generation


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Thanks to India, U.S. & China Remain Neck-and-Neck in Global Popularity. 1.4B People Keep The Balance Even



Friday, July 31, 2026


Thanks to India, U.S. & China Remain Neck-and-Neck in Global Popularity. 1.4B People Keep The Balance Even


By Prakash Nanda
-July 31, 2026


There seems to be an emerging consensus among strategic circles all over the world that while the rising global popularity of China, evident from the latest survey from the Pew Research Center on July 15, may not equate to the real global strategic leverage that America still possesses, it is a critical warning signal for the U.S.

In its survey, based on interviews with more than 42,000 people across 36 countries, Pew found that China is now viewed more favorably than the United States.

Among the 20 economies with comparable data, the median share of respondents expressing favorable views of China reached 46 percent, compared with 36 percent for the United States.

Similarly, during the first two years of his second term, President Donald Trump’s own ratings have also worsened significantly. Chinese President Xi Jinping now exceeds confidence posed in Trump by 10 (ten) points (31:21).

More favorable views of Xi were noticed in 22 of 36 countries. More overall now say that they have confidence in Xi than in Trump.

Pew says that more people have favorable views of China than the U.S. in 25 out of 36 countries, including Canada, Mexico, France, Germany, and Australia. Only 6 (six) countries still rate the U.S. more positively: India, Japan, South Korea, Philippines, Poland, and Israel.

And, according to Pew, there has been a “historic shift” in the sense that in 20 countries with data back to 2023, nearly “50% held a positive view of China”, while only “36% regarded the US favorably”. In 2023 it was the reverse: U.S. 58% vs China 32%.


Importantly, Pew cites worsening views of the U.S. since Trump’s second term began, and the US-led war in Iran where “people have less confidence” that the U.S. is contributing to peace. On the contrary, Beijing portrayed itself as a “stabilizing force”.

Incidentally, Pew’s findings are far from an isolated case. Earlier this year (April), Gallup reported that global approval of China’s leadership had surpassed that of the United States by the widest margin in nearly two decades.


“China surpassed the United States in global approval ratings in 2025, with a median of 36% approving of China’s leadership, compared with 31% for the U.S. China’s five-percentage-point advantage over the U.S. is the widest Gallup has recorded in China’s favor in nearly 20 years…..At the same time, disapproval of U.S. leadership rose to a record-high 48%, while China’s disapproval rating remained flat at 37%, Gallup said.

Coming back to the Pew findings, many analysts have agreed with the think-tank that the Trump administration’s tariffs, aid cuts, disdain for allies, and his sheer transactional diplomacy are actively ceding the soft-power contest to Beijing.

In other words, the volatility of American policy under Trump, which includes the use of force and the economic damage from tariffs, has hardened international sentiment against the United States. This has helped China build the perception that it is a more reliable entity.


But then, the fact remains that China has also worked hard to earn its present position.

Extensive Diplomatic Work is bringing the World to Beijing. Since December 2025, Xi and his foreign minister Wang Yi have hosted the political leaders of all the permanent members of the United Nations (UN) Security Council and met with all of the candidates for the UN’s next secretary-general, among an “endless stream” of foreign leaders in Beijing.

The city hosted President Donald Trump in May, followed soon after by Russian President Vladimir Putin.


Across roughly 500 diplomatic engagements in the first half of 26 conducted by more than 20 senior officials, Beijing has seized the opportunity to make its pitch to the world. Our survey results suggest that this work is paying off.


Besides, as Arran Hope, editor of “China Brief” at the Washington-based Jamestown Foundation, observes, “at the regional level, Europe’s importance is reflected in its high volume of diplomatic engagements: no other region received as much attention between January and June, with the United Kingdom and Belarus receiving the most. ASEAN countries saw the next highest degree of engagement, which is in line with trends laid out above”.


China’s President Xi Jinping (R) gestures as he meets with US President Donald Trump (L) during a visit to Zhongnanhai Garden in Beijing on May 15, 2026. (Photo by Evan Vucci / POOL / AFP)


Xi, according to Hope, has been a keen promoter of “Asian values” in the region (of China) in recent times, which for the ruling Chinese Communist Party is a byword for anti-Western and pro-authoritarian, and is linked to gaining advantage in strategic competition with the United States.

Following the Pew survey, China’s People’s Daily wrote a commentary, which says, among other reasons, that China’s growing international goodwill is fostered by the appeal of its culture.

“Chinese cultural products are reaching wider global audiences than ever before. The phenomenal international success of the animated film Ne Zha 2 and the video game Black Myth: Wukong has sparked renewed global interest in Chinese mythology and traditional culture”, the commentary says.

Scholars like Yanzhong Huang agree.

“Culturally, the “Chinamaxxing” phenomenon—a viral social-media trend in which young Westerners embrace Chinese lifestyles, from drinking hot water to riding China’s high-speed rail vicariously through influencer livestreams—has given China the kind of organic, bottom-up cachet long enjoyed by Japan and South Korea, amplified by breakout products like the video game Black Myth: Wukong, the film Ne Zha 2, and Labubu dolls”.

He adds that China’s development model has also gained prestige: its dominance in electric vehicles, batteries, and infrastructure has made “the China model” an object of emulation rather than derision—so much so that Washington itself now practices industrial policy that borrows unmistakably from Beijing’s playbook.

However, notwithstanding all this, there are some limitations of China if one takes the Pew findings under closer scrutiny.

First, Chinese popularity is not uniform, covering all parts of the world.

Pew finds favorability toward China markedly higher in the emerging economies of Africa, Latin America, and South and Southeast Asia, with record highs this year in Colombia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, and Turkey.

China has also gained among the United States’ Western allies—Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, Sweden, the Netherlands —as well as in parts of Latin America, where several publics once viewed the United States more favorably before Trump’s second innings.

But the fact remains that the U.S. also has significant support in six countries – India, Japan, the Philippines, South Korea, Israel and Poland. Consequently, four of these happen to be China’s neighbors, and five of them (except Poland) are in Asia.

In the Philippines, 81 percent see the United States as a reliable partner compared with 42 percent for China. It seems that proximity to Chinese power, particularly when accompanied by maritime disputes, blunts Beijing’s appeal.

Secondly, and this is a corollary of the above, in terms of numbers, people in the world supporting the U.S. and China are more or less even. The U.S. should thank India for this. Negative-leaning views of India’s 1.4 billion people completely offset the strongly positive views of China in 30 other countries.

And here, what is noteworthy is that in Trump’s favorite Pakistan, China leads the U.S. in popularity by over 75 percent, the highest in the countries surveyed. Even in Bangladesh, where the coup dislodging Sheikh Hasina had the American blessings, China’s lead is over 30 percent.

Thirdly, Huang makes one interesting point that “soft power”, which reflects popularity, is, by its very nature, far more mercurial than hard power. Public opinion can swing within a single year.

He quotes the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute’s annual survey of Southeast Asia to illustrate that in 2024, when asked to choose, respondents sided with China for the first time (50.5 to 49.5 percent); in 2025, they flipped back to the United States (52.3 to 47.7 percent); and in 2026, they flipped again to China (52 to 48 percent). “Sentiment that oscillates this easily is a weathervane, not a monument”, he argues.

To buttress his argument, he adds that Soft power ultimately derives from credibility rather than propaganda—and solid, credible foundations for China’s appeal have yet to be laid. In Inside China, there are no signs of meaningful improvement in the rule of law or political freedom—if anything, the trajectory points the other way—and global publics have noticed. In only eleven of the thirty-six countries Pew surveyed do around half or more say the Chinese government respects the personal freedoms of its people.

Considering all this, the Chinese score over the U.S. in the Pew Survey does not necessarily flow from intrinsic strength, and it is most likely due to deteriorating opinions of the United States under Trump.

In other words, Washington’s loss does not necessarily translate into a commensurate lasting gain for Beijing.

Thus, one could say that it is too soon to declare a Chinese victory.

In 2026, the world may “like” China more than America for the first time, going by the Pew survey. But does the world “love” China more than America? Pew does not deal with this question, though in geopolitics, the difference between “like” and “love” does matter. And things can change sooner rather than later if the U.S. takes corrective measures.



Author and veteran journalist Prakash Nanda is Chairman of the Editorial Board of the EurAsian Times and has been commenting on politics, foreign policy, and strategic affairs for nearly three decades. He is a former National Fellow of the Indian Council for Historical Research and a recipient of the Seoul Peace Prize Scholarship.


A preview of the Negeri Sembilan election


Murray Hunter


A preview of the Negeri Sembilan election


This election is seeing some changes in tactics by some of the parties, and the result will guide how the major parties line up in the next general election


Murray Hunter
Jul 31, 2026







THE Negeri Sembilan state election on Saturday, August 1, should not normally attract much attention, as only 889,490 registered voters are involved.

Thirty-six seats are up for grabs, where PH had a minority government, after Umno and Barisan Nasional (BN) earlier withdrew support for the state administration led by Datuk Seri Aminuddin Harun.

This election is seeing some changes in tactics by some of the parties, and the result will set the scene for how the major parties line up in the next general election.

In the Johor state election earlier this month, we saw the Barisan Nasional enjoy a convincing win. The question for Negeri Sembilan now is whether the BN can take the government from the current PH administration.

Based on the momentum from the Johor election, the odds seem stacked in favour of the BN.

Political analysts believe that the BN will take much of the Bersatu vote this time and, with that, win the state government.

However, the election is still volatile. Umno’s vote is perceived to rise at the cost of Bersatu and give it a majority of seats to take the government.

There are a number of events to watch in this election.

First is the PN-BN alliance. On the surface, this alliance appears to be the springboard Umno needs to do very well.

However, many traditional PAS supporters question the electoral alliance and may not support it by voting for Umno where PAS is not standing.

Second is Anthony Loke’s seat of Chennah, which he won with a 2,200-vote margin in 2023.

If Loke loses the seat, the DAP’s position within the unity government may become a major question within the party, forcing the leadership to make a decision about staying.

If Loke holds his seat, there will be some pressure taken off the leadership on the question of staying in the unity government.

This leads to the third test. The DAP should be able to hold onto all the 11 seats it won in the last state election.

For PKR, voter turnout will be the key here. If the party machinery can muster its supporters to come and vote, it may be able to hold its seats and even increase its votes.







Linggi should be PKR’s big test on Saturday.

Aminuddin, the caretaker Menteri Besar, is standing in the Umno stronghold and is seen as a very brave move.

It’s going to be a very tough, but not impossible, fight against the Umno incumbent, Datuk Mohd Faizal Ramli.

The seat, located about 36km from Seremban, is considered a Barisan stronghold, with the coalition having held it since 1974.

Aminuddin is up against a three-cornered fight against Mohd Faizal and Datuk Zamri Md Said of Bersatu.

In the 2023 state election, Mohd Faizal won with a 1,461-vote majority in a straight fight against Zamri.

Fourth, Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainuddin’s Wawasan is entering the electoral foray for the first time on Saturday.

The big question is whether Wawasan will fizzle out like Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli’s Bersama in Johor, or show that they can be a legitimate replacement for Bersatu.

PAS support will be very important in these contests. However, it looks like Wawasan may just become a vote spoiler for Bersatu, giving PKR some advantage.

Finally, the MCA will have to show that it is more than just a party hanging onto Umno’s coattails in this election.

There is also another dimension riding on this election. A BN win could lead to friction against the monarchy in the state, and this could lead to some drawn-out drama.

The BN may likely achieve a win in the coming election, but there is also a strong possibility that PH may surprise many with a higher aggregate vote than in 2023.

This will depend largely on the voter turnout and last-minute decisions by fence-sitters this Saturday. – July 31, 2026

Pakatan 'push-pull' in NS

 

Image


  • Can Tabung Haji save Harapan?

  • Anwar says sorry to Indians



Can Tabung Haji save Harapan?

The Madani administration finally released the Tabung Haji royal commission of inquiry report three years after it was completed.

While it was a cabinet decision, Pakatan Harapan leaders, including premier Anwar Ibrahim, wasted no time taking veiled jabs at their estranged partner BN, accusing them of mismanaging the fund while Harapan rescued it.

However, while the report did confirm there was mismanagement and creative accounting, it didn’t make any damning accusations that Umno leaders were directly responsible for these issues, nor was there any evidence of corruption involving Umno.

Umno is letting the attacks roll like water off a duck’s back, and the RCI report may not make a dent on the BN-PN Malay unity wave that’s about to slam into Harapan in Negeri Sembilan.

HIGHLIGHTS


Anwar says sorry to Indians

Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim made a rare apology on Wednesday night, saying sorry to Indians in Negeri Sembilan for referring to houses of worship on disputed land as “kuil haram” (illegal temples).

“When I realised that it was wrong for me to say ‘kuil haram’, I apologised. I said ‘no’, that was technical, (what) I have said was a mistake,” he said.

With Indian voters accounting for over 20 percent of the electorate across 11 seats in Negeri Sembilan, their turnout and sentiment could prove decisive for Pakatan Harapan’s survival in the state.

Stay tuned to Malaysiakini today for a report on what Indian voters in the state feel about Anwar and his government, and whether it will impact their votes.

Linggi, Chennah to test whether PH’s governance trumps identity politics





Linggi, Chennah to test whether PH’s governance trumps identity politics


Analyst Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri says the seats should be viewed as a broader indicator of the direction of Negeri Sembilan politics ahead of GE16


DAP secretary-general Loke Siew Fook is seeking a fourth term in Chennah, while Negeri Sembilan PH chairman Aminuddin Harun is contesting the BN stronghold of Linggi. (Bernama pic)


PETALING JAYA: Linggi and Chennah have emerged as key battlegrounds for Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the Negeri Sembilan election, where they are expected to test whether politics centred on performance, moderation and governance can outweigh identity-based sentiments.

Analyst Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri said Linggi highlights menteri besar Aminuddin Harun’s willingness to contest a Barisan Nasional (BN)-held seat, while Chennah will see Loke Siew Fook defending a mixed constituency.

He said the two seats should not be viewed merely as contests between individual candidates, but as a broader indicator of the direction of Negeri Sembilan politics ahead of the 16th general election.


Aminuddin, who had long represented Sikamat, was fielded by PH in Linggi this time. The seat is currently held by BN and has a Malay-majority electorate.


Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri.


“The move makes political sense because PH wants to demonstrate that Aminuddin is not merely a leader for a safe seat, but a state-level figure capable of winning support in a more challenging constituency.


“The presence of Bersatu also makes the contest more open, as the Malay vote could be split, while PH can rely on support from non-Malay voters, moderate voters and Aminuddin’s administrative track record,” Aminuddin told FMT.

He said an Aminuddin victory would carry significant political weight as it would show PH is capable of breaking into BN strongholds through moderate and stable leadership.

Aminuddin is facing incumbent Faizal Ramli of BN and Bersatu’s Zamri Said.


Chennah a test of moderate politics


In Chennah, Zaharuddin said Loke faces a different challenge as the constituency is a mixed seat, with about 47% Malay voters, 44% Chinese, 7% Orang Asli and 2% Indian voters, making it a microcosm of Malaysia’s multiethnic politics.

He said Loke had, since 2013, transformed Chennah from an MCA stronghold into a solid DAP seat through constituency service, accessibility to voters and his standing as a national leader.

“Chennah is no longer just a local contest. It is a referendum on whether multi-ethnic moderation can still prevail over ethnic mobilisation.

“A victory for Loke would reinforce the argument that voters in mixed constituencies continue to value performance, experience and moderate politics,” he said.


Loke will defend the seat against BN candidate Siow Kong Choon.

Zaharuddin said the outcomes in Linggi and Chennah would help determine whether Negeri Sembilan voters want to retain performance-based politics or shift more strongly towards race- and identity-based sentiments.

“If Aminuddin and Loke win, it will signal that performance-based politics still carries weight,” he said.


***


I fear for Loke


Move on from a bleak future in PN, Bersatu told





Move on from a bleak future in PN, Bersatu told


7 days ago
Anne Muhammad


Syaza Shukri says the party should stop dwelling on past glories and focus on new alliances


National Council of Professors fellow Azmi Hassan said Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin (centre) must prove that the party can stand on its own.



PETALING JAYA: Bersatu needs to accept the fact that its future in Perikatan Nasional is increasingly uncertain and stop dwelling on past achievements, says an analyst.

Syaza Shukri, of International Islamic University Malaysia, said Bersatu should now focus on forging new alliances and drawing up fresh strategies if “it was serious about moving forward.”

“However, I understand why Bersatu keeps talking about PN, especially Muhyiddin Yassin, as he sees himself as PN’s founder,” she told FMT, referring to the Bersatu president.


Yesterday, Muhyiddin said PAS, which severed ties with Bersatu in June, won big in the last general election because the Islamic party was working with them.

PAS won 43 parliamentary seats in 2022. The opposition coalition also secured the lion’s share of the Malay votes.


Syaza said while there was some basis to Muhyiddin’s opinion, the political landscape had since changed.

Bersatu, she said, must now work on bolstering its support base on its own if it wants to attract a significant number of Malay voters.

Separately, Azmi Hassan, a fellow at the National Council of Professors, said Muhyiddin must prove that Bersatu could stand on its own and the party was still able to attract support at the upcoming Negeri Sembilan polls, especially since it would be contesting under its own logo.

“If Bersatu can prove its worth, only then can it search for a new partner, like Pakatan Harapan, for example, which needs the Malay votes.

“This will be Bersatu’s challenge now that they have been sidelined in PN by PAS.”


There’ll be no lasting outrage over TH findings, says Kadir Jasin





There’ll be no lasting outrage over TH findings, says Kadir Jasin


The laureate says problems plaguing the pilgrims' fund are perceived as a Malay-Muslim issue


National journalism laureate A Kadir Jasin said heads must roll over the failure to carry out fiduciary duties and responsibilities.



PETALING JAYA: National journalism laureate A Kadir Jasin believes there will be no lasting outrage over the findings of a royal commission of inquiry into Lembaga Tabung Haji (TH), unlike the furore generated by 1MDB, as it is perceived as a Malay-Muslim issue.

The veteran commentator said that, unlike the 1MDB scandal, the non-Malays would be reluctant to wade into the TH saga.

“The Malays are not very good at sustained outrage. They’re easily pacified,” Kadir told FMT.


“There should be, but there might not be (outrage).”


He added that even in the case of 1MDB, some in the community had clamoured for former prime minister Najib Razak, who is currently serving time for corruption, to be pardoned.


Najib played a central role in the saga, which has been dubbed the largest ever kleptocracy case.

Kadir also said he was not surprised by the RCI’s findings, and that much of what was uncovered had been exposed and acted upon when Barisan Nasional lost power in the 2018 general election.

He said the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government led by Dr Mahathir Mohamad, through then finance minister Lim Guan Eng and then religious affairs minister Mujahid Yusof Rawa, had taken a series of actions.

This included transferring TH’s non-performing assets and liabilities to a special purpose vehicle so that the pilgrims’ fund could continue to pay hibah to its members.


Multiple police reports were also lodged by TH’s new management against the fund’s former board members and senior management, he added.

However, when the PH government was toppled following the “Sheraton Move” in 2020, “most of its policies and actions were either abandoned or put on a back burner”, he said.

Kadir expressed regret that former board members and senior management were given only a slap on the wrist, with no major criminal trials or formal charges brought by the Attorney-General’s Chambers.

He said senior staff only faced internal disciplinary action and demotions instead of dismissals.


“The RCI findings on TH and its recommendations will yet be another ruse if no legal action is taken against the culprits.”

Kadir said that heads must roll over the failure to carry out fiduciary duties and responsibilities, lest the TH RCI end up suffering the same fate as the Royal Commission to Enhance the Operation and Management of the Royal Malaysia Police, which was set up 22 years ago.

In 2005, the royal commission proposed the establishment of a body called the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission, which was never fully set up.

U.S. Army Investing Record $58.6 Billion to Restock the Patriot Missile Arsenals Iran Depleted

 



U.S. Army Investing Record $58.6 Billion to Restock the Patriot Missile Arsenals Iran Depleted

North America, Western Europe and Oceania , Missile and Space


The U.S. Army has awarded Lockheed Martin a contract worth up to $58.6 billion to produce PAC-3 Missile Segment Enhancement (MSE) interceptors for the MIM-104 Patriot long range air defence system, which represents by far the largest procurement agreement ever signed for the missile type. The award comes as the Pentagon seeks to rapidly rebuild inventories depleted by extensive combat operations in Iran and continuing military assistance to Ukraine, while also preparing for the possibility of future high-intensity conflicts. The extraordinary pace at which interceptor inventories have been expended, and the PAC-3 MSE’s average cost of $3.871 million each, has made sustaining inventories particularly expensive. 

PAC-3 MSE Launch
PAC-3 MSE Launch

The U.S. notably initiated attacks on Iran in February with its arsenal of interceptors for Patriot systems already severely depleted, with stockpiles confirmed in July 2026 to have fallen to just 25 percent of the volume deemed necessary by the Pentagon. Reports from multiple Western sources confirmed on March 5, 2026, that the United States Army had expended over 800 interceptors from Patriot systems during just five days of engagements with Iranian forces. Shortages were such that  the United States was in March forced to request supplies of interceptors to replenish after extreme depletion of the Army’s arsenal in the war’s initial days, with the Polish arsenal being the only one in NATO that was not severely depleted. 

Launchers From U.S. Army Patriot Air Defence System in South Korea Before Their Withdrawal and Redeployment to the Middle East
Launchers From U.S. Army Patriot Air Defence System in South Korea Before Their Withdrawal and Redeployment to the Middle East

The latest agreement converts a previous one-year US$4.7 billion production contract awarded in April into a seven-year framework running from fiscal years 2026 to 2032, giving Lockheed Martin the long-term certainty needed to significantly expand manufacturing capacity. Pentagon officials have increasingly favoured multi-year procurement agreements over annual contracts, arguing that stable demand allows industry to invest confidently in new production lines, suppliers and workforce expansion. Lockheed Martin has stated that the contract will allow it to fulfil its commitment to triple PAC-3 MSE production capacity by 2030, increasing annual output from roughly 600 missiles to around 2,000. 

Surface-to-Air Missile Launch From U.S. Army THAAD Ballistic Missile System
Surface-to-Air Missile Launch From U.S. Army THAAD Ballistic Missile System

Procuring around 2,000 PAC-3 MSE interceptors would cost approximately $7.74 billion per year, imposing a significant additional burden on the already strained U.S. defence budget. This would be far from isolated, with the awarding of a contract by the U.S. Missile Defense Agency to increase annual production of interceptors for the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system from an estimated 96 missiles annually to approximately 400, which was announced on June 26, expected to result in an annual cost of over $6.2 billion per year, as the more costly interceptors cost over over $15.5 million each. In order of facilitate a faster rate of production for PAC-3 missiles, Lockheed Martin plans to expand employment at its Camden, Arkansas, production facility by approximately 50 percent, while investing $8-9 billion to modernise more than twenty manufacturing facilities across the United States. 

Ballistic Missile Launch from Russian Iskander-M System - The Primary System Patriots Have Been Tested Against in Ukraine
Ballistic Missile Launch from Russian Iskander-M System - The Primary System Patriots Have Been Tested Against in Ukraine

The U.S. has been forced to respond to the major shortages of guided missiles that have resulted from its war with Iran with the suspension of arms deliveries to strategic partners in Asia and Europe, and by withdrawing a wide range of assets from the Pacific theatre including THAAD and Patriot systems in South Korea. Despite the extreme costs of procurements, the effectiveness of the PAC-3 has increasingly been called into question. In the initial hours of hostilities footage showed Patriot systems in Qatar consistently failing to intercept Iranian ballistic missiles, while footage in mid-March civilians filmed two Iranian ballistic missiles striking oil facilities at the United Arab Emirates port of Fujairah, and failed efforts by Patriot systems to intercept them. Multiple pieces of footage, and reports of an only six percent interception rate in the Ukrainian theatre against Russian tactical ballistic missiles, have made the expansion of Patriot procurements appear controversial.

Not a good idea to name Hamzah PM candidate, analysts say





Not a good idea to name Hamzah PM candidate, analysts say


4 hours ago
Nora Mahpar


Academic says such a proposal could cause more friction given that Barisan Nasional has already rejected another suggestion to name their pact Perikatan Barisan Nasional


Analysts say Barisan Nasional would not accept Hamzah Zainudin as the candidate for prime minister.



PETALING JAYA: A suggestion to name Parti Wawasan Negara president Hamzah Zainudin as the prime ministerial candidate may not go down well with Barisan Nasional (BN), according to analysts.

This could eventually undermine its cooperation with Perikatan Nasional (PN), the PAS-led coalition of which Wawasan is also a component, the analysts told FMT.

BN and PN have an “understanding” that they will not field candidates against each other in this weekend’s Negeri Sembilan election.


The analysts likened the idea floated by Wawasan secretary-general Saifuddin Abdullah to rubbing salt into the wound for BN, which had earlier rejected a proposal to name its pact with PN Perikatan Barisan Nasional (PBN). The proposal was put forward by Hamzah himself.
Play

A remark about Tanah Melayu by PN election director Sanusi Nor has also forced BN to take steps to prevent an erosion of non-Malay support.

Mazlan Ali.

In any case, Mazlan Ali of Universiti Teknologi Malaysia pointed out, it is still too early to talk about a prime ministerial candidate.

Beyond the Negeri Sembilan polls, there are no firm plans to extend the cooperation between BN and PN to the next general election, which is not due until February 2028.

“Saifuddin’s idea of making Hamzah the prime ministerial candidate (which he floated in a recent podcast) could cause friction between BN and PN,” Mazlan told FMT.

He said BN chairman Ahmad Zahid Hamidi would not agree to the idea, despite the Umno president saying that such ambition should be respected.


He also said Zahid’s remark wishing Hamzah “good luck” could simply have been sarcastic.

“Umno would not surrender the prime minister’s post to any other coalition unless the rival coalition wins more seats,” he said.

Mazlan pointed out that even within PN itself, its component parties had struggled to agree on who should be their prime ministerial candidate.

“What more when BN is thrown into the mix? It will lead to an entirely new conflict,” he added.

Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri.

Ahmad Zaharuddin Sani Ahmad Sabri of Global Asia Consulting said the question of who should be the prime ministerial candidate has always been a sensitive topic in discussions on forming a new political grouping.

He said BN would not simply accept any candidate proposed by PN, as the two coalitions had different aspirations and interests.

Zaharuddin said the debate over PBN underscored the lack of trust between BN and PN.

“Announcing a prime ministerial candidate too early has the potential to reopen old wounds,” he added.

Zainal Abidin Sanusi.

However, Zainal Abidin Sanusi of International Islamic University Malaysia said proposing a “fresh face” should not affect ties within an alliance built on a strong foundation.

“If a proposal leads to cracks within an alliance, the issue isn’t the proposal. It simply means the pact has not been forged on principle but on a quest for power,” he said.

“Any party that is in a hurry to name its prime ministerial candidate is likely the weakest among the coalition’s component parties,” he added.


Operation Sook Ching - the WWII Japanese massacre of Sing-Malayan Chinese


From the FB page of:

Operation Sook Ching was a mass screening and purge operation carried out by the Japanese military in Singapore (then called Syonan-to under Japanese occupation) following the British surrender in February 1942.
The operation began on February 21, 1942, when Chinese men were first summoned to mass screening centres, just days after Singapore fell to Japanese forces on February 15. "Sook Ching" (肅清) is a Chinese term meaning "purge through cleansing." The Japanese military, particularly the Kempeitai (military police), organised the operation with the stated goal of eliminating anti-Japanese elements among Singapore's Chinese population.
Chinese men, generally between the ages of 18 and 50, were ordered to report to designated screening centres. There, they were interrogated and sorted, often by masked informants who would point out suspects, into categories deemed "loyal" or "hostile" to Japan. Those flagged as threats, which could include former Chinese army volunteers, communists, secret society members, intellectuals, civil servants, or simply people with tattoos (associated with triads), were taken away and executed. Many others were killed based on flimsy or arbitrary criteria, and the process was often chaotic and indiscriminate.
Victims were typically taken to isolated locations, including beaches like Punggol, Changi and Bedok, and killed by shooting or other means, often in mass executions.
The exact number of victims remains disputed. Japanese wartime accounts put the figure at around 5,000, while post-war estimates have ranged much higher. Most retrospective accounts put the consensus figure at 40,000 to 50,000 killed. The operation also extended to parts of Malaya (present-day Malaysia) around the same period, though it's most closely associated with Singapore.
After the war, the issue of compensation for Sook Ching victims became a significant point of contention between Singapore's Chinese community and the Japanese government. In 1966, Japan agreed to a $25 million grant and $25 million in loans, settling what was termed Singapore's "Blood Debt."
Today, the Civilian War Memorial in Singapore, often called the "Chopsticks Monument," was built in the 1960s to commemorate civilian victims of the Japanese occupation, including those killed during Sook Ching.