OPINION | The Last Leap? Why the Battle for Batu Could Be Anwar Ibrahim’s Final Electoral Gamble

Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator


OPINION | The Last Leap? Why the Battle for Batu Could Be Anwar Ibrahim’s Final Electoral Gamble


17 May 2026 • 4:00 PM MYT

AM World
A writer capturing headlines & hidden places, turning moments into words

Malaymail


In the labyrinth of Malaysian politics, the seat of P115 Batu has always been more than just a parliamentary constituency; it is a barometer of urban sentiment and a theater of high-stakes drama. But as we edge closer to the 16th General Election (GE16) in 2026, a new and whispered narrative is taking hold in the coffee shops of Sentul and the corridors of Putrajaya. The rumor? That Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is preparing for a strategic "leap" into the Batu parliamentary seat. If true, this wouldn't just be another campaign it would be a final, high-risk attempt to secure a legacy in a territory that has become a symbol of both PKR’s dominance and its deepest internal fractures.



The ‘Nomadic’ Prime Minister: A Legacy of Seat-Hopping


Anwar Ibrahim’s electoral history is famously nomadic. From his original stronghold in Permatang Pauh to his post-prison comeback in Port Dickson, and finally his high-stakes raid on Tambun in 2022, Anwar has never been one to sit still. While his supporters view this as the mark of a "national leader" willing to take on tough fights, critics have begun to frame it as a lack of a "fixed deposit" a reliable base that he can call home.



The speculation surrounding Batu stems from a growing realization within the Pakatan Harapan (PH) camp: Tambun is no longer the safe haven it was in 2022. With the "green wave" still rippling through the northern states and the Islamist Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) emerging as the dominant opposition force in 2026, Perak has become a political minefield. Batu, with its diverse demographic and deep PKR roots, offers a "Tier 1" urban fortress but at a significant reputational cost.


The Batu Power Vacuum: Prabakaran, Ramanan, and the ‘Looming Shadow’



The current incumbent of Batu, P. Prabakaran, has been a loyal soldier for PKR since he was first recruited as an independent in 2018. However, the seat has recently become the subject of intense maneuvering. Reports from Malaysiakini in early May 2026 suggest that heavyweights like Datuk Ramanan Ramakrishnan and Fuziah Salleh have been "eyeing" the seat, leading to a sense of unease among the local grassroots.


If Anwar decides to claim Batu, he would be entering a constituency that has historically been the site of bitter internecine warfare, most notably the fallout with former PKR Vice President Tian Chua, who contested as an independent in 2022. For Anwar, Batu represents the ultimate "safe" urban seat, but displacing a young incumbent like Prabakaran or bypassing hungry party veterans could trigger a backlash that mirrors the "corporate mafia" scandals currently dogging his administration’s inner circle.



Anwar’s Electoral Journey: The Road to Batu?
Election YearConstituencyOutcomeStrategic Context2018 (By-election) Port Dickson Won The "PD Move" to facilitate his return to Parliament.
2022 (GE15) Tambun Won Direct challenge to Bersatu in their own territory.
2026 (Speculation) Batu TBD A move to a safe urban 'Tier 1' seat to avoid PAS resurgence.
GE16 Target National Mandate TBD Anwar bets on reformism and governance over rhetoric.



The ‘Fixed Deposit’ Crisis: Is Anwar Losing His Grip?


The narrative that Anwar is losing his "fixed deposit" is gaining traction among political analysts. By constantly moving seats, he avoids the localized accountability that comes with long-term representation. In Gombak, for instance, Menteri Besar Amirudin Shari is fighting to defend his "fortress" against rumors of an escape to Selayang. If the Prime Minister himself chooses to "leap" again, it sends a signal of institutional fragility.



Critics argue that a Prime Minister should be a unifying figure with a deep-rooted connection to his people. Instead, Anwar’s potential move to Batu is being framed as an "electoral parachute" a way to bypass the public anger over the 'corporate mafia' storm and the rising cost of living by hiding behind the demographic safety of a KL urban seat.


The Institutional Stakes: PKR’s Meritocracy Test


At the Terengganu PKR Mini Convention in April 2026, Anwar himself stressed that GE16 candidates would be picked based on "active and strong divisions." He warned that he would reject candidates from weak divisions, regardless of their party rank.



This creates a fascinating institutional contradiction. If Anwar moves to Batu, he must justify why the Batu division already a hotbed of competing ambitions should be "sacrificed" for the leadership. It puts his own merit-based selection criteria to the ultimate test. Is the Prime Minister above the rules he sets for his own party members?


Social and Cultural Analysis: The Urban Heartland


Batu is the heart of Malaysia’s multi-racial, working-class urbanity. It is a place where the promises of "Reformasi" were first chanted with conviction. For the voters of Batu, having a Prime Minister as their representative would be a double-edged sword. On one hand, it guarantees federal attention and infrastructure; on the other, it means their local issues might be drowned out by the noise of national crises and geopolitical "storms."



The cultural risk for Anwar is the perception of elitism. By moving from a semi-rural seat like Tambun to the heart of the capital, he risks appearing disconnected from the "Rakyat Marhaen" (the common people) who are currently battling subsidy rationalizations and economic shifts.


What do you think? I’d love to hear your opinion in the comments section.


The speculation about Anwar Ibrahim’s "leap" to Batu is a symptom of a larger political anxiety. It suggests that even after four years in power, the architect of the Madani vision still feels the need to secure his personal survival through tactical maneuvers rather than relying on the strength of his reforms. If Batu is indeed intended to be his "last leap," it is a move that reeks of both strategic brilliance and profound insecurity.



Malaysian voters are becoming increasingly sophisticated. They no longer see a seat-swap as a sign of strength, but as a lack of accountability. If Anwar wants to lead a nation into 2028 and beyond, he needs to prove that his vision can survive in the "Red Zones" of the north and the volatile heartlands of the south. Hiding in the safe urban enclave of Batu might save his seat, but it might also cost him the "fixed deposit" of public trust that he has spent 30 years building.


Ultimately, the battle for Batu won’t be won on posters or through party conventions. It will be won in the minds of Malaysians who are asking: Is our Prime Minister leading us into the future, or is he simply looking for the next place to land? If GE16 becomes a referendum on Anwar’s "nomadic" politics, the "Last Leap" might just be the one that falls short.

***

I have no sympathy for Batu's current incumbent Prabakaran if he has to surrender his seat to Anwar Ibrahim, Nurul, Amirudin or Ramanan. Prabakaran already has a long enough run as Batu's MP when he serendipitously became the constituency's representative - t'was a good judge who by fining Tian Chua a 'certain' amount disqualified Tian Chua from standing in that election.

Prabakana, as mentioned, serendipitously was also standing in Batu as an 'Independent' (but more likely, IMHO, to attract away from Tian Chua the Indian votes) and became (by default of his non-BN status) Tian Chua's (emergency) candidate-for-PKR replacement, against the BN's competition. Thus I find in him not a true PKR member but becoming one by serendipity (luck) - time he goes - afterall he has already earned for himself a guaranteed MP's pension.

OPINION | Why are the Muslims imposing their religious values on the entire country?

Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator


OPINION | Why are the Muslims imposing their religious values on the entire country?


17 May 2026 • 9:30 AM MYT

TheRealNehruism
An award-winning Newswav creator, Bebas News columnist & ex-FMT columnist

Image credit: Medium


Last February, the Sultan of Selangor had decreed that pig farming should not be permitted anywhere in the state. Part of the reason given for the decree is to "avoid public unease and ensure peace and harmony in Selangor is preserved."


The recently concluded "Rain Rave Water Music Festival" in KL also elicited heavy backlash from religious authorities and conservative critics. The Chinese Muslim convert and influencer Ridhuan Tee Abdullah would even label the event as a "pesta maksiat" and suggested that Bukit Bintang should be renamed “Bukit Binatang" for holding the festival.



Recently, an ex-managing director of Malaysia Airlines also felt compelled to defend why MAS continues to serve alcohol on its flights.


Parti Islam Se-Malaysia has consistently called for a total ban on alcohol by the national carrier, citing Islamic principles and the comfort of Muslim flight attendants.


MAS has already made several concessions to the demands of religious conservatives, including allowing Muslim crew members to wear the hijab while at work.


But at the rate that the national airline has been put on the defensive by the demands of religious conservatives, I wouldn't be surprised if MAS gives out further concessions in the future, which might even culminate to alcohol no longer be served to passengers someday.



Anyway, when we read about these developments, I am sure that many of us might be wondering why the Muslims in our country are becoming increasingly intent on projecting their religious sensitivities onto public life.


If I were to put myself in the shoes of a Muslim, I actually see much simpler ways that I can apply to resolve such issues as having alcohol served on flights or a rave party held in KL.


I could have, as the tourism minister Tiong King Sing argued, simply chosen not to attend the rave festival if I didn't like it, instead of demanding that the entire festival be cancelled. I could have also simply chosen not to have alcohol served to me on a flight if I didn't want it as well, instead of requiring the entire airline to be free from alcohol.



As a matter of fact, 20 or 30 years ago, I will even go on a limb and say that this was the way Muslims in our country chose to resolve whatever issues that they found to be in conflict with their religious practices.


It is only in recent times that, instead of controlling themselves in order to fulfil their religious obligations, Muslims are increasingly trying to control their environment or surroundings.


What precipitated this change?


In my view, I think that the reason is psychological.


Human psychology, in my view, is spread across a spectrum with three distinct divisions.



In the middle, you have the moderate section, while on its left and right-hand sides, it is flanked by the fanatical sections.


When your mindset is mostly in the moderate section, you will be geared more towards finding success and happiness than towards being yourself.


In other words, a moderate is someone with a fluid sense of self. If you are a moderate Muslim, for example, you will not predetermine that "this is how a Muslim should or should not be" and follow it rigidly or fanatically. Instead, you will simply believe that you can achieve success and happiness by following the Muslim way, while remaining willing to change your concept of how a Muslim should or should not be in a way that is conducive to your pursuit of success and happiness.



A fanatic, however, is someone with a very rigid and fixed sense of self. If you are a Muslim fanatic, for example, you will predetermine that "this is how a Muslim should or should not be" and follow it rigidly and fanatically, even if it brings you unhappiness and failure. To a fanatic, being happy or successful is not important. What matters is that they are able to be themselves, even if being themselves brings them unhappiness and decline.


Of fanatics, there are two types.


On the right-hand side, you have the ultra-conservatives or fundamentalists, whose chief aim in life is to revert back into becoming who they were in the past. If you are a Muslim ultra-conservative or fundamentalist, for example, you will probably dress like, eat like, think like and behave like how you presume Muslims behaved in the early days of Islam.



On the left-hand side, on the other hand, you have the ultra-liberal revolutionaries and radicals, whose chief aim in life is to become what they have not yet become. If you are a Muslim ultra-liberal, for example, you will probably try to be as different from your Muslim peers as possible. You will not act like them, think like them, behave like them, dress like them or even eat like them. Instead, you might deliberately do everything in opposition to what your fellow Muslim contemporaries are doing. You will do this because you wish to change the Muslims into something that they have yet to become, and to do that, you will aim to demolish what they currently are.



Now as a rule, we all — whether as individuals or collectives — are capable of being moderates, fundamentalists or radicals.


Even if you reflect upon yourself, you will find that there are times and occasions when you are moderate, just as there are times when you operate as a radical or fundamentalist.


As a rule, when you do not find your sense of self to be under threat, and you are confident that you are enough to achieve success and happiness, be it in this life or the next, you will operate mostly in the moderate section of your psychological spectrum.



But if you find that your sense of self is under threat, then you will revert to a fundamentalist mindset, and when you lose confidence in yourself, you will apply a more radical or revolutionary mindset.


Judging from the way Muslims in our country are behaving, I believe that they are collectively shifting towards the right side of their psychological spectrum, and the reason they are doing so is because they probably believe that their identity is under threat.


Now because our country is composed of Muslims and non-Muslims, there is an inclination — both among Muslims and non-Muslims — to assume that a threat to their identity must always come from the other half of the country, but this might not necessarily always be true.



Yes, to an extent, a threat to a Muslim identity comes from a non-Muslim source and vice versa, but there are other reasons as to why Muslim and non-Muslim identities can feel threatened.


Global events are one example of why Muslims in our country might feel that their identity is being threatened. The origin of Islamic civilisation — the Middle East — is currently suffering from an existential crisis due to the Iran war and the Gaza war. The Muslim world is being pressured by Western civilisation, and for now at least, it appears that Muslims are on the losing side. This being the case, it is inevitable that Muslims in our country too will feel that their identity is under threat, in tune with the threat that the Muslim world is facing globally.



Secondly, the march of time and technological advancement might also be a reason why not only Muslims, but all older identities, might be feeling an existential threat. Time destroys everything — and when time seems to be marching rapidly, fuelled by intense and relentless technological progress, those of us already struggling to keep up with the times might feel that our entire existence is being upended by change. Such rapid technological advancement, including social media and AI, is causing the new generation to become more estranged from the previous generation. Faced with the loss of their ability to connect with and pass down their identity to the next generation, Muslims — as well as other older identities not only in our country but throughout the world — might feel that their identity is at risk of becoming extinct.



That being the case, it is only natural that their mindset shifts to the right, causing them to become more aggressive in reshaping their surroundings in a way that allows their identity to survive, rather than adapting themselves to their surroundings, as they might have done if they did not believe that their identity was under threat.


One of the challenges of being a multiracial country like ours is that the races in our country tend not to experience reality in the same way, even though we possess a common nationality.



This discrepancy often causes one race to be unable to relate to the experience of another, which then threatens to break the nation apart.


We must remember that a group — be it a family, race, clan or nation — must more or less share the same experience in order to retain its group identity.


If you alone are suffering while everybody else in your group appears to be okay or having a good time, you are bound to become estranged from your group.


If half of the nation is suffering from an existential crisis while the other half is not only unaware of it, but is blaming the half that is suffering for making things difficult for everyone in the country, the country will break.



Sometimes, the solution to a problem does not lie in an outward action or decision, but in an enlargement of one's awareness.


Just take your family for example — if you find that your spouse and you are often in conflict, and you are wondering what you can do in order to re-establish your relationship with them, the answer might not come from you doing anything. The answer might actually come from enlarging your awareness to the point that you are able to understand their experience better.


It is only after you understand their experience that you will be able to reconcile your experience with theirs, and it is only if you more or less share a similar experience with your spouse that your marriage will endure.



As it is in a marriage, so it is in a country.


For so long as we believe that the tension in our racial and religious relationship can be resolved through action - by winning an election or winning an argument or passing a bill in parliament, for example - I foresee our racial and religious relationship to continue to deteriorate, to the point that it might divide or even break up the country.


To me, the solution is clear - to end our racial and resolve tension, we have to heighten and enlarge our awareness, to the point that we can meaningfully put ourselves in the shoes of each other and gain a meaningful understanding of how all of us are experiencing our reality.



Once we have such a meaningful understanding, then we can reconcile our experiences into one, and it is only if we are able to unify our experience, what we will be able to endure as one people in one nation, even if we came from different backgrounds.


As of now, I won't say that I am optimistic of our future, but as they say: "Life is a box of chocolate, you will never know what you are going to get."


No matter what I think today, tomorrow is another day, and anything can happen tomorrow.

OPINION | The Sunday Gambit: Rafizi, Nik Nazmi and the Politics of Expulsion

Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator


OPINION | The Sunday Gambit: Rafizi, Nik Nazmi and the Politics of Expulsion


17 May 2026 • 12:30 PM MYT

Annan Vaithegi
From sharing insights to creating content that connects and inspires

The blue horizon of a new movement. Visual created Gemini prompt by Annan Vaithegi


"His recent show-cause letters and open challenge for the party to sack him reveal a deeper chess game. If he resigns, anti-hopping rules may complicate his parliamentary future. If he is expelled, he preserves political room to move. This is not emotional rebellion. It is strategic survival."



That single reality now hangs over Malaysian politics like a storm cloud before heavy rain.


The upcoming Sunday announcement by Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad is no longer merely an internal PKR affair. It is shaping into a real-time test of whether Malaysia’s anti-hopping law can genuinely curb political manoeuvring or whether seasoned politicians have already found ways to navigate around it.


And Rafizi, for all his flaws, has never been politically naive.


Under Article 49A, MPs who resign from their party can lose their parliamentary seat. But there is one major exception: if the party expels them, they remain protected. In simple Malaysian political language, the law punishes jumpers but not those pushed out of the vehicle.



That loophole changes everything.


For months now, Rafizi’s behaviour has looked less like emotional frustration and more like controlled provocation. The public criticism. The podcast episodes. The refusal to stay quiet. The challenge for PKR to sack him. Taken separately, these may look like personal disputes. Put together, they resemble a carefully constructed political exit strategy.


And honestly, it is difficult not to admire the tactical brilliance.


If PKR expels him, Rafizi keeps Pandan. He keeps national visibility. He keeps legal safety under the anti-hopping framework. Most importantly, he gains total freedom to build a new political platform without surrendering parliamentary relevance.



This is not merely survival politics. It is political repositioning.


The bigger question is what exactly emerges on Sunday.


A new party? An alliance? A movement? A pressure bloc inside the opposition ecosystem? Malaysian politics is now flooded with speculation because Rafizi occupies a unique space too progressive for conservative blocs, too rebellious for establishment comfort, and too recognisable to simply disappear.


Among grassroots reform supporters, there is growing frustration with what many see as PKR’s transformation from a movement into a machinery of preservation. The reform generation that once shouted “Reformasi” in the streets now watches internal party politics with exhaustion rather than excitement.



That is where Rafizi’s appeal still survives.


To supporters, he represents unfinished reform flawed, blunt, sometimes arrogant, but still willing to confront power from inside the room. To critics, he represents instability: a politician who burns bridges faster than he builds coalitions.


Both views may be true at the same time.


The problem for Rafizi is that Malaysia’s political battlefield is not won only by intelligence or online support. Elections are won through machinery, rural penetration, coalition discipline, funding networks, and relentless grassroots organisation. Urban applause alone does not capture Putrajaya.



And this is where the fear among moderate voters quietly grows.


If Rafizi and Nik Nazmi split progressive votes without building a strong nationwide structure, they may unintentionally weaken Pakatan Harapan while strengthening more conservative forces. That anxiety is already visible among grassroots supporters who fear GE16 could become less about reform and more about fragmentation.


Still, the existence of that fear also reveals something deeper that many Malaysians remain politically homeless.



There are voters who no longer trust the old government. Others feel disappointed with the current one. Some fear PAS-style conservatism. Others are tired of endless party loyalty, factional wars, and recycled slogans.


These voters are not searching for political perfection anymore. They are searching for political sincerity.


And that is the dangerous space Rafizi may be trying to occupy.


His podcast, Yang Berhenti Menteri (YBM), has quietly become more than content creation. It is now a parallel political platform bypassing traditional media, bypassing party gatekeepers, and speaking directly to a disillusioned audience that still wants reform but no longer trusts political branding.



Ironically, Rafizi often sounds politically strongest when he is outside power.


Many Malaysians still remember the whistleblower who exposed scandals using spreadsheets and forensic detail. But once inside government, expectations changed. Some admired his technocratic confidence. Others saw arrogance and disconnect. His critics say he struggles with grassroots politics. His supporters argue Malaysia punishes leaders who speak too directly.


That tension defines his entire political career.


And now, the anti-hopping law has accidentally turned that tension into opportunity.



The law meant to stop political betrayal may instead become the legal bridge for a new rebellion.


This is why Sunday matters.


Because this is no longer only about Rafizi or Nik Nazmi. It is about whether Malaysian politics still has room for a genuine third force one that is reform-minded, cross-ethnic, progressive, and willing to challenge both government comfort and opposition extremism.


Yet history also offers a warning.


Malaysia has seen ambitious political breakaways before. Many began with idealism and ended with fragmentation, personality clashes, or irrelevance. Building outrage is easy. Building durable political structure is much harder.



That is the mountain Rafizi now faces.


Can he transform frustration into organisation? Can he attract serious grassroots machinery beyond urban bubbles? Can he build trust across races and regions without becoming another temporary protest vehicle?


Most importantly, can he prove this is more than just one man’s fallout with his own party?


Because if this Sunday announcement becomes merely another episode of elite political drama, Malaysians will move on quickly.


But if it becomes the beginning of a genuine political reset, then GE16 may remember this week as the moment a rebel stopped waiting for permission.



And perhaps that is Rafizi’s real gamble.


Not whether PKR expels him.


But whether enough Malaysians still believe reform is worth risking another fight for.



Annan Vaithegi writes sharp and thoughtful columns on Malaysian politics, power struggles, reform, and the voice of the rakyat.

OPINION | For the first time in a very long time, I am actually proud of UMNO and Barisan Nasional

Malaysia's #1 Content Aggregator


OPINION | For the first time in a very long time, I am actually proud of UMNO and Barisan Nasional

17 May 2026 • 3:52 PM MYT

Raja Sara Petra
Born in Terengganu, raised in KL, continuing my family’s legacy of service

Image Credit: Raja Sara Petra

For the first time in a very long time, I am actually proud of UMNO and Barisan Nasional.


Not because they are guaranteed to win.


Not because they are the strongest.


But because for once, they finally remembered what dignity looks like.


Politics is not just about power.



It is about identity.


About principles.


About knowing when enough is enough.


For too long, UMNO looked confused. Followers in a government they once led. Defending policies they did not create. Absorbing public anger for decisions they never truly controlled.


And the rakyat noticed.


So when BN Johor announced they are prepared to go solo in the next PRN, suddenly there was a pulse again. A sign that maybe, just maybe, UMNO still has some fight left in them.



Then came the response from PH Johor saying they will “bury BN for the second time.”


That statement alone shows the arrogance that has infected Malaysian politics today.


This is the same PH that once screamed about democracy, partnership, and reform. But the moment someone wants to stand on their own feet, suddenly the language becomes “kuburkan.”


Since when did allies speak like enemies?


The truth is simple:


If BN is really that weak, why panic?


Why so defensive?


Why the need to threaten political burial before the battle even begins?



Because deep down, everyone knows Johor is not as secure as they pretend it is.


And maybe this is exactly what Malaysian politics needs right now.


Less dependency.


Less political hostage situations.


Less pretending everyone in a coalition is happy.


Let parties test their real strength again.


Let the rakyat decide properly.


Win or lose, at least stand for something.


And for the first time in years, UMNO Johor finally looks like they do.


RAJA SARA PETRA

WHO declares Ebola outbreak in DR Congo an international health emergency as deaths rise to 88

WHO declares Ebola outbreak in DR Congo an international health emergency as deaths rise to 88



The World Health Organization declared a ‘public health emergency of international concern’ – the second-highest level of alert under international health regulations on May 17, 2026 following 88 deaths from an Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo that has no vaccine and no treatment. — Reuters file pic

Sunday, 17 May 2026 12:55 PM MYT


KINSHASA, May 17 — An Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo has killed more than 80 as authorities warned there was no vaccine for the strain in a crisis that the World Health Organization declared an international health emergency on Sunday.


A total of 88 deaths and 336 suspected cases of the highly contagious haemorrhagic fever have been reported, the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC Africa) said in an update on Saturday.

The Geneva-based WHO said early on Sunday the outbreak caused by the Bundibugyo strain of Ebola constituted a “public health emergency of international concern” – the second-highest level of alert under international health regulations.

The global health body warned the true scale of the number of cases and spread was not clear but stopped short of declaring a pandemic emergency, the highest alert level introduced in 2024.


Medical aid group Doctors Without Borders (MSF) said it was preparing a “large-scale response”, calling the rapid spread of the outbreak “extremely concerning”, in warnings echoed by authorities.


“The Bundibugyo strain has no vaccine, no specific treatment,” DR Congo’s Health Minister Samuel-Roger Kamba said.

“This strain has a very high lethality rate, which can reach 50 per cent.”


The strain – which was first identified in 2007 – has also killed a Congolese national in neighbouring Uganda, officials said Saturday.

Vaccines are only available for the Zaire strain, which was identified in 1976 and has a higher fatality rate of 60-90 per cent.

Health officials had confirmed the latest outbreak Friday in Ituri province in northeastern DRC, bordering Uganda and South Sudan, according to CDC Africa.

“We’ve been seeing people die for the past two weeks,” said Isaac Nyakulinda, a local civil society representative contacted by AFP by phone.

“There is nowhere to isolate the sick. They are dying at home and their bodies are being handled by their family members.”

According to Kamba, patient zero was a nurse who reported to a health facility in Ituri’s provincial capital Bunia on April 24, with symptoms suggesting Ebola.

Symptoms of the disease include fever, haemorrhaging and vomiting.

“The number of cases and deaths we are seeing in such a short timeframe, combined with the spread across several health zones and now across the border, is extremely concerning,” says Trish Newport, MSF Emergency Programme Manager, which is mobilising medical and support staff to the area.

Large-scale transport of medical equipment is a challenge in DR Congo, a country of more than 100 million people which is four times the size of France but has poor communications infrastructure.

High risk of spread

It is the 17th Ebola outbreak to hit the DRC, and officials warned of a high risk of spread.

“There are significant uncertainties to the true number of infected persons and geographic spread,” the WHO said.

But it added the high positivity rate of initial samples, the confirmation of cases in two countries, and the increasing reports of suspected cases, “all point towards a potentially much larger outbreak than what is currently being detected and reported, with significant local and regional risk of spread.”

The previous outbreak of Ebola – which has killed around 15,000 people in Africa over the past 50 years, despite advances in vaccines and treatment – was last August in the central region.

That episode killed at least 34 people, before being declared eradicated in December.

Nearly 2,300 people died in the deadliest outbreak in the DRC between 2018 and 2020.

Ebola, believed to have originated in bats, can cause severe bleeding and organ failure.

Outbreaks over the past half century have seen a mortality rate among those affected of between 25 per cent and 90 per cent, according to WHO.

The virus spreads from person to person through bodily fluids or exposure to the blood of an infected persons, who become contagious only once they display symptoms. The incubation period can last up to 21 days. — AFP

Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi quit PKR, will vacate Pandan and Setiawangsa seats

Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi quit PKR, will vacate Pandan and Setiawangsa seats



Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad and Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli raise their hands together on stage during the official launch of ‘Bersama’ (Together) in Petaling Jaya May 17, 2026. — Picture by Raymond Manuel

Sunday, 17 May 2026 4:20 PM MYT


PETALING JAYA, May 17 — Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad said they will vacate the Pandan and Setiawangsa seats tomorrow.

In announcing their takeover of the Malaysian United Party here today, the two former ministers also said they were officially leaving PKR.

The duo said they would notify the Dewan Rakyat Speaker of their withdrawal tomorrow.

Rafizi and Nik Nazmi also said they would formally write to the PKR secretary-general on Tuesday to inform the party of their decision.


At a later press conference, Rafizi said the move was intended to ensure their departure would not be seen as party-hopping, as they respected the mandate given to them under PKR and Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the previous general election.

Rafizi added that he believed other MPs would eventually consider similar moves once a new political platform was established, although he acknowledged that the Anti-Party Hopping Law remained a major constraint.

He said the law effectively binds MPs and assemblymen across all parties, including PKR, Amanah, DAP and Bersatu, limiting their options despite shifting political considerations.


“That is why Nik and I need to pave the way first by establishing this platform and providing it in advance. Any further decisions will be up to other elected representatives,” he said.

Nik Nazmi said the decision to vacate their seats was made to allow them the freedom to join a new political party, Bersama, while also respecting voters’ mandate under Pakatan Harapan and PKR.

“This is not a small decision, but we feel it is important to be fair to voters who elected us under the PH and PKR ticket in the last general election,” he said.

He added that building Bersama would require time ahead of upcoming elections, where the party intends to field candidates and develop its political narrative.

Rafizi said concerns over potential legal action also influenced their approach, noting that PKR’s bond arrangements would typically apply only if MPs left the party to join another while retaining their seats.

He said their decision to vacate their seats meant they were returning the mandate to voters and therefore would not be subject to such conditions.

“That is also why the announcement is structured differently. PKR’s lawsuit or bond arrangement only applies if we leave the party and join another while remaining MPs. Previously, there were no MPs willing to vacate their seats.

“Everyone wants to be an MP but also wants to switch parties. What we are doing today is vacating our seats and returning the mandate to the people. Therefore, when we leave as PKR members on Tuesday, it will not be subject to the bond. That is why we are taking this approach,” he said.

Rafizi added that the decision on whether a by-election would be held now rested with the Dewan Rakyat Speaker.

He noted that under the Federal Constitution, a by-election is generally not required if a seat has been vacant for more than three years after the general election, but said there is also a provision allowing the Speaker to call one if the vacancy affects the government’s majority.

“In the current situation, it should not apply as the government’s majority is 150 even without the two of us. The majority now stands at 152.

“Once we vacate, it becomes 150, which is still strong compared to the required 112. So, there should not be a by-election, but ultimately it depends on the Speaker’s decision,” he said.

Both men also said they would continue serving their respective constituencies — Pandan and Setiawangsa — after vacating their seats.

Anwar signals early polls if unity government pressures persist

Anwar signals early polls if unity government pressures persist



Prime Minister and Pakatan Harapan (PH) chairman Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim delivers his speech at the Pakatan Harapan Convention 2026 at the Persada Johor International Convention Centre in Johor Bahru on May 17, 2026. — Bernama pic

Sunday, 17 May 2026 5:36 PM MYT


JOHOR BAHRU, May 17 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim warned political partners in national unity government today that he is prepared to call for an early general election if their political "intimidation" and threats persist.

Speaking at the 2026 Pakatan Harapan Convention here, Anwar, who is the PH chairman, directly referenced the ongoing state-level tensions, escalating the situation to a national scale.

“If it is true that they feel it is time for the election to take place in Johor, we will continue in Negeri Sembilan, and perhaps the people can decide for the whole of Malaysia,” he said in his keynote address.

MORE TO COME

Loke praises Anwar's bravery over UEC

Loke praises Anwar's bravery over UEC

Zarrah Morden & Shakira Buang
Published: May 17, 2026 3:47 PM
Updated: 5:49 PM



DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke has praised Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's "bravery" in leading the move to allow Unified Examination Certificate (UEC) graduates admission to four courses in public universities related to Chinese studies.

Loke said that, unlike Anwar's predecessors, the Pakatan Harapan chairperson had delivered on his promises to provide a pathway for UEC graduates to enter public universities.

"Let's not get mired in these issues. UEC is an issue regarding access to education," Loke said in his speech during the Harapan convention at the Johor Persada International Convention Centre this afternoon.

[More to follow]

God willing, Harapan will bury Umno second time in Johor - Aminolhuda

God willing, Harapan will bury Umno second time in Johor - Aminolhuda

Shakira Buang & Zarrah Morden
Published: May 17, 2026 12:40 PM
Updated: 4:16 PM



Johor Pakatan Harapan chief Aminolhuda Hassan is not holding back his punches after BN said it would contest all 56 state seats in the next Johor polls.

Speaking at the Harapan national convention in Johor Bahru, he told coalition members it was clear Harapan and BN could no longer work together, and that the latter must be defeated.

"Johor is where our 'friend' (Umno) was born. There was a time when we figuratively buried them here, their birthplace.

"God willing, in this coming election, we will bury them for a second time," he said to loud cheers from delegates.

Harapan had ousted BN from power in Johor during the 2018 general election.

However, BN returned to the helm in 2020 after Bersatu left Harapan.

The state held a snap election in 2022, which saw BN winning a supermajority thanks to low turnout, benefiting it in multicornered fights.

However, these gains were reversed in the 2022 general election, with BN winning just nine out of 25 Parliament seats in Johor.

Redelineation reluctance

Aminolhuda claimed that BN was still traumatised from its 2018 defeat - which he purports is why it has yet to carry out a redelineation exercise in the state.

He claimed this is because seven mostly urban state constituencies have more than 100,000 voters, a majority of whom are Harapan supporters.

READ MORE: Johor Harapan moots redelineation as opposed to appointed reps

Earlier at the convention, Negeri Sembilan Harapan chief Aminuddin Harun - who is also the menteri besar - said the betrayal the coalition suffered in the state should serve as a lesson when preparing for polls in Malacca, Johor, and Negeri Sembilan.

He said Harapan must also set aside its internal differences and mobilise the coalition's machinery to ensure victory at the polls.

Aminuddin is a close ally of Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, who are widely speculated to reveal a movement against Harapan lynchpin PKR this afternoon.

If Johor assembly dissolves, N Sembilan will follow - Loke

If Johor assembly dissolves, N Sembilan will follow - Loke

Zarrah Morden & Shakira Buang
Published: May 17, 2026 3:29 PM
Updated: 5:58 PM



DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke said Pakatan Harapan will respond to any dissolution of the Johor state assembly with a similar move in Negeri Sembilan.

In a possible allusion to Johor BN chairperson Onn Hafiz Ghazi's announcement that the coalition will go solo in the upcoming state election, Loke said Harapan will contest all seats in Negeri Sembilan as well.

"In conclusion, we have entered the arena now. Another party has announced that they will contest 56 (seats) in Johor.

"I would like to suggest to the esteemed chairperson, if they want to contest 56 seats in Johor, we will contest 36 seats in Negeri Sembilan," the Seremban MP said in his speech during the Harapan convention at the Johor Persada International Convention Centre this afternoon.

"If the Johor state assembly is dissolved tomorrow, we will dissolve the Negeri Sembilan state assembly tomorrow also," he added.

***

Well said Tony, now you're showing your fangs and more importantly your balls, wakakaka. Hentam mereka sampai cukup puas.

Syria before and after liberation (by USA)

From the FB page of:

Nury Vittachi 

Favorites ·sSerntodpo45il1ait3600l3ht93g61g15h2aa9ithaaucg5tmc413at1l91 ·

Yaya Wang Bridgman

sSerntodpo45 l9:1t3205l3aMP3gy1g15h2aa9ith aucg3 ac41ta 1M91 ·

Top: Syria under authoritarian regime

Bottom: Syria after liberation.

横批：西式双标