Wednesday, July 08, 2026

A Leader in Denial

 

Dennis Ignatius

 

~ Provoking discussion, dissent & debate on politics, diplomacy, human rights & civil society.

A Leader in Denial

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Is the past finally catching up with Anwar?

[1] There is a particular tell that comes over politicians when the ground begins to shift beneath them. They start rewriting history, recasting their own choices as other people’s conspiracies, and appointing themselves the wronged party. Anwar Ibrahim has made an art of it — always the reformer in his own telling, never the man responsible.

[2] Consider his explanation for the recent Johor contest. It was, he suggested, precipitated by people agitating to free Najib Razak from prison.[1] It is a neat story, save for one inconvenient fact: it was Anwar who set the machinery of Najib’s pardon in motion.[2] It was he who told us Najib deserved leniency on account of his service and contributions to the country.[3]  Having lit the fuse, he now professes shock at the explosion. 

[3] On the Johor campaign trail, Anwar also declared that he did not want anyone tainted with corruption to become leaders.[4] It is a curious line, given that he appointed Zahid Hamidi as his deputy prime minister – even though he was, at the time, on trial for criminal breach of trust, graft and money laundering. Subsequently, all the 47 charges against him were inexplicably withdrawn, despite the trial judge’s earlier ruling that a prima facie case had been established and that he must enter his defence. [5]

[4] It is hard to escape the impression that a deal was done – a reprieve for Zahid in exchange for his support in propping up Anwar’s government. In January 2026 the Attorney-General’s Chambers declared it would take no further action, closing the case for good and placing it beyond the reach of any court – a decision the Bar has denounced as irrational and against the public interest, and is currently challenging.[6]

[5] Now that Zahid has turned on him, Anwar reaches for the moral high ground. But he is only reaping what he sowed – betrayed by the very man he rescued from oblivion – and has no one to blame but himself. 

[6] He casts himself, too, as a scourge of graft – the very reason, he says, that certain parties are so eager to be rid of him. But a leader serious about corruption does not entrust the fight against it to someone like Azam Baki, a controversial figure as ever there was. He sat on his hands over allegations of graft in Sabah and looked past a host of other serious cases besides. Anwar not only failed to properly investigate him over allegations of impropriety but granted him extension after extension and then rewarded him with a perch on the NFCC advisory board. In the eyes of many Malaysians, Anwar no longer has any credibility on the issue.

[7] He also claimed that certain parties were plotting his downfall.[7] We have heard that before too. The most recent – a plot supposedly hatched by Daim’s widow – was trailed with a flurry of statements, one of them to Parliament, before the whole affair quietly evaporated.[8] He has cried wolf once too often to be taken seriously.

[8] How Anwar wishes to be remembered tells you much about how little he grasps his own predicament: a leader, he says, who loved the people and was loved by them in return.[9] There is something almost poignant in the hope – for it was a hope many of us once shared. We wanted him to succeed; we wanted to believe that the long years of struggle had led somewhere. Yet poll after poll now tells the same quiet story. He has failed to win the Malay ground he courted so assiduously, and the non-Malay voters who once placed such faith in him have drifted away, disillusioned. In the end, one is left to wonder who remains to love him at all.

[9] The past has a way of catching up. The mask is slipping. And the man beneath it looks nothing like the reformer he promised to be.

[Dennis Ignatius |Kuala Lumpur |08 July 2026]

State policies have not benefitted Johoreans, forcing many to seek employment in Singapore, says Guan Eng





State policies have not benefitted Johoreans, forcing many to seek employment in Singapore, says Guan Eng


Many voters informed that economic progress has priced out property rentals, consumption of food and beverage especially in southern Johor


Updated 3 hours ago · Published on 08 Jul 2026 1:26PM


Development should improve people’s lives, not price them out of the very places they call home, said Lim. - July 8, 2026


by Ian McIntyre


BARISAN Nasional (BN) should pay more attention to reforming itself rather than trying to serve the people after staying in power for over 60 years in Johor.

DAP adviser Lim Guan Eng says it is time for BN to stand down and reflect on its governance style, as the past and present policies have not really benefited Johoreans, who continue to seek employment in Singapore.

In this Johor state election, the focus should be on the failure of balanced economic development, a two-tier economy and economic progress that benefits foreigners more than the local communities, said Lim.

"While no one disputes that there is economic development and progress, the question Johor’s voters must ask is this: Have you benefited from all this progress and are you confident of enjoying a better life in future?" Lim asked in a statement.

Instead, many voters informed that economic progress has priced out property rentals, consumption of food and beverage especially in southern Johor.

Properties in Tebrau and Johor Baru are no longer affordable for the average person.

"Ordinary Johoreans are unable to afford renting landed properties and consumption in these southern areas, and many establishments are patronised by outsiders or foreigners," said Lim.

In short, he said Johor’s development challenges stem from failures at both the macro and micro levels.

At the macro level, there has been no bold, inclusive, and long-term vision for the state’s development. Economic growth has been concentrated overwhelmingly in southern Johor, while many other districts have been left behind.

“As a result, the prosperity generated by the state’s development has not been shared fairly across Johor," said Lim during a campaign trail for Pakatan Harapan (PH).

At the micro level, poor economic management has made matters worse.

Ironically, in Johor Bahru, the state’s most prosperous and economically vibrant city, the rising cost of living has reached a point where many ordinary Johoreans can no longer afford to enjoy certain areas in their own city centre.

Development should improve people’s lives, not price them out of the very places they call home, said Lim.

"True progress is not measured by the number of skyscrapers we build or the amount of investment we attract.

“It is measured by whether every region has the opportunity to prosper, and whether ordinary people can genuinely enjoy the fruits of economic growth. That is the kind of development Johor deserves."

The unequal pattern of development in Johor is clearly reflected in its population distribution.

When nearly half of Johor’s population is concentrated in Greater Johor Bahru while many other districts are losing their young people, it is a clear sign that development has become unbalanced, said Lim.

Left unchecked, this trend will only widen the economic divide and accelerate population ageing across the rest of Johor, he added.

"This is the failure of the BN state government. Worse, BN does not even know they have failed or how they have failed.

“For this reason, BN does not deserve a second chance at power for their failure to ensure balanced development and oversee economic progress that benefits foreigners more than Johoreans, especially for those living outside the southern region," said Lim. - July 8, 2026.

Harapan's Chinese support stabilises in Johor, but victory still an uphill battle












Harapan's Chinese support stabilises in Johor, but victory still an uphill battle


Lee Way Loon & Khoo Shi Yuan
Published: Jul 8, 2026 3:01 PM
Updated: 6:57 PM




JOHOR POLLS | With less than 72 hours before polling day on July 11, the Johor state election has entered its final sprint.

While Pakatan Harapan's prospects appear to have stabilised, it remains the underdog, with three major variables set to determine the final outcome.

During the campaign period, the Malaysiakini team visited multiple constituencies across southern, central, and northern Johor.

The team found that while Harapan initially faced pressure from a loosening and even dissipating Chinese base at the start of the campaign, many Chinese voters have begun to show signs of support for the coalition after the first week of campaigning.

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However, this resurgence is not yet enough to turn the tide of the overall battle, and BN maintains its leading advantage.

At present, the biggest suspense in the election has shifted from "who is leading" to three key questions: where the Malay votes will ultimately go, whether outstation voters will return home to vote, and whether young voters will become a force capable of changing the electoral battlefield.

In the early stages of the campaign, when Malaysiakini visited several Chinese-majority constituencies and conducted street interviews, the most common sentiment heard was dissatisfaction with Harapan.

READ MORE: 'No feeling to vote': Chinese voters in Johor towns signal reluctance to cast ballots

Many Chinese voters criticised Harapan's performance over the past two years, citing disappointments with policies such as the e-Invoice and the Selangor pig farming issue.




Some voters in Mengkibol even lamented that Parti Bersama Malaysia was not contesting there, and were considering not voting at all.

Mengkibol is located under the Kluang parliamentary seat. It is a Chinese-majority constituency, about 57 percent, and a fortress for DAP.

The apparent shift

However, during the weekend when the campaign entered the halfway point, the atmosphere on the ground began to change noticeably.

Whether at morning markets, night markets, or political rallies, whenever Harapan candidates and leaders appeared, more voters began proactively asking for photos, shaking hands, and expressing support.

The crowds at political rallies also noticeably increased compared to the early days of the campaign.

The Chinese are now giving Harapan candidates a warmer response, it appears. Many have directly stated that they will support and vote for Harapan.

This shift could be due to two reasons.

First, some Johor outstation voters returned home for the weekend, swelling the crowds at event venues.




But the bigger reason is that after a week of campaigning, Harapan's continuous narrative focusing on "BN-PAS cooperation" has begun to gain traction, successfully re-mobilising a portion of the Chinese base.

However, if this strategy continues as the main campaign anchor, it may gradually lose its efficacy.

Therefore, over the next three days, the respective camps must present more policies and future visions rather than relying solely on emotional mobilisation.

This also does not mean that the disenfranchised Chinese voters have changed their minds.

The Malay votes

Although multiple opinion polls show BN holding the upper hand, the true wildcard remains the direction of the Malay votes.

Before the election, some Harapan leaders believed that if the Malay vote split, they would theoretically stand a chance to "win amid the chaos”.

However, with Perikatan Nasional withdrawing from 23 seats and PAS calling on its supporters to back BN, this assumption - which was originally built on a three-way contest for the Malay vote - is now difficult to materialise.

It has also left Bersatu supporters in many seats without a clear choice of who to vote for.

Particularly in mixed constituencies like Larkin, where Bersatu secured about a quarter of the votes in the last election but is not on the ballot this time, no one can accurately predict whether these voters will side with BN, stay at home, or swing elsewhere.




Following visits to the area, the Malaysiakini team found that even though some Bersatu supporters explicitly stated they would not support Harapan, there was no consistent answer on whether they would switch to BN.

Some indicated they remained undecided, while others leaned toward abstaining.

READ MORE: 10,000 PN 'ghost' voters will be kingmakers in JB's Malay-majority seat

Since Malay voters make up a significant proportion of most mixed constituencies in Johor, this swing is enough to decide the winner in multiple marginal seats.


Onn still popular

Nevertheless, according to a survey conducted by the Merdeka Center before nomination day, Johor BN chief and caretaker menteri besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi enjoys soaring popularity, commanding a 78 percent approval rating across all ethnic groups.

This includes a 92 percent support rating among Malays, 94 percent among Indians, and 53 percent among Chinese.


Caretaker Johor menteri besar Onn Hafiz Ghazi


Despite this, Harapan's advantage in holding federal administrative resources has made it easier for them to reach out to Malay voters.

On July 4, Harapan held a rally in the Ulu Tebrau Felda settlement within the Puteri Wangsa constituency.

Apart from Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's personal attendance, former Umno man Puad Zarkashi also took the stage to assist the campaign.

READ MORE: Puad, Anwar stump for Maszlee at Harapan ceramah

About 200 people attended the event. For Harapan, which has historically found it difficult to penetrate deep into Felda settlements, such an event carries symbolic meaning in itself and reflects Harapan's active pursuit of the Malay grassroots, whom they previously found harder to reach.


Former Umno leader Puad Zarkashi and PM Anwar Ibrahim stumping for Harapan’s Puteri Wangsa candidate


Limited engagement with Indians

Aside from the Malay votes, the Indian vote is another key variable in this state election that is easily overlooked.

Many state seats in Johor are mixed constituencies. Even in seats regarded as Chinese-majority, the proportion of Indian voters generally approaches or exceeds 10 percent of the electorate.

Therefore, any shift in support from this community could alter the final results.


BN leaders including those from its component party MIC


Harapan's campaign focus remains on locking down Chinese support while attempting to reach Malay voters, leaving its engagement with the Indian community relatively limited.

The Anwar government has previously drawn dissatisfaction from parts of the Indian community over issues such as university matriculation quotas and the demolition of Hindu temples.

Furthermore, Johor BN has historically maintained a certain level of organisational strength among the Indian grassroots.

READ MORE: MIC steps out of comfort zone with urban push in Johor polls

If BN successfully consolidates its Indian support further, it could deal a blow to Harapan's incumbent seats, such as Tangkak (10.2 percent Indian), Perling (13.1 percent Indian), Johor Jaya (7.9 percent Indian), and Jementah (8.3 percent Indian).

Since the start of the campaign, BN has held fewer large-scale rallies or mega-events.

Instead, they have organised numerous campaign activities to meet party members and grassroots supporters, seemingly focusing their firepower on consolidating their core base.

Youth vote matters

Another group worthy of attention is young voters.

According to data from the Merdeka Center, there are 1.13 million voters aged between 21 and 39 in this state election, making up the largest age demographic.

Additionally, 6.1 percent of the voters are first-time voters following the implementation of the automatic voter registration policy for 18-year-olds.

These young voters exhibit ambiguous political leanings. Rather than ethnic politics, they care more about job opportunities, housing, the cost of living, and local bread-and-butter issues, rather than traditional political slogans.

After interviewing several young voters, Malaysiakini found that they generally expressed their intention to fulfil their voting duty, but many have yet to decide who to support.




Unlike in the past, they prefer to compare the policies and narratives of various political parties themselves rather than blindly following the preferences of their families.

Consequently, Harapan and BN have visibly ramped up their social media operations recently, hoping to win over young voters through TikTok and short videos, even deploying Malay influencers to court them.

PN’s low visibility

In contrast, PN's social media momentum this time around is visibly weaker, nowhere near as sharp as during the 2022 general election when it successfully attracted young Malay voters using TikTok.

As for Bersama, observations so far suggest it will be difficult for them to break the duopoly of Harapan and BN.

For Bersama, this state election is more akin to a political experiment. If they can secure 12.5 percent to 15 percent of the votes in some constituencies, they will not only save their election deposits but also prove they possess an independent base of support, gaining political bargaining chips for the future.

READ MORE: Light in the dark, cold realities: Trials of Bersama's amateur army

In the Johor Jaya state seat, Bersama candidate Lau Yi Leong, who has a legal background, is one of the more prominent candidates within the party, and is viewed as one of the constituencies where Bersama stands the best chance of achieving better results.


Johor Jaya aspirant Lau Yi Leong


In the last state election, DAP won the seat under the Harapan banner by a razor-thin majority of just 4.06 percent or 1,922 votes.

Perhaps, to prevent Bersama from splitting the Chinese votes, DAP has started attacking Bersama in recent days.

Selangor's Seri Kembangan assemblyperson Wong Siew Ki, who is stationed in Johor Jaya to assist in campaigning, has traded barbs with Lau.

DAP organising secretary Khoo Poay Tiong and "returning" firebrand speaker and former party member Hew Kuan Yau have also slammed Bersama, with Hew even calling on voters to "discard yellow to protect red”.

With all factors considered, Harapan's more realistic goal remains defending the 12 seats it won in the last election, along with Puteri Wangsa, which was previously conceded to Muda.

Some of its original constituencies are still facing fierce competition, including mixed seats like Tangkak and Johor Jaya, while some constituencies with a higher proportion of Chinese voters remain relatively safe.


Housing and Local Government Minister Nga Kor Ming


At the same time, the Perak DAP, led by Housing and Local Government Minister Nga Kor Ming, is actively taking the offensive in Yong Peng, while MCA is concentrating its firepower on attacking Harapan seats like Penggaram.

Both sides have adopted a strategy of "targeted breakthroughs" rather than waging an all-out war.

Whether it's the seats they hold or plan to expand to, if the Malay votes swing at the last minute, if outstation voter turnout exceeds expectations, and if young voters make a decisive last-minute choice, the outcome of this election could still differ from what was anticipated by the outside world at the start of the campaign.


Thai beer dynasty mother drops 'ungrateful child' case against son






Thai beer dynasty mother drops 'ungrateful child' case against son



Prompted by his mother’s suit, Siranudh revealed accusations in May that he had been sexually abused by his older brother Sunit and his babysitter. — Picture via Instagram/Psi Scott

First Published: Wednesday, 08 Jul 2026 3:57 PM MYT


BANGKOK, July 8 — A mother from one of Thailand’s wealthiest families formally withdrew her “ungrateful child” lawsuit against her son today, a Bangkok court said, after he accused his elder brother of sexual abuse.


Jeeranuch Bhirombhakdi, a third-generation member of the billionaire family behind Thailand’s Singha beer empire, dropped her suit against her son, Siranudh “Psi” Scott, according to a statement from the civil court that was hearing the case.


She brought the suit in February under a measure known as the “ungrateful child law”.

It allows parents to revoke gifts if their offspring are deemed ungrateful, physically abusive, neglectful in old age, or responsible for serious reputational harm.


Prompted by his mother’s suit, Siranudh revealed accusations in May that he had been sexually abused by his older brother Sunit and his babysitter.


Jeeranuch argued that he had damaged the family’s reputation and sought to reclaim land worth millions of dollars that had been gifted to Siranudh by his late grandfather.

“Dropping the lawsuit, they no longer cause me more harm but everything else that brought me to this point still remains,” Siranudh told reporters outside the court today.


“Even though they withdrew the case, my life is still shattered.”

About 20 of Siranudh’s supporters gathered near the court holding paper flowers and photos of him.

“I cannot claim today is a victory as this case should never have happened,” Siranudh said. “I’ve never been ungrateful to anyone.”

His representative Parnthep Pourpongpan told reporters that Jeeranuch’s filing “requested conciliation within the family since the dispute is a family matter”.

Jeeranuch said in a statement dated on Friday that she had decided to withdraw her suit.

“This mother is ready to talk, as long as we speak with love and genuine goodwill towards one another,” she said.

Jeeranuch said she was “ready to respect and accept” the judicial process with regard to the matter between her sons, and hoped that “the truth will come to light and fairness will be served to both of my children”.

A representative for Jeeranuch could not be reached immediately today.

Sunit has denied the allegations against him, but acknowledged roughhouse play between the boys.

Singha parent company Boonrawd Brewery dismissed Sunit from his executive role with the company in May.

The Bhirombhakdi family is listed as Thailand’s 15th richest by Forbes, which estimates their net worth at US$1.75 billion.

Trump says Iran ceasefire ‘is over’






Trump says Iran ceasefire ‘is over’



Trump blasted Iran as “scum” and “cuckoo” after Washington launched strikes on the Islamic Republic overnight and Iran’s Guards said they had targeted US bases in the Gulf. — AFP pool pic

First Published: Wednesday, 08 Jul 2026 4:59 PM MYT


ANKARA, July 8 — US President Donald Trump said today the ceasefire with Iran was “over” following major exchanges of fire between US forces and the Islamic republic.

Trump blasted Iran as “scum” and “cuckoo” after Washington launched strikes on the Islamic Republic overnight and Iran’s Guards said they had targeted US bases in the Gulf.


Oil prices jumped five per cent after Trump’s remarks.

“I think it’s over. I don’t want to deal with them any more, they’re scum,” Trump said at a NATO summit in the Turkish capital Ankara when asked if the truce with Iran was now finished.

“They’re scum, they’re sick people, they’re led by sick people, and they’re vicious, violent people. And if they had a nuclear weapon, they’d use it.


“As far as I’m concerned, it’s over.”

Trump said he would speak to businessman-turned-negotiator Steve Witkoff and his son-in-law Jared Kushner, who have been dealing with the Iranians, but insisted it was up to Tehran to return to the table.



“As far as I’m concerned, it’s just a waste of time dealing with them. They’re liars.”

Trump accused the Iranians of repeatedly misrepresenting what had been agreed in the ceasefire that Washington and Tehran signed on June 17.

“Everyone’s agreed, no nuclear weapon. We make a deal. They go outside, joke to the press, they say we never even talked about it. There’s something wrong with them, they’re cuckoo,” Trump added. — AFP


***


Congratulations Satanyahu, you've succeeded


Netanyahu’s Christian comments ‘aimed at sowing strife’: Lebanese analysts




Netanyahu’s Christian comments ‘aimed at sowing strife’: Lebanese analysts

After Netanyahu’s statements on Lebanese Christians were denounced in Lebanon, analysts call Israel’s PM a liar.

Beirut, Lebanon – A number of Lebanon’s Christian villages released a statement on Monday, refuting claims by Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that they had requested Israeli annexation.

“Christian villages in Lebanon, some of them have actually asked to be annexed to Israel, because we protect them against Hezbollah, Hezbollah fanatics who want to kill them, and we do the same things with Christians everywhere,” Netanyahu had told the Fox News programme The Sunday Briefing the day before the villages responded.

Israel currently occupies around 6 percent of Lebanese territory, despite claiming in the recent Lebanon-Israel framework agreement that it has no territorial ambitions in the country.

Lebanese analysts and southern Lebanon residents also lambasted Netanyahu’s claims, with some using colourful language.

“[Netanyahu’s claims] reflect his cynicism and the fact that he’s a pathological liar,” Karim Emile Bitar, a professor of international relations at the Saint Joseph University of Beirut, told Al Jazeera. “Several Lebanese MPs and government officials called every single mayor of all towns in south Lebanon, and there is absolutely no truth in these statements. It is completely a fabricated claim.”

Officials in 15 towns in southern Lebanon with Christian populations issued the statement denouncing what analysts said was an effort by Netanyahu to inspire sedition and strife between Lebanese.

Division over Hezbollah but rejection of Israel

Netanyahu’s comments come on the back of a highly criticised, US-brokered agreement between Lebanon and Israel aimed at ending Israel’s war on Lebanon.

The latest round of fighting intensified on March 2, when Hezbollah fired six rockets at Israeli targets for the first time in more than a year, and Israel responded by increasing attacks across the country, including the capital Beirut, and invading southern Lebanon.

In recent months, Israel has attracted international criticism for indiscriminate attacks on Lebanese targets, including incidents involving Christians. Most notably, an Israeli soldier sparked global uproar when he smashed a Jesus statue in south Lebanon in April, while in early March a priest was killed by Israeli tank fire in south Lebanon. Additionally, an official of a Christian party was killed in early April in an eastern suburb of Beirut.

“Christian villages along the border have been affected by the war,” Nasser Khdour, Middle Eastern assistant research manager at Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, a US-based nonprofit that maps political violence, told Al Jazeera. “ACLED data shows that Christian villages were targeted by air strikes and artillery shelling. Civilians were killed, and civilian infrastructure was damaged.”

Khdour said ACLED has recorded property destruction incidents in Rachaya al-Fakhar, Debel, and Aalma Ech Chaab municipalities, all of which have significant Christian populations. In Debl, seven property-destruction incidents were recorded, including the vandalism of the Jesus Christ statue.

2:15
Lebanon latest: Teacher killed by Israeli airstrike

Behind Netanyahu’s comments

Lebanon’s political representation is divided along sectarian lines, with the leadership split between a Maronite Christian president, a Sunni Muslim prime minister, and a Shia speaker of parliament. A sectarian quota also exists for Lebanon’s parliament, and sect is also a consideration when assigning government ministerial posts.

Some analysts believe Netanyahu and the Israeli government are trying to amplify tensions within Lebanon’s sectarian system with the goal of creating internal conflict, at a time when the security framework signed between Lebanon and Israel is under growing scrutiny.

During the latest intensification of Israeli attacks, more than 1.2 million people were displaced from their homes. The majority are Shia Muslims who were forced to find refuge in areas with different sectarian makeups, at times leading to fears that communal tensions might boil over into violence.

“This seems to be clearly intended to sow civil strife in Lebanon, to pit the Lebanese against one another to promote this idea that Israel could be a protector of certain minorities to play on the existential angst of Lebanese southerners,” Bitar said. “It’s a decades-old divide-and-conquer strategy, part of an Israeli strategy.”

For the most part, those tensions have not yet culminated in violence. The country is, however, deeply divided on the role of Hezbollah and the issue of its weapons and armed resistance. Despite that division, Lebanese people still overwhelmingly view Israel in a negative light.

“While Christian villages and parties oppose Hezbollah’s policies, that does not mean they want to be part of Israel,” Nasser Khdour, Middle Eastern assistant research manager at Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, a US-based nonprofit that maps political violence, told Al Jazeera. “In Rmeish, for example, residents protested during the war and called for the Lebanese army to stay in the town.” Rmeish is a town on the Lebanon-Israel border.

3:23
Israeli air strikes kills at least four in southern Lebanon despite ‘ceasefire’

A June 2026 poll conducted by Lebanese American University professor Jad Melki backs up this sentiment. Out of 1,000 people polled, 54 percent agreed diplomacy is the only path to liberation, while 35 percent supported armed resistance as the only path.

And while about a third of the people polled supported a peace agreement with Israel (34 percent), 87 percent agreed with the view that Israel is an enemy of the Lebanese.

Divide and conquer

Lebanese officials also spoke out strongly against Netanyahu.

Melhem Khalaf, a Greek Orthodox MP from Beirut, gave a news conference on Monday where he said that Netanyahu “does not have the right to speak on behalf of Christians”.

Hanna al-Amil, the head of the majority Christian municipality Rmeish, told local newspaper L’Orient-Le Jour, “No village in the South has made such a request.”

2:27
Lebanese families from occupied village cling to hope of returning home

The strategy of Israel trying to divide and conquer minorities in the region is not new, analysts said. Israel has claimed it wants to play a similar role in Syria, particularly in the Suwayda region, after sectarian violence shook the Druze community there last year. Israel then bombed Damascus in what it said was an effort to defend the Druze community.

“The fact that most Lebanese living in those villages in the south also were shocked and released statements, firmly denying this was quite significant, but it should not be taken lightly because it is part of a wider Israeli strategy,” Bitar said.

“There is a need for all Lebanese to remain united and remain determined to nip in the bud all Israeli attempts to sow civil strife in Lebanon,” he added.

3:39
Israeli strikes hit Nabatieh in southern Lebanon amid fragile ceasefire