Israeli soldiers ‘celebrate’ inside displaced Lebanese family’s home
A video from southern Lebanon shows Israeli soldiers apparently celebrating a completed religious study inside a home whose residents had been forcibly displaced.
Hoodlums
Wednesday, June 24, 2026
Israeli soldiers ‘celebrate’ inside displaced Lebanese family’s home
Israeli soldiers ‘celebrate’ inside displaced Lebanese family’s home
A video from southern Lebanon shows Israeli soldiers apparently celebrating a completed religious study inside a home whose residents had been forcibly displaced.
ALA-BAPAK! GUAN ENG'S WIFE ALSO KENA CORRUPTION CHARGES IN COURT!! RM11.6 MILLION !!
Wednesday, June 24, 2026
ALA-BAPAK! GUAN ENG'S WIFE ALSO KENA CORRUPTION CHARGES IN COURT!! RM11.6 MILLION !!
Guan Eng, wife, businessperson to be tried for RM11.6m corruption
Farah Solhi
Published: Jun 24, 2026
Former Penang chief minister Lim Guan Eng and his wife Betty Chew, as well as businessperson Phang Li Koon, will face trial over corruption charges linked to a RM11.6 million migrant workers’ hostel project.
This came after the Court of Appeal panel, led by judge Azman Abdullah, unanimously dismissed the trio’s appeal against the Penang High Court’s rejection of their application to strike out the charges on the grounds of double jeopardy.
MY COMMENTS:
This here is actually a message for the Pendekar Bugis. You aint gonna see the light of a free day Mr Pendekar, not until you have paid your full dues to society. Those who you thought were your friends are not going to lift a finger to spring you from jail earlier than your convicted terms. House arrest or imprisonment inside your jacuzzi are just not going to happen. So just relax and chill in jail.
Likewise if this duo (or trio) get convicted I dont think their friends will lift a finger to help them either. Not in the present political climate in the country where the governments do not last a full term. Negeri and Johor are two of the latest examples. Negeri Sembilan's term in office has been cut short by two years and Johor by about one year. Now there is more speculation that the general elections may be held by end this year. The full term can go up to early 2028.
Full term or no full term you can rest assured that the gomen will change, the menteri besar, the prime minister will all change.
So which politician is going to be so stupid to want to stick their heads out to bend the rules to help anyone ? What for? If they goof up then the next new gomen can investigate them and have them thrown in jail instead.
This is what has been happening.
After Pendekar Bugis lost power he got thrown in jail.
After Dr Mahathir lost power they investigated him.
After Muhyiddin lost power they investigated him.
They investigated the late Tun Daim.
So just wait for the next general elections.
To conclude here is an old sung sung by Sammy Davis Jr. It was the theme song for the detective series Barretta. It says 'If you cant do the time then dont do the crime'.
I want to dedicate this song to all the politicians in Malaysia.
Is Britain a ‘failed state’? What Starmer’s resignation reveals about the UK
Is Britain a ‘failed state’? What Starmer’s resignation reveals about the UK
A combination picture shows former British prime ministers Keir Starmer, Rishi Sunak, Liz Truss, Boris Johnson, Theresa May, and David Cameron at various events between 2014 and 2026. — Reuters pic
Tuesday, 23 Jun 2026 10:27 AM MYT
LONDON, June 23 — On Monday morning, Keir Starmer emerged into the sunshine in Downing Street flanked by his staff and wife, his voice thick with emotion as he said he was no longer the right person to lead Britain. Starmer, who won one of the biggest landslides in British political history, is out after less than two years.
The sixth leader to quit in 10 years. The highest rate of political turnover in almost two centuries. Like his predecessors, Starmer failed to stem popular anger over living standards, which have stagnated since the 2008 financial crash, while ballooning national debt due to global shocks like the Covid pandemic has shackled government spending.
The failure to tackle illegal immigration has also sown deep political divisions.
Anthony Seldon, a historian who has charted the fortunes of UK prime ministers in books such as “The Impossible Office”, said Britain was in a very deep hole after Starmer and predecessors such as Liz Truss and Boris Johnson failed to inspire confidence and trust by setting out a clear narrative. Referring to Starmer’s likely successor, he told Reuters: “If Andy Burnham fails as prime minister, the outlook for Britain is bleak.”
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer announces the timeline for his resignation outside 10 Downing Street in London, Britain on June 22, 2026, following Andy Burnham’s decisive victory in the Makerfield by-election last week. — Reuters pic
Once a pillar of strength
Britain was once seen as a pillar of political and economic stability, home to leaders such as Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair whose combined 21 years in power helped reshape modern Britain.
But the global financial crisis hammered Britain, which was hugely reliant on an outsized financial sector for its economic growth, while the public sector austerity that followed left the country ill-prepared for what came next.
The last prime minister to win an election outright, without the support of another party, and to serve a full term was Blair between 2001 and 2005. Where once Britain mocked Italy’s ever-changing roll call of leaders, it now looks at Giorgia Meloni with envy. She is set to become the longest-serving head of government in the history of the Italian Republic with nearly four years in power.
While many analysts link Britain’s instability to the Brexit vote 10 years ago this week to leave the European Union, Jill Rutter, a former finance ministry official and a senior fellow at the Institute of Government (IfG) think tank, said it started with the crash.
“There has just been a general sense that we don’t see our lives getting better and we don’t see the lives of our children getting better,” she said. “And each government since has seemed to be unable to change that.”
In 2016, Britain ripped up its long-term foreign policy model by voting to leave the EU, reigniting the independence movement in Scotland, where the electorate had voted to remain. Its financial response to the Covid-19 pandemic and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine also pushed national debt levels to just below 100 per cent of GDP.
While the likes of Japan, Italy, the United States and France all have higher debt to GDP ratios, Britain has higher borrowing costs in part due to sticky inflation and concern about its reliance on foreign investors to fund its deficit.
That constraint on spending has hit living standards badly.
Data in 2025 from supermarket Asda and the Centre for Economics and Business Research showed that while average real disposable income was rising in the UK, the lowest-earning 40 per cent had less spending power then than they did in 2021.
Newly elected Makerfield Member of Parliament and former Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham arrives at Derby Gate by the Houses of Parliament in London, Britain on June 22, 2026, following Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s announcement of the timeline for his resignation. — Reuters pic
Why nothing works
Sam Freedman, a former government adviser, argued in his recent book “Failed State: Why Nothing Works and How We Fix It”, that Britain was too centralised and its key offices of state too small to cope.
On top of that the IfG’s Rutter and Roger Gale, one of Britain’s longest-serving lawmakers who entered parliament in 1983, said the culture of British politics has got worse. Rolling television channels and social media force politicians to make decisions at speed.
Gale, a Conservative lawmaker, told Reuters government needed to slow down. “There is too much legislation. A lot of it is bad and a lot of it is badly drafted,” he said.
“We need more grown up government.”
Starmer has been criticised for arriving in government without much of a plan on how he would tackle everything from soaring electricity costs to the need to spur investment, improve the health service and spend on defence.
His rival Burnham, a career politician who was most recently the mayor of Greater Manchester, could potentially take over in a matter of weeks, and will need to install a cabinet and set out a clear vision for the country.
Rishi Sunak, the last Conservative prime minister who lost the 2024 election to Starmer, said Burnham needed a plan.
“Without that, he will become yet another prime minister lying awake fretting about why it isn’t working,” he wrote in the Sunday Times. — Reuters
Has Tony Pua been seditious by querying intervention of royalties in politics, election campaigns?
Has Tony Pua been seditious by querying intervention of royalties in politics, election campaigns?
THAT some royalties have been outspoken on political and policy matters at the Federal government level in recent times have made some learned citizens feeling uneasy or wondering if the lines have been blurred given the country’s stature as a constitutional monarchy whereby
In the Malaysian context, constitutional monarchy is taken to mean that the country is governed by an elected Parliament while the King a.k.a. the Yang di-Pertuan Agong serves as “official Head of State”.
His powers are defined and strictly limited by the Federal Constitution which thus requires him to act on the advice of the Prime Minister.
The latest example which has triggered a query from vocal DAP disciplinary committee chairman Tony Pua is the manner Johor Regent Tunku Ismail Sultan Ibrahim countered Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim that his state is not plagued by financial leakages but rather a revenue drain by Putrajaya.
Tony Pua
on SundayQuestion:
When senior members of the Royalty get openly involved directly (or even indirectly) with politics and political campaign, demonstrating bias and partiality, are they then not subjecting themselves to rebuttals and retorts?
In that case, are these Royalty members above reproach or debate?
...See more“When senior members of the royalty get openly involved directly (or even indirectly) with politics and political campaign – demonstrating bias and partiality – are they then not subjecting themselves to rebuttals and retorts?” penned the three-term DAP lawmaker (two-term Petaling Jaya Utara and one-term Damansara) in a Facebook post.
“In that case, are these royalty members above reproach or debate? Will the Sedition Act still apply (on Pua)?”
‘Royalties must be sporting’
Responding to PMX’s remark that Johor is a wealthy state facing a leakage problem, Tunku Ismail has over the weekend (June 21) called on the federal government to return at least a quarter of the revenue collected from the state.
The Crown Prince further contended that Johor contributes more than RM40 bil annually to the federal government but receives only about RM2 bil to RM3 bil meet the needs of Johor’s nearly five million residents.
Editor’s Note: In painting” a true picture” the following day (June 22), PMX who is also the Finance Miniter claimed that Johor received more federal funding than what it contributed in the past three years.
DYAM Tunku Mahkota Ismail, Pemangku Sultan Johor terima mengadap YAB Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Perdana Menteri.
“Terima kasih atas keperihatinan YAB Perdana Menteri di atas perhubungan erat di antara Kerajaan Persekutuan dan Negeri Johor. Saya turut bertukar pandangan dengan Perdana Menteri berhubung kerajaan Persekutuan harus sentiasa komited dengan pembangunan Negeri Johor demi kesejahteraan rakyat Johor.” titah Baginda.
Pertemuan YAB Perdana Menteri bersama Pemangku Sultan...
See more
Based on records of the Finance Ministry, the southern state contributed about RM14 bil in revenue to federal coffers between 2023 and 2025 but received RM16 bil from the federal government through various projects, operating allocations and programmes, according to PMX.
Well, this is certainly not the first and will not be the last time Pua be posing a question that borders 3R (race, religion, royalty) breaches.
As Malaysiakini succinctly puts it, the DAP loyalist no stranger to ruffling royal feathers, having recently come under police investigation after a deluge of reports were lodged against him for stating that the constitutional system binds Malaysian monarchs, hence they should not issue binding decrees to legislate all aspects of people’s lives.
Recount that his insinuation that the decree of Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah to prohibit pig farming in Selangor as having fallen outside the realm of the Federal Constitution has landed Pua in hot soup with some 120 police reports lodged against him.
His statement came in the wake of the Selangor ruler telling DAP Seri Kembangan state assemblywoman Wong Siew Ki and former party stalwart Ronnie Liu to visit Dataran Selangor and understand the principles of the Rukun Negara displayed on the monument plaque there.
Whether Pua truly has “nine lives of the feline” for daringly defending the constitutional rights of lay Malaysians or otherwise by subjecting himself to be called “biadap” or “derhaka”, the truth is that royalties have to be sporting enough if they wish to participate in politics whether directly or indirectly.
“They must be prepared to listen or ready for backlash against their opinion as nowadays the rakyat are more educated on certain issues,” remarked one commenter to Pua’s FB post.
“It’ll be seen differently if they give impartial advice and non-partisan and the rakyat should take heed. Tony said the right thing but the hardest as it could be seen and interpreted differently.” – June 24, 2026
***
As the late RPK told me, when "They" wanna git ya, "They" will 😂😂😂😈
Mat Sabu downplays 'boycott' of Sharon Teo, Amanah's sole non-Muslim candidate
Mat Sabu downplays 'boycott' of Sharon Teo, Amanah's sole non-Muslim candidate
Published: Jun 24, 2026 2:04 PM
Updated: 5:29 PM
For the first time, Amanah is fielding a non-Muslim woman as a candidate, with Sharon Teo set to contest the Permas state seat in the Johor state election.
Speaking to reporters, Amanah president Mohamad Sabu dismissed concerns over her candidacy.
"There is no problem (with fielding the candidate), we have settled everything. God willing," Mohamad (above) was quoted as saying by Berita Harian in response to Pasir Gudang Amanah's announcement that it would boycott the candidate.
Earlier, Pasir Gudang Amanah held a press conference declaring its decision to boycott the Pakatan Harapan candidate for Permas.
The division's assistant secretary, Haini Harun, said the move was made unanimously as the division continued to back Pasir Gudang Amanah chief Syed Othman Abdullah as its preferred candidate, arguing that he was more deserving based on his leadership and service in the constituency.
He said the division had repeatedly raised objections to the possibility of an outsider being selected, but had received no response.
Sharon Teo
According to Haini, fielding a candidate unfamiliar to the grassroots machinery would make it difficult for the party to mobilise its campaign effectively within a short period.
"Therefore, we have decided to boycott the candidate and will not assist in her campaign. However, we will not obstruct or undermine campaign machinery from outside the area," he said.
Sending a message
Johor Amanah had previously announced Teo as its candidate for Permas, making her the party's only non-Malay and non-Muslim candidate in the state election.
Teo, who previously served as Johor Amanah assistant secretary and Johor Warda (party’s women's wing) chief, said her candidacy sends a message that Amanah is a multiracial party.
"Amanah is a multiracial party for everyone. We uphold the concept of 'rahmatan lil alamin' (mercy for all creation)," said Teo, who acknowledged that she was mentored by the late former Amanah deputy president, Salahuddin Ayub.
In the last election, BN’s Baharudin Taib won the Permas seat in a crowded field, securing 23,492 votes.
"Therefore, we have decided to boycott the candidate and will not assist in her campaign. However, we will not obstruct or undermine campaign machinery from outside the area," he said.
Sending a message
Johor Amanah had previously announced Teo as its candidate for Permas, making her the party's only non-Malay and non-Muslim candidate in the state election.
Teo, who previously served as Johor Amanah assistant secretary and Johor Warda (party’s women's wing) chief, said her candidacy sends a message that Amanah is a multiracial party.
"Amanah is a multiracial party for everyone. We uphold the concept of 'rahmatan lil alamin' (mercy for all creation)," said Teo, who acknowledged that she was mentored by the late former Amanah deputy president, Salahuddin Ayub.
In the last election, BN’s Baharudin Taib won the Permas seat in a crowded field, securing 23,492 votes.
Ronnie Liu: What we should truly rejoice over is not the victory of any single party
Ronnie Liu: What we should truly rejoice over is not the victory of any single party
Planning coordination is necessary, yet it must never leave citizens feeling segregated by tiered treatment, much less devolve into a symbolic hierarchy of status
Updated 5 hours ago · Published on 24 Jun 2026 9:20AM
Some hail this as a victory for the people; others view it as a successful fight by religious communities to claim their rights. - June 24, 2026
THE Selangor state government has announced amendments to the Guidelines for Planning Non-Islamic Places of Worship, rolling back several provisions, including height restrictions, which have drawn widespread public attention across society.
Some hail this as a victory for the people; others view it as a successful fight by religious communities to claim their rights.
Yet I believe a more accurate framing is this:
What we ought to be truly thankful for is not that one side prevailed, but that Selangor has ultimately chosen to return to a path upholding constitutionally guaranteed religious freedom while balancing sound urban planning logic.
Policies may be formulated, but they must also remain open to review.
Planning coordination is necessary, yet it must never leave citizens feeling segregated by tiered treatment, much less devolve into a symbolic hierarchy of status.
A mature society judges spaces for worship not by how tall any house of faith’s roof stands, but by whether every citizen receives equal treatment.
This set of amendments proves, at the very least, one truth: policies are not set in stone.
With sustained public attention and rational civic discourse, the government retains room to revisit its decisions and realign itself with the principles of equitable governance.
That said, these revisions have also brought forth another critical issue worthy of deliberation.
If a controversial planning policy can be subjected to reassessment, ought other long-debated governance matters in Selangor also be revisited?
One prominent such issue is the state’s pig farming industry.
Challenges surrounding pig farming are not a nationwide predicament, but a long-standing flaw in Selangor’s industrial planning.
If pollution lies at the heart of the concern, internationally proven, mature solutions already exist: modern closed-house farming, biosecurity protocols, wastewater treatment infrastructure, designated concentrated livestock zones, and stringent law enforcement.
If technology, regulation and industrial upgrading can resolve pollution concerns, the public naturally poses a fair question:
If planning constraints on non-Islamic houses of worship are open to revision, will Selangor also commit to reopening discussions on viable space for a modernised pig farming sector?
After all, pork is more than a dietary preference for segments of the population. It ties to longstanding living customs, food supply chain security, livelihoods built around the industry, and legitimate market demand.
If pollution is the problem, tackle pollution head-on.
If poor oversight is the problem, strengthen regulatory governance.
If lax enforcement is the problem, bolster law enforcement rigorously.
Should the ultimate solution amount to a blanket phase-out of the industry, citizens will inevitably question whether the move prioritises genuine environmental remediation, or simply forces an entire trade out of the state.
Likewise, the halal certification system fulfils genuine religious requirements and carries tangible value for global trade, giving it a solid practical rationale.
Most members of the public do not oppose halal certification, nor do they dismiss the faith-based needs of the Muslim community.
The real debate worth having centres on whether public administration is drifting toward excessive labelling and over-secularisation of state affairs.
For instance, separating food into halal and non-halal categories is reasonable, as this adheres to religious dietary codes.
But must waste segregation, public amenities, municipal administration and public sanitation systems continually be assigned religious categorisations?
THE Selangor state government has announced amendments to the Guidelines for Planning Non-Islamic Places of Worship, rolling back several provisions, including height restrictions, which have drawn widespread public attention across society.
Some hail this as a victory for the people; others view it as a successful fight by religious communities to claim their rights.
Yet I believe a more accurate framing is this:
What we ought to be truly thankful for is not that one side prevailed, but that Selangor has ultimately chosen to return to a path upholding constitutionally guaranteed religious freedom while balancing sound urban planning logic.
Policies may be formulated, but they must also remain open to review.
Planning coordination is necessary, yet it must never leave citizens feeling segregated by tiered treatment, much less devolve into a symbolic hierarchy of status.
A mature society judges spaces for worship not by how tall any house of faith’s roof stands, but by whether every citizen receives equal treatment.
This set of amendments proves, at the very least, one truth: policies are not set in stone.
With sustained public attention and rational civic discourse, the government retains room to revisit its decisions and realign itself with the principles of equitable governance.
That said, these revisions have also brought forth another critical issue worthy of deliberation.
If a controversial planning policy can be subjected to reassessment, ought other long-debated governance matters in Selangor also be revisited?
One prominent such issue is the state’s pig farming industry.
Challenges surrounding pig farming are not a nationwide predicament, but a long-standing flaw in Selangor’s industrial planning.
If pollution lies at the heart of the concern, internationally proven, mature solutions already exist: modern closed-house farming, biosecurity protocols, wastewater treatment infrastructure, designated concentrated livestock zones, and stringent law enforcement.
If technology, regulation and industrial upgrading can resolve pollution concerns, the public naturally poses a fair question:
If planning constraints on non-Islamic houses of worship are open to revision, will Selangor also commit to reopening discussions on viable space for a modernised pig farming sector?
After all, pork is more than a dietary preference for segments of the population. It ties to longstanding living customs, food supply chain security, livelihoods built around the industry, and legitimate market demand.
If pollution is the problem, tackle pollution head-on.
If poor oversight is the problem, strengthen regulatory governance.
If lax enforcement is the problem, bolster law enforcement rigorously.
Should the ultimate solution amount to a blanket phase-out of the industry, citizens will inevitably question whether the move prioritises genuine environmental remediation, or simply forces an entire trade out of the state.
Likewise, the halal certification system fulfils genuine religious requirements and carries tangible value for global trade, giving it a solid practical rationale.
Most members of the public do not oppose halal certification, nor do they dismiss the faith-based needs of the Muslim community.
The real debate worth having centres on whether public administration is drifting toward excessive labelling and over-secularisation of state affairs.
For instance, separating food into halal and non-halal categories is reasonable, as this adheres to religious dietary codes.
But must waste segregation, public amenities, municipal administration and public sanitation systems continually be assigned religious categorisations?
If waste management aims to boost recycling rates, improve hygiene and cut pollution, sorting frameworks should be built around environmental science, circular resource principles and public health imperatives — rather than making citizens feel that even routine waste disposal is defined by divisive identity labels.
Food safety ought to fall under food safety governance;
Sanitation and hygiene ought to fall under environmental health governance;
Religious certification ought to remain confined to dedicated religious regulatory frameworks;
Urban planning ought to abide by professional planning standards.
Governance’s core mandate should not revolve around managing group identities, but around risk mitigation, evidence-based professional administration and equitable public service delivery.
A truly mature pluralistic society does not merely grant reasonable operational space to all faiths. It must also accommodate diverse ethnic communities’ ways of life, dietary needs, industrial livelihoods and economic entitlements.
What the public has always yearned for is never triumph for one faction alone.
What citizens genuinely seek is a government willing to listen, adapt and progress.
Selangor’s recent revisions to the planning rules governing non-Islamic places of worship mark a promising starting point.
Yet if these amendments signal the state government’s commitment to realigning with constitutional spirit, professional governance and impartial administration, Selangor must summon the courage to revisit many other long-running contentious issues next:
Can pig farming policy shift away from a blanket phase-out framework toward modernised, regulated industry management?
Can public administration move beyond divisive identity labelling and return to neutral, professional public service?
Governing a plural society is never merely a matter of roof height limits for places of worship.
More fundamentally, it concerns whether every citizen on this land will be fairly recognised, reasonably treated and served through impartial, professional state administration. – June 24, 2026
Ronnie Liu Thian Khiew is a former Selangor executive councillor and DAP leader
Manipulating tradition as a tool for power
Manipulating tradition as a tool for power
Negeri Sembilan has entered a highly charged political environment following the collapse of the state government’s majority and the calling of fresh elections
Updated 2 hours ago · Published on 24 Jun 2026
There are moments in a nation’s history when the issue before us is not merely legal, political, or constitutional. It is moral. - June 24, 2026
by Vinod Sekhar
LET’S first get one thing straight. There is only ONE recognised constitutional Ruler of Negeri Sembilan - Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir. Recognised by the state and federal government.
There are moments in a nation’s history when the issue before us is not merely legal, political, or constitutional. It is moral.
Negeri Sembilan now finds itself at such a moment.
For months, Malaysians have watched a deeply troubling spectacle unfold: competing claims to the throne, competing interpretations of Adat Perpatih, competing declarations of legitimacy, and increasingly, competing political interests seeking advantage from a crisis that should never have become political in the first place.
The latest episode—the continued promotion of a purported proclamation of a new Yang di-Pertuan Besar despite ongoing legal and constitutional disputes—raises a simple question.
Who truly benefits from keeping this crisis alive?
Certainly not the people of Negeri Sembilan.
Certainly not the institution of monarchy.
And certainly not the dignity of Adat Perpatih itself.
The defenders of this movement have repeatedly sought refuge behind the language of tradition and custom. Yet tradition loses its moral authority when it becomes indistinguishable from political manoeuvring.
Consider the role played by Tan Sri Rais Yatim.
For months, he presented himself publicly as a scholar of Negeri Sembilan customs and a defender of Adat Perpatih. Yet he has also emerged as an active participant in the movement supporting the purported installation of Tunku Nadzaruddin and has publicly championed that position.
Public reports have also highlighted his new role as Chairman of a political party of ex-Bersatu members, many of whom played a role in the collapse of the state government coalition.
That does not invalidate his views
But it does raise legitimate questions as to his bias. And his motivations.
When political actors become deeply involved in royal disputes, the public has every right to ask whether the motivation is preservation of tradition or acquisition of influence.
The timing is difficult to ignore.
Negeri Sembilan has entered a highly charged political environment following the collapse of the state government’s majority and the calling of fresh elections.
The continuation of a narrative that there is already a “new ruler” inevitably carries political implications.
If a future state administration were sympathetic to that position, it could seek to alter the state’s recognition of the existing ruler and reshape the entire dispute.
Perhaps intended, the royal crisis has become intertwined with political calculations.
That alone should concern every Malaysian.
Monarchies survive not because they possess power.
They survive because they possess legitimacy.
The moment a monarchy becomes perceived as merely another arena for political contestation, everyone loses. History teaches us that institutions are rarely destroyed by external enemies. More often, they are weakened from within by those claiming to defend them.
The greatest threat to Negeri Sembilan’s unique constitutional and customary heritage is not disagreement. It is the appearance that custom can be selectively interpreted whenever it serves a particular faction.
Equally important are the questions surrounding leadership itself. If an individual seeks to be recognised as the ruler of a state, then scrutiny is not an insult.
It is a necessity.
The office of Yang di-Pertuan Besar is not merely ceremonial. It represents the highest moral and constitutional authority within the state.
The holder of that office should be subject to the highest standards of public examination.
That examination should include experience.
It should include judgment.It should include public service.
And yes, it should include a careful examination of one’s record in business, public life, and leadership. It is time, Tunku Nadzaruddin, who now seems to be promoting himself as the "new Ruler" of Negeri Sembilan, to undergo that scrutiny.
These are not attacks.
They are responsibilities.
A throne is not an inheritance alone
It is a trust.
The people of Negeri Sembilan deserve transparency. They deserve answers. They deserve confidence that anyone seeking to occupy the state’s highest institution can withstand the most rigorous public scrutiny.
Above all, they deserve leaders—whether elected or hereditary—who place the interests of the state above personal ambition.
The tragedy of this entire episode is that Negeri Sembilan has long been a model of moderation, stability, and constitutional evolution.
Its unique system of governance survived colonialism, independence, and modernisation because generations before us understood a simple truth:
Power must always serve the institution.
The institution must never serve power.
Today, that principle is being tested.
The question before Negeri Sembilan is no longer who sits on a throne.
The question is whether the throne itself will emerge stronger or weaker from this ordeal.
For the sake of the state, for the sake of Adat Perpatih, and for the sake of future generations, one hopes wisdom prevails over ambition.
History is watching.
And history is rarely kind to those who mistake personal victory for public service. – June 24, 2026
Datuk Dr Vinod Sekhar is the publisher of The Vibes and Chairman of the Petra Group
by Vinod Sekhar
LET’S first get one thing straight. There is only ONE recognised constitutional Ruler of Negeri Sembilan - Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir. Recognised by the state and federal government.
There are moments in a nation’s history when the issue before us is not merely legal, political, or constitutional. It is moral.
Negeri Sembilan now finds itself at such a moment.
For months, Malaysians have watched a deeply troubling spectacle unfold: competing claims to the throne, competing interpretations of Adat Perpatih, competing declarations of legitimacy, and increasingly, competing political interests seeking advantage from a crisis that should never have become political in the first place.
The latest episode—the continued promotion of a purported proclamation of a new Yang di-Pertuan Besar despite ongoing legal and constitutional disputes—raises a simple question.
Who truly benefits from keeping this crisis alive?
Certainly not the people of Negeri Sembilan.
Certainly not the institution of monarchy.
And certainly not the dignity of Adat Perpatih itself.
The defenders of this movement have repeatedly sought refuge behind the language of tradition and custom. Yet tradition loses its moral authority when it becomes indistinguishable from political manoeuvring.
Consider the role played by Tan Sri Rais Yatim.
For months, he presented himself publicly as a scholar of Negeri Sembilan customs and a defender of Adat Perpatih. Yet he has also emerged as an active participant in the movement supporting the purported installation of Tunku Nadzaruddin and has publicly championed that position.
Public reports have also highlighted his new role as Chairman of a political party of ex-Bersatu members, many of whom played a role in the collapse of the state government coalition.
That does not invalidate his views
But it does raise legitimate questions as to his bias. And his motivations.
When political actors become deeply involved in royal disputes, the public has every right to ask whether the motivation is preservation of tradition or acquisition of influence.
The timing is difficult to ignore.
Negeri Sembilan has entered a highly charged political environment following the collapse of the state government’s majority and the calling of fresh elections.
The continuation of a narrative that there is already a “new ruler” inevitably carries political implications.
If a future state administration were sympathetic to that position, it could seek to alter the state’s recognition of the existing ruler and reshape the entire dispute.
Perhaps intended, the royal crisis has become intertwined with political calculations.
That alone should concern every Malaysian.
Monarchies survive not because they possess power.
They survive because they possess legitimacy.
The moment a monarchy becomes perceived as merely another arena for political contestation, everyone loses. History teaches us that institutions are rarely destroyed by external enemies. More often, they are weakened from within by those claiming to defend them.
The greatest threat to Negeri Sembilan’s unique constitutional and customary heritage is not disagreement. It is the appearance that custom can be selectively interpreted whenever it serves a particular faction.
Equally important are the questions surrounding leadership itself. If an individual seeks to be recognised as the ruler of a state, then scrutiny is not an insult.
It is a necessity.
The office of Yang di-Pertuan Besar is not merely ceremonial. It represents the highest moral and constitutional authority within the state.
The holder of that office should be subject to the highest standards of public examination.
That examination should include experience.
It should include judgment.It should include public service.
And yes, it should include a careful examination of one’s record in business, public life, and leadership. It is time, Tunku Nadzaruddin, who now seems to be promoting himself as the "new Ruler" of Negeri Sembilan, to undergo that scrutiny.
These are not attacks.
They are responsibilities.
A throne is not an inheritance alone
It is a trust.
The people of Negeri Sembilan deserve transparency. They deserve answers. They deserve confidence that anyone seeking to occupy the state’s highest institution can withstand the most rigorous public scrutiny.
Above all, they deserve leaders—whether elected or hereditary—who place the interests of the state above personal ambition.
The tragedy of this entire episode is that Negeri Sembilan has long been a model of moderation, stability, and constitutional evolution.
Its unique system of governance survived colonialism, independence, and modernisation because generations before us understood a simple truth:
Power must always serve the institution.
The institution must never serve power.
Today, that principle is being tested.
The question before Negeri Sembilan is no longer who sits on a throne.
The question is whether the throne itself will emerge stronger or weaker from this ordeal.
For the sake of the state, for the sake of Adat Perpatih, and for the sake of future generations, one hopes wisdom prevails over ambition.
History is watching.
And history is rarely kind to those who mistake personal victory for public service. – June 24, 2026
Datuk Dr Vinod Sekhar is the publisher of The Vibes and Chairman of the Petra Group
Hot Negeri Sembilan polls
Bridget Welsh
Published: Jun 22, 2026 10:46 AM
Updated: 12:55 PM
COMMENT | Of the two coming state elections, Negeri Sembilan has more potential political hazards ahead. Like the famous dish of the state, masak lomak, its politics are heated.
This state election will be decisive in shaping the fate of state governance and the future of Anwar Ibrahim’s federal coalition and leadership. As the caretaker menteri besar Aminuddin Harun described, it is a “live and death” test for the Madani government.
The reasons are simple, although the context is complicated:
1. Weight of incumbency:
Negeri Sembilan has been governed by the prime minister’s party and coalition since 2018, making the contest a direct test for Pakatan Harapan’s governance. Since 2022, Negeri Sembilan has used the Madani label for its programmes, heightening the tie to Anwar’s leadership.
Incumbency usually gives an advantage, but having to call early polls has undercut some of this leverage. These elections were called without meaningful ground preparation.
2) Higher electoral competitiveness
A greater share/number of seats is highly competitive.
In the 2023 state polls, no coalition won a majority. Harapan secured a plurality of 17 seats, followed by Umno-BN with 14 and Perikatan Nasional with five. A third of the seats (12 out of 36) were marginally won with less than 10 percent of voters.
Disproportionately, most of these close contests were for Umno seats, yet all coalitions were impacted.
It is noteworthy that Aminuddin won his seat by an 11 percent majority, a low share for an incumbent state leader. This is one of the reasons he may move to another seat.
Published: Jun 22, 2026 10:46 AM
Updated: 12:55 PM
COMMENT | Of the two coming state elections, Negeri Sembilan has more potential political hazards ahead. Like the famous dish of the state, masak lomak, its politics are heated.
This state election will be decisive in shaping the fate of state governance and the future of Anwar Ibrahim’s federal coalition and leadership. As the caretaker menteri besar Aminuddin Harun described, it is a “live and death” test for the Madani government.
The reasons are simple, although the context is complicated:
1. Weight of incumbency:
Negeri Sembilan has been governed by the prime minister’s party and coalition since 2018, making the contest a direct test for Pakatan Harapan’s governance. Since 2022, Negeri Sembilan has used the Madani label for its programmes, heightening the tie to Anwar’s leadership.
Incumbency usually gives an advantage, but having to call early polls has undercut some of this leverage. These elections were called without meaningful ground preparation.
2) Higher electoral competitiveness
A greater share/number of seats is highly competitive.
In the 2023 state polls, no coalition won a majority. Harapan secured a plurality of 17 seats, followed by Umno-BN with 14 and Perikatan Nasional with five. A third of the seats (12 out of 36) were marginally won with less than 10 percent of voters.
Disproportionately, most of these close contests were for Umno seats, yet all coalitions were impacted.
It is noteworthy that Aminuddin won his seat by an 11 percent majority, a low share for an incumbent state leader. This is one of the reasons he may move to another seat.
Caretaker Negeri Sembilan menteri besar Aminuddin Harun
A preliminary look at potential swings and dynamics on the ground suggests that 18 seats are highly competitive (can be won with a small swing/change in turnout), with another 12 competitive.
Of the 18 highly competitive seats, nine of these are too close to call at this juncture. Among the open seats are Gemas held by Bersatu, Paroi held by PAS, Nilai held by DAP, Linggi held by Umno, and Pilah held by PKR.
Only six seats are seen as safe, a little over half of DAP seats, but, as written previously in my Johor preliminary analysis, given fluid voting patterns, no seats are completely safe. In short, the high level of competitiveness makes for uncertainty in outcome.
3) Lack of Madani voter transferability
In 2023, state Madani coalition victories were won with a degree of voter transferability, support for different Madani coalition partners from traditional core voter bases.
Core Harapan supporters supported Umno-BN and vice versa, although in varying degrees. The results varied by ethnicity (and across the six states in the 2023 state polls).
In these coming polls, with the main Madani coalitions going solo, there will not be any meaningful transfer of core support across the Harapan and BN divides, making contests even more competitive.
My statistical analysis of the 2023 Negeri Sembilan “saluran” (polling stream) results suggests that among Malays, an estimated 53 percent of BN traditional voters voted for Harapan, while 71 percent of Malay Harapan voters supported Umno-BN.
Of the 18 highly competitive seats, nine of these are too close to call at this juncture. Among the open seats are Gemas held by Bersatu, Paroi held by PAS, Nilai held by DAP, Linggi held by Umno, and Pilah held by PKR.
Only six seats are seen as safe, a little over half of DAP seats, but, as written previously in my Johor preliminary analysis, given fluid voting patterns, no seats are completely safe. In short, the high level of competitiveness makes for uncertainty in outcome.
3) Lack of Madani voter transferability
In 2023, state Madani coalition victories were won with a degree of voter transferability, support for different Madani coalition partners from traditional core voter bases.
Core Harapan supporters supported Umno-BN and vice versa, although in varying degrees. The results varied by ethnicity (and across the six states in the 2023 state polls).
In these coming polls, with the main Madani coalitions going solo, there will not be any meaningful transfer of core support across the Harapan and BN divides, making contests even more competitive.
My statistical analysis of the 2023 Negeri Sembilan “saluran” (polling stream) results suggests that among Malays, an estimated 53 percent of BN traditional voters voted for Harapan, while 71 percent of Malay Harapan voters supported Umno-BN.
Non-Malay voters - Chinese and Indians who traditionally supported Harapan were the higher transfer voters, at an estimated 97 percent and 78 percent, respectively.
Umno-BN gained the most in 2023 from voter transferability, a gain that they will not win this round.
The lack of Harapan-Umno transferability will make this contest more competitive. Based on 2023 results, this factor alone impacts more than half of the seats in the state.
4) Multi-state stakeholder conflict
To add to the complexity, this election is not just about state elected representation. It is intertwined with the royal elite crisis, as perceptions of mismanagement of this crisis locally originally led to the destabilisation of the government.
READ MORE: N Sembilan chieftains order Friday sermons to pray for Tunku Nadzaruddin
Subsequent responses by various parties, from Umno’s leadership ambitions and departure from the state government, Bersatu leaders supporting some of the royal elites, and Harapan master of ceremony’s insensitively referring to royal (fifth) positions, have heightened these issues.
The story of the Negeri Sembilan state government's collapse in April is well-known, triggered by the withdrawal of Umno from the government.
The drama over the last few months has involved debate over the state constitution, contested interpretations of cultural “adat perpatih” (the Minangkabau customary law) traditions, and (over)reactive politicking.
Differing views of these emotive and sensitive issues will spill over into the coming polls, especially among the 60 percent of Minangkabau voters who are part of the “adat perpatih” practicing community, and especially among older voters who adopt stronger “adat” practices.
Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir
Parties have long played an “adat perpatih protector” role in Negeri Sembilan. This was traditionally held by Umno, as the party has traditionally been seen as protecting local customs and institutions, with its candidates part of the “suku” or clans in the various areas of the undang or chieftains.
In recent years, the “adat perpatih protector” role has become more contentious.
Contestation over “adat perpatih” has been growing for some time, well before the crisis.
Discontent has been rising over issues of land/development, inclusion in decision-making, especially of women who are prominent in the Minangkabau community, and management of personalities with ambitions.
Divisions have grown among royal elites as the role of Negeri Sembilan’s “adat” society has changed. Youth, for example, are not as strongly attached to “adat perpatih” customs compared to the past due to a variety of reasons, not least of which is mobility and a brain drain from the state.
Recent dynamics have undercut Umno’s support from the “suku”, evident in voting results. First, there has been the rise of conservative Islam, which has been in tension with “adat”.
This has been most impactful among the young, who are increasingly influenced by conservative religious schools. Second, there has been Umno’s loss of the state government leadership since 2018, curtailing the party’s local role to resolve issues on the ground and strengthen its local network.
Third, Umno support among the “suku” (and more broadly among voters in the state) has eroded, with some of the party elites in the state seen to be more concerned with their own interests rather than protecting institutions.
Competition for the “adat perpatih protector” role has increased. Harapan has worked to establish and strengthen its own “suku” ties, often working around Umno’s networks. This has fed discontent and led to displacement.
Similarly, Bersatu (and now Parti Wawasan Negara with former Bersatu leaders) has launched a challenge to win over “adat perpatih” voters, starting in the last state election.
In recent years, the “adat perpatih protector” role has become more contentious.
Contestation over “adat perpatih” has been growing for some time, well before the crisis.
Discontent has been rising over issues of land/development, inclusion in decision-making, especially of women who are prominent in the Minangkabau community, and management of personalities with ambitions.
Divisions have grown among royal elites as the role of Negeri Sembilan’s “adat” society has changed. Youth, for example, are not as strongly attached to “adat perpatih” customs compared to the past due to a variety of reasons, not least of which is mobility and a brain drain from the state.
Recent dynamics have undercut Umno’s support from the “suku”, evident in voting results. First, there has been the rise of conservative Islam, which has been in tension with “adat”.
This has been most impactful among the young, who are increasingly influenced by conservative religious schools. Second, there has been Umno’s loss of the state government leadership since 2018, curtailing the party’s local role to resolve issues on the ground and strengthen its local network.
Third, Umno support among the “suku” (and more broadly among voters in the state) has eroded, with some of the party elites in the state seen to be more concerned with their own interests rather than protecting institutions.
Competition for the “adat perpatih protector” role has increased. Harapan has worked to establish and strengthen its own “suku” ties, often working around Umno’s networks. This has fed discontent and led to displacement.
Similarly, Bersatu (and now Parti Wawasan Negara with former Bersatu leaders) has launched a challenge to win over “adat perpatih” voters, starting in the last state election.
In seats like Klawang and Juasseh (both highly competitive seats), these issues were intertwined with support for candidates in 2023, and this is likely to be the case in these polls too, given the salience of “adat” issues.
The complicating intertwined dynamic between “adat perpatih”, royal elite dynamics, tight social networks, and party positioning has further added to the uncertainty, and taken this contest directly into local communities, making the polls highly personalised for some voters and raising stakes in the outcome.
This factor could similarly influence voting in more than half of the state seats.
5) The second-half campaign reaction
There is another factor that heats up the polls - the cili padi of an ethnic campaign. The emotional discourse in this campaign is already evident, with narratives around blame and betrayal percolating.
A worrying racialised overtone is already present on the ground. Increasingly, the move toward ethnic polarisation is growing.
Negeri Sembilan’s campaign looks more poised to become rhetoric-intensive (at least for now) compared to the Johor polls, in part because of the higher political fragmentation and the significant stakes of the polls.
Umno-BN goes into Johor with a clearer incumbent advantage than the Madani government does in Negeri Sembilan.
What will make the Negeri Sembilan campaign unique is that it is effectively longer and will have spillovers from the Johor contest and its results. This will inevitably impact turnout and the campaign narratives.
Traditionally, higher overall turnout usually benefits Harapan, but in these polls, given ongoing swings away from Harapan in recent elections and complexities of local conditions, this may not be the case.
Managing risk ahead
The election is thus a precarious one. Uncertainty is high, with stakes similarly so.
It will be challenging for all of the main coalitions to get enough seats to form a majority in a context of high political fragmentation.
Based on recent voting, this will not be easy for any of the coalitions.
It will require statesmanship for cooler heads to prevail after a heated campaign. Based on recent attacking political rhetoric, this will also be challenging.
It will make the Negeri Sembilan polls critical to watch, not just for its voters, but for Malaysia’s political future ahead.
BRIDGET WELSH is an honorary research associate of the University of Nottingham’s Asia Research Institute, a senior research associate at Hu Fu Centre for East Asia Democratic Studies, and a senior associate fellow at The Habibie Centre. Her writings can be found at bridgetwelsh.com
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