Sunday, November 01, 2026

MIPP and Gerakan: PN’s invisible men

 


MIPP and Gerakan: PN’s invisible men

MIPP and Gerakan: PN’s invisible men

Gerakan and MIPP seem perfectly content to sit in the back seat of a driverless car heading straight towards a cliff.

Dominic Lau Hoe Chai

From Moaz Nair

If you ever feel ignored at work, underappreciated by your friends or are generally invisible to the human eye, take comfort. You could be the Malaysian Indian People’s Party (MIPP) or Gerakan.

In the grand corporate hierarchy of Perikatan Nasional (PN), these two are the interns who don’t get invited to the lunch table, yet somehow believe they are next in line for the CEO’s position.

To say that MIPP and Gerakan bring no clout to PN is a profound insult to the word clout.

They are the political equivalents of plastic indoor plants – supposed to add a splash of “multiracial colour” to a very green room – except the plants have withered, the owners keep forgetting to water them and the landlords are currently trying to evict the entire building.

The political future of these minority component parties in PN has become one of the most ironic talking points in modern Malaysian politics. Critics, political analysts and observers frequently debate their position, although “debate” might be too active a word. It is more akin to watching two passengers argue over who gets the window seat on a bus that has already driven off a cliff.

MIPP: from bold newcomers to zero-vote club

Let’s start with MIPP, the bold newcomers whose political future in PN is currently the hottest topic among three guys at a coffee shop. MIPP entered the scene with the explosive energy of a damp firecracker. At its grand electoral debut in Johor, it contested five seats and managed a spectacular, flawless clean sweep of losing their deposits in all five.

MIPP’s standing within a major coalition remains precarious precisely because it has demonstrated a rare, mathematically impressive lack of an independent base. Yet, MIPP’s confidence remains unshaken by minor details like numerical reality.

Recently, the party announced it would completely sit out the Nov 14 Melaka state election after seat distribution talks with the PN leadership broke down. The official reason? President P Punithan bravely declared that the party refuses to compromise its dignity or accept “irrelevant” seats just to field candidates.

Translation: PN offered it a constituency consisting entirely of three palm trees and a stray cat, and MIPP chose “dignity” over another hefty loss of deposit. This breakdown signals deep friction over how minority component parties are treated by the dominant Malay-Muslim parties in PN.

The ideological mismatch here is staggering. MIPP is trying to pitch a minority-interest narrative in a coalition heavily dominated by PAS’s religious and conservative Malay narratives. It’s like trying to sell vegan burgers at a Texas steakhouse and acting surprised when the chef throws a spatula at you. It is incredibly difficult for a minority-interest party like MIPP to gain genuine traction among non-Muslim voters while standing next to politicians who view secularism as a design flaw.

Ultimately, MIPP’s decision to bypass Melaka highlights the ongoing, tragicomic struggle for minor non-Malay component parties to find an equal voice in a house that doesn’t even know they are in the room.

Gerakan: master of the secular submissive

Then we have Gerakan, the veteran master of political irrelevance. The argument that Gerakan has no future in PN is a view increasingly shared by political analysts, critics, and even internal party factions who have grown tired of buying antacids in bulk.

Political observers highlight several compounding crises that threaten Gerakan’s long-term viability in the coalition. First and foremost is its utter inability to attract non-Malay voters. Gerakan originally joined PN to serve as its non-Malay face, a bridge to the cynical urban electorate. Instead, it has become a cautionary tale, repeatedly failing to win over non-Malay voters from Pakatan Harapan, particularly DAP.

This has trapped it in the “shadow dilemma” – a polite academic term for operating entirely in the shadow of its larger partners, PAS and Bersatu. Because Gerakan brings minimal electoral data or seat victories to the table, its leverage in PN is roughly equivalent to a discount voucher that expired during the Asian financial crisis.

The ideological friction between Gerakan’s secular principles and PAS’s Islamic stance peaked hilariously during the school brewery donation saga. When PAS attacked the fund-raising, Gerakan deputy president Oh Tong Keong threatened to exit the coalition over “extreme” demands. PAS responded with a collective yawn, and Gerakan naturally stayed – proving that its red lines are drawn in invisible ink.

Naturally, this masterclass in political submission has triggered an internal rebellion. High-profile departures – such as the resignation of 31-year veteran and party treasurer Hng Chee Wey – underscore a growing internal revolt against sacrificing core principles for political expediency. These exits expose deep cracks under president Dominic Lau, as grassroots members grow tired of watching their leadership nod politely while being publicly sidelined.

PN’s burning house

To make matters funnier, the house that Gerakan and MIPP are clinging to is literally on fire. The broader PN coalition is undergoing severe structural shocks, with PAS announcing the end of its political cooperation with Bersatu, triggering a chaotic power struggle and the sudden resignation of top PN leadership.

The Registrar of Societies even ordered the coalition’s deregistration, and while a temporary court reprieve saved it from legal oblivion, persistent internal rifts cloud the bloc’s political future. It is a civil war where the big boys are throwing live grenades, and Gerakan and MIPP are caught in the crossfire armed with plastic cutlery.

What is Gerakan’s next move? Political analysts suggest that leaving the coalition may be a risk worth taking compared to staying and enduring further humiliation. Yet, Lau has indicated that Gerakan is trying to pivot by backing a broader PN-Barisan Nasional electoral tie-up for future stability.

Yes, you read that correctly. While PN is on the verge of structural collapse and PAS is actively exploring independent realignments with Umno, Gerakan is trying to build a bridge to a party that doesn’t know it exists, using a blueprint that is already out of date.

Conclusion

Gerakan risks being completely left behind unless it thoroughly recalibrates its political alignment. But that would require a sense of direction, and right now, both Gerakan and MIPP seem perfectly content to sit in the back seat of a driverless car heading straight towards a cliff, arguing over who gets to hold the auxiliary cable.

***



I can't comment on MIPP as it didn't exist during my times nor after, but Gerakan, after its 1969 wonderbar victory, was once touted by many Malays as the next coalition government (a 'coalition' indeed as it had Lim Chong Eu's UDP, Tan Chee Khoon's & Veerappen Veerathan's Labor, V David's unions, a bunch of academic intellectuals like Syed Hussein Alatas, Syed Hussein Alatas, Wang Gungwu) after Perikatan (Tunku's Alliance).

But, alas, Tun Razak castrated it by enticing the blooming party into BN - end of its story. To be fair, Lim Chong Eu was worried for Penang and her people especially after the May 13 tragedy. But Dr Lim virtually single-handedly built Penang into one of Asia's most dynamic electronic business centres.




Ex-AG Idrus reappointed to Judicial Appointments Commission

 


Ex-AG Idrus reappointed to Judicial Appointments Commission

Ex-AG Idrus reappointed to Judicial Appointments Commission

Also reappointed are ex-Federal Court judge Zainun Ali and UiTM law lecturer Hartini Saripan, while former Sabah state attorney-general Mariati Robert is a new face on the commission.

Tan Sri Idrus Harun
Former attorney-general Idrus Harun was first appointed to the JAC in 2024. (Prime Minister’s Department pic)
PETALING JAYA:
Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has appointed four legal figures to the Judicial Appointments Commission (JAC) for a two-year term, effective today, including three reappointed to the commission.

The trio are former attorney-general Idrus Harun, retired Federal Court judge Zainun, and Universiti Teknologi Mara law lecturer Hartini Saripan, who were first appointed in 2024, Bernama reported.

A new face on the commission is former Sabah attorney-general Mariati Robert, who replaces former Sarawak attorney-general Talat Mahmood Abdul Rashid following the end of his two-year tenure.

The JAC secretary’s office said the appointments were made in accordance with Section 5(1)(f) of the JAC Act 2009, with their tenure effective until Oct 31, 2028.

The JAC also thanked Talat for his service during his two-year tenure as a commission member.

Iran warns nowhere is off limits if Trump and Netanyahu strike again





Iran warns nowhere is off limits if Trump and Netanyahu strike again



A man cycles past a large anti-Israeli billboard displayed in Enghelab Square in Tehran October 26, 2026. — AFP pic



First Published: Sunday, 01 Nov 2026 8:44 AM MYT


TEHRAN, Nov 1 — Iran’s supreme leader warned the United States and Israel yesterday of fresh attacks following their threats to resume strikes after crucial elections, as fears increased over a return to fighting.

President Donald Trump suggested he could launch fresh military action after the United States holds its midterm elections early next week.

But US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said yesterday: “If there is a diplomatic solution, we would be open to it.”

In Israel, which is coming off a general election, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has spoken of a “historic, one-time opportunity” to topple the Iranian government.


The elections in both countries could determine the direction of the conflict, with Israel having voted on Tuesday but yet to form a new government.

“Any level or type of threat must be met with an immediate, impactful and geographically unrestricted response,” Iran’s supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei told top military commanders, according to a statement.


Khamenei also ordered commanders to update Iran’s target list to include “all types of tangible and intangible assets belonging to the American-Zionist enemy”.

Iran has previously warned it would consider severing undersea cables in the Strait of Hormuz.


This was the first reported meeting between Khamenei and military top brass.

The supreme leader has not been seen publicly since before he took the helm in March, after the killing of his father Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in US-Israeli strikes.


Oil price spike

Rubio warned that “we can achieve military objectives if we seek to”, adding that Trump had not made a decision on any fresh strikes.

Since the initial US-Israeli bombardment in February, ordinary Iranians “have been left in a state of limbo for the past year”, Fariba, a Tehran housewife, told AFP.

But other residents in the Iranian capital brushed off the possible return to full-scale conflict.

“We do not fear another war,” said Ebrahim, a salesman in his forties. “We have been at war for 48 years now.”

Since the outbreak of the war, Tehran has restricted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, which normally carries around one-fifth of global oil consumption.

A ship traversing the strait struck a mine and caught fire, Iranian state television reported yesterday.

On Friday, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards said three oil tankers had been halted after encountering unspecified “incidents” or hitting mines.

The blockade has caused a spike in global energy prices, making the war unpopular among the US public ahead of midterm congressional elections Tuesday.

Gains for the opposition Democrats could restrict, to an extent, Trump’s ability to enact policy.

Voting in Israel has left Netanyahu’s political camp with the most seats in parliament but short of a majority, leaving the make-up of the next administration unclear.

‘Flames of war’

The war began on February 28 with US-Israeli strikes on Iran. The Islamic republic swiftly responded with attacks on American assets in countries around the region.

Fresh diplomatic efforts are underway to avert any resumption of fighting.

Qatari mediators landed in Tehran on Friday, and US Vice President JD Vance sent a letter to Iran’s security chief Mohsen Rezaei.

“I read the letter,” said Rezaei, head of Iran’s supreme national security council, in a video broadcast on Iranian television.

“I haven’t yet responded. Their tone has completely changed,” he added, describing that as “a good sign”.

But he declined to comment further on its contents.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said there were currently no plans for meetings with US officials.

“Iran’s conditions are clear, and consultations regarding them are ongoing among mediators,” he said in an interview with Al Jazeera, according to the state news agency IRNA.

‘Red lines’ warning

Rezaei insisted Iran would continue to blockade the Strait of Hormuz until its conditions, including releasing frozen assets, were met.

“We want the war to end in such a way that no one dares to attack Iran anymore,” he added.

Qatar and Pakistan have been mediating between the warring parties, but the talks have yet to produce a lasting agreement.

The Wall Street Journal reported on Wednesday that Vance had sent his letter to Iran’s security chief at Trump’s direction to try to revive negotiations and avert further US strikes.

The Iranian side kept its firm warnings against further attacks yesterday.

Army spokesman Mohammad Akraminia said any resumption of hostilities would only expand the scope of the war.

“The flames of war will undoubtedly engulf a much wider geographical area,” he said on social media.

Araghchi warned on X that there would no longer be any “red lines”. — AFP