

Wong Chin Huat
Published: May 19, 2026 1:58 PM
Updated: 3:58 PM
COMMENT | Political divorce is hard to be amicable, especially under a First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) electoral system. Both sides have the incentives to compete for the same vote base, like parents competing for exclusive custody of their children.
One rare exception was Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku’s pullout from Gabungan Rakyat Sabah before the last Sabah state election.
The Anwar Ibrahim-Rafizi Ramli divorce is inevitably unamicable. But the degree of mess can still differ vastly, depending on how both sides play it out.
In launching Parti Bersama Malaysia (Bersama), Rafizi has expectedly been scratchy in criticising PKR and Pakatan Harapan. Expectedly, PKR and Harapan want to hit back. Their best revenge is, of course, smashing Bersama in the general election.
Our FPTP system has not been very kind to new multiethnic parties – even as part of Barisan Alternative, PKR won only five (2.6 percent) out of 193 seats despite winning 11.5 percent of votes in its debut election in 1999.
But Bersama has the potential to cause defeats for PKR and Harapan even if it does not win.
Retaliation and legitimacy in public eyes
That’s why PKR is keen to cause damage to Rafizi and his fellow former PKR member Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, who quit Parliament on Monday and PKR on Tuesday with the ex-economy minister.
Published: May 19, 2026 1:58 PM
Updated: 3:58 PM
COMMENT | Political divorce is hard to be amicable, especially under a First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) electoral system. Both sides have the incentives to compete for the same vote base, like parents competing for exclusive custody of their children.
One rare exception was Parti Solidariti Tanah Airku’s pullout from Gabungan Rakyat Sabah before the last Sabah state election.
The Anwar Ibrahim-Rafizi Ramli divorce is inevitably unamicable. But the degree of mess can still differ vastly, depending on how both sides play it out.
In launching Parti Bersama Malaysia (Bersama), Rafizi has expectedly been scratchy in criticising PKR and Pakatan Harapan. Expectedly, PKR and Harapan want to hit back. Their best revenge is, of course, smashing Bersama in the general election.
Our FPTP system has not been very kind to new multiethnic parties – even as part of Barisan Alternative, PKR won only five (2.6 percent) out of 193 seats despite winning 11.5 percent of votes in its debut election in 1999.
But Bersama has the potential to cause defeats for PKR and Harapan even if it does not win.
Retaliation and legitimacy in public eyes
That’s why PKR is keen to cause damage to Rafizi and his fellow former PKR member Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, who quit Parliament on Monday and PKR on Tuesday with the ex-economy minister.

Ex-ministers Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad (left)
The party is also keen on taking action against six of Rafizi’s parliamentary allies who attended the Bersama launch: Wong Chen, Lee Chean Chung, Rodziah Ismail, S Kesavan, Zahir Hassan, and Baktiar Wan Chik.
What real options of retaliation does PKR have on its menu? This goes back not just to the constitutional and legal constraints, but to what the public would perceive as illegitimate on Rafizi’s side.
It is obvious after the PKR party election that divorce was inevitable. Anwar won’t nominate Rafizi’s camp to defend their constituencies, and the latter would likely contest against PKR.
The party is also keen on taking action against six of Rafizi’s parliamentary allies who attended the Bersama launch: Wong Chen, Lee Chean Chung, Rodziah Ismail, S Kesavan, Zahir Hassan, and Baktiar Wan Chik.
What real options of retaliation does PKR have on its menu? This goes back not just to the constitutional and legal constraints, but to what the public would perceive as illegitimate on Rafizi’s side.
It is obvious after the PKR party election that divorce was inevitable. Anwar won’t nominate Rafizi’s camp to defend their constituencies, and the latter would likely contest against PKR.
On Rafizi and Nik Nazmi
What can be illegitimate on Rafizi’s side? The worst is for the rebels to stay back in PKR, yet lead the new party. The anti-hopping law – Article 49A of the Federal Constitution – exempts parliamentarians who are sacked by their party.
However, it allows parties to cause parliamentarians to automatically lose their party membership and trigger a seat vacancy. In other words, individual parties can tighten the anti-hopping law if they prefer.
DAP, Amanah, Umno and Bersatu did so, such that their lawmakers would “cease to be party members” if they disobeyed the party’s written instructions on voting or government formation. PKR did not amend its party constitution similarly.
More interestingly, in the case of the Bersatu 6, the Dewan Rakyat speaker dismissed the binding power of the party constitution on lawmakers’ conduct to trigger Article 49A.
Rafizi and Nik Nazmi could have emulated the Bersatu 6 to “lead” Bersama while remaining as PKR parliamentarians.
Both, however, chose to return the mandate to voters by resigning from Parliament first – an option provided by Article 51 of the Federal Constitution - before resigning from the party. This leaves no room for Article 49A to be triggered.
PKR hints at filing a legal suit against Rafizi and Nik Nazmi for breaking their pledge not to defect from the party. I do not know how PKR can win the case against Article 51 in the court of law.
What is more certain is that Rafizi and Nik Nazmi would first win the battle hands down in the court of public opinion.

Punishing two rebels who honourably resign to vacate their seats would be a moral boost for Bersama to win public sympathy, the most generous gift a party can give to its splinter.
There is no by-election for PKR to wrest back the seats only because Parliament has run past three years, and the duo’s resignation does not affect the government’s majority.
Before former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad amended Article 54(1) in 1993, by-elections could be held up until the last six months of Parliament’s term.
On Rafizi’s allies
Rafizi has many allies in the PKR backbench, six of whom were at the Bersama launch, and even its frontbench.
Most of his allies are likely to defend their seats under Bersama against PKR. So, PKR’s fury against them is perfectly understandable.
And if you are Rodziah’s rival in PKR’s Ampang division, it makes perfect sense for you to call for her resignation. With her seat vacated, you would be able to position yourself as PKR’s caretaker for the constituency and set up your service centre.

Ampang MP Rodziah Ismail
But would this serve the interests of Anwar, PKR, Harapan and the Madani government? Beware of what you wish for. If public sympathy is high, Rafizi’s allies may just follow in the duo’s footsteps.
The biggest stake for Anwar is the two constitutional bills on the PM’s term limit and the separation of the attorney-general and public prosecutor roles.
Madani’s parliamentary majority, including the Bersatu 6, was 153 on Sunday, 151 on Monday, and would fall to 146, below the two-thirds threshold of 148, if six more seats are vacated.
That means Anwar would have to strike a deal with Perikatan Nasional to get the constitutional bills passed. But PN may just abstain again, simply to deny Anwar two achievements in institutional reforms.
And here is the trap. If Anwar fails to deliver these two key institutional reforms, it would only strengthen Bersama’s case that Harapan and Madani have failed in reforms.
The biggest stake for Anwar is the two constitutional bills on the PM’s term limit and the separation of the attorney-general and public prosecutor roles.
Madani’s parliamentary majority, including the Bersatu 6, was 153 on Sunday, 151 on Monday, and would fall to 146, below the two-thirds threshold of 148, if six more seats are vacated.
That means Anwar would have to strike a deal with Perikatan Nasional to get the constitutional bills passed. But PN may just abstain again, simply to deny Anwar two achievements in institutional reforms.
And here is the trap. If Anwar fails to deliver these two key institutional reforms, it would only strengthen Bersama’s case that Harapan and Madani have failed in reforms.

PM and PKR president Anwar Ibrahim
This is, in fact, an incentive for Rafizi’s allies to resign before June, or to find grounds to abstain from or reject the constitutional amendment bills.
Ironically, it is in the interest of Anwar, PKR, Harapan and Madani not to push Rafizi’s allies into a corner. Anwar’s camp should instead build up public expectation and pressure for Rafizi’s allies to stay and support the constitutional amendments in June.
Yes, politics is not so straightforward, and it can be a good thing, as in this case.
This is, in fact, an incentive for Rafizi’s allies to resign before June, or to find grounds to abstain from or reject the constitutional amendment bills.
Ironically, it is in the interest of Anwar, PKR, Harapan and Madani not to push Rafizi’s allies into a corner. Anwar’s camp should instead build up public expectation and pressure for Rafizi’s allies to stay and support the constitutional amendments in June.
Yes, politics is not so straightforward, and it can be a good thing, as in this case.
WONG CHIN HUAT is a political scientist at Sunway University and a member of Project Stability and Accountability for Malaysia (Projek Sama).























