Saturday, October 31, 2026

Friends, foes and four awkward clashes: Who’s teaming up with whom in the Melaka polls?






Friends, foes and four awkward clashes: Who’s teaming up with whom in the Melaka polls?



The Melaka state election on November 14 will see shifting political alliances, with BN and PN joining forces while PH and Bersatu explore cooperation despite competing in four constituencies. — Bernama pic


First Published: Saturday, 31 Oct 2026 7:00 AM MYT
Last Modified: Saturday, 31 Oct 2026 8:28 AM MYT


KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 31 — Former rivals Umno and PAS are joining forces to contest the Melaka state election, while Pakatan Harapan (PH) and Bersatu are exploring an electoral understanding — despite preparing to fight each other in four constituencies.

The unusual political arrangements have set the stage for a contest marked by shifting alliances, strained relationships and unfinished electoral deals.

Barisan Nasional (BN) and Perikatan Nasional (PN) are hoping to repeat their successful cooperation in Negeri Sembilan, where they secured a two-thirds majority in August.

Their seat-sharing negotiations in Melaka have continued right up to nomination day, with MCA securing a fourth constituency following further discussions between the two coalitions.


PH, meanwhile, is seeking common ground with Bersatu even as the latter’s relationship with its PN partners, particularly PAS, continues to deteriorate.

With nominations taking place today ahead of polling on November 14, here is how the alliances are shaping up and what they could mean for Melaka.

BN-PN: United for Melaka

The clearest electoral arrangement in Melaka is between BN, led by Umno, and PN, with PAS playing a central role in the cooperation.


The partnership follows the August 1 Negeri Sembilan state election, where BN and PN agreed not to contest against each other, allowing supporters of either coalition to back a common candidate.

BN won 18 of the 36 seats, while PN secured seven, giving the two coalitions a combined 25 seats and a two-thirds majority in the state assembly. PH, which previously governed the state, was reduced to 11 seats.


The result marked the first electoral success for their cooperation, prompting both coalitions to extend the arrangement to Melaka.

The understanding has since taken shape under the name Muafakat Melaka, bringing together BN, PN and non-governmental organisations in an effort to consolidate support ahead of the election.

Under the seat-sharing arrangement, BN has announced 23 candidates, comprising 18 from Umno, four from MCA and one from MIC.

PN, meanwhile, has named five candidates — two each from PAS and Parti Wawasan Negara, and one from Gerakan.

The arrangement effectively puts Umno and PAS on the same electoral side, allowing both parties to avoid splitting the Malay vote by fielding competing candidates.

It also marks a shift from previous elections, when the two parties contested against each other despite their earlier cooperation under Muafakat Nasional.

For BN, the partnership allows it to retain a larger share of constituencies while benefiting from PAS’ support among conservative Malay voters. For PN, it offers a chance to contest without facing Umno candidates in the same seats.

PH-Bersatu: Allies or rivals?

On the other side, PH has been exploring an electoral understanding with Bersatu under what has been described as PH Plus, although both sides remain at odds over several constituencies.

The discussions emerged amid Bersatu’s deteriorating relationship with its PN partners, particularly PAS, following disagreements over leadership, internal decision-making and electoral cooperation.

Those tensions became more apparent during the Negeri Sembilan election, when Bersatu contested independently rather than joining PN’s seat-sharing arrangement with BN.

Although still associated with PN, Bersatu was excluded from the BN-PN electoral understanding and lost all 24 seats it contested, weakening its electoral position.

Against this backdrop, PH began exploring the possibility of working with Bersatu in Melaka.

On September 19, Melaka PH chairman Adly Zahari confirmed that negotiations were being held with parties sharing similar aspirations, including Bersatu, following a decision by the PH Presidential Council to explore wider cooperation.

PH election director Datuk Seri Amirudin Shari subsequently described PH Plus as an electoral understanding rather than a new political coalition, suggesting that any cooperation would be limited to elections rather than a permanent alliance.

Speculation about closer ties gained further attention after Bersatu president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and several opposition MPs signed a confidence and supply agreement (CSA) with the federal government on October 29, committing to support Budget 2027.

The agreement also provides for constituency development allocations for Bersatu MPs equivalent to those received by government backbenchers, alongside proposals for institutional reforms.

While the agreement was seen as a possible thaw in relations between Bersatu and the PH-led government, Muhyiddin stressed that it had nothing to do with an electoral pact for the Melaka polls.

Despite the talks and the CSA signing, Bersatu announced eight candidates on Thursday, including four in constituencies also being contested by PH.

The four seats are Klebang, Gadek, Ayer Keroh and Pengkalan Batu.

Bersatu will face PKR in Klebang, while its candidates will go up against DAP in Gadek, Ayer Keroh and Pengkalan Batu.

It will also face PN candidates in Ayer Keroh and Bemban, further highlighting divisions between the former allies.

Bersatu secretary-general Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali described the overlapping contests as healthy competition, saying each party had its own considerations when deciding which seats to contest.

He said Bersatu had decided to defend its seats in Sungai Udang and Bemban while targeting other constituencies where it believed it had a chance of winning.

Bersatu has also confirmed that it will use its own party logo in the election.

PH, meanwhile, has expanded its original allocation from 21 to 24 seats, with PKR contesting 10 and DAP and Amanah seven each.

The overlapping contests underline the limits of the proposed PH Plus arrangement, raising questions about how the two sides could reconcile their competing interests should their candidates win seats.

For now, PH and Bersatu appear to be exploring cooperation at a broader political level without a fully coordinated electoral pact in Melaka.

What is at stake in Melaka?

The last Melaka state election in 2021 saw BN secure a commanding victory, winning 21 of the 28 seats, while PH won five and PN two.

However, the state’s federal parliamentary representation paints a different picture.

Of the six parliamentary constituencies covering Melaka, PH and PN each hold three seats, while BN has none.

The contrast highlights the different levels of support enjoyed by the political groupings and the stakes involved in the coming contest.

For BN and PN, the election will test whether their cooperation can translate into stronger support at state level and replicate their success in Negeri Sembilan.

For PH, it presents an opportunity to regain ground after setbacks in recent state elections, while testing whether closer ties with Bersatu could improve its appeal among Malay voters.

Bersatu, meanwhile, faces the challenge of rebuilding its electoral fortunes after its poor showing in Negeri Sembilan, even as it navigates its strained relationship with PN and its tentative understanding with PH.

Analyst predicts commanding BN-PN victory

Political analyst and Nusantara Strategic Research Academy senior fellow Professor Azmi Hassan believes the BN-PN partnership is likely to secure an overwhelming victory, drawing comparisons with the recent elections in Johor and Negeri Sembilan.

He said Malay voters who had previously distanced themselves from PAS or Umno could return in greater numbers now that the two parties were no longer competing against each other.

“Malay voters who previously distanced themselves from PAS or Umno will now come out in droves to support this cooperation. Given that scenario, I think it will be an overwhelming victory for Barisan Nasional and Perikatan Nasional,” he told Malay Mail.

Azmi pointed to voting patterns in Johor and, more notably, Negeri Sembilan, where there were indications that PAS supporters had backed Umno candidates in constituencies where the two parties were not competing against each other.

However, he questioned Bersatu’s decision to contest four constituencies against PH despite ongoing discussions between the two sides.

“It’s very odd that Bersatu remains adamant about contesting the four seats where Pakatan Harapan is also fielding candidates,” he said.

Azmi suggested PH could be using the proposed cooperation to test whether Bersatu could help attract Malay voters to its candidates, particularly those from DAP.

“But again, I think Pakatan is testing the waters to see whether cooperation with Bersatu could help attract Malay voters to Pakatan candidates, particularly those from DAP,” he added.

Ultimately, the Melaka election will test whether the BN-PN partnership can repeat its Negeri Sembilan success, while offering an indication of whether PH’s efforts to widen its electoral cooperation can help it regain ground among Malay voters.

Pakatan wants 18 seats in Melaka, and to keep the five it already has






Pakatan wants 18 seats in Melaka, and to keep the five it already has



Pakatan Harapan candidate for the Tanjung Bidara state seat, Mohd Yunazri Mustamiri (second left), arrives at the nomination centre in Dewan Datuk Kapt (Rtd) Ab Karim for the 16th Melaka State Election October 31, 2026 — Bernama pic



First Published: Saturday, 31 Oct 2026 8:42 AM MYT


MELAKA, Oct 31 — Pakatan Harapan (PH) is targeting victory in 18 of the 24 seats it will contest in the Melaka state election, including retaining the five seats it previously won.

Melaka PH chairman Adly Zahari said the target was based on an assessment of the coalition’s machinery strength, candidates’ capabilities and the level of public acceptance in the areas it will contest.

“Our target from the outset has been 18 state seats. So, we know that we have the capability to win these 18 seats while working to retain the five seats we currently hold,” he told reporters after the Melaka Media Practitioners’ Hi-Tea in Ayer Keroh here yesterday.

Melaka PKR acting chairman Adam Adli Abd Halim was also present.


Adly, who is the Bukit Katil incumbent and Deputy Defence Minister, said that of the 24 PH candidates, 10 are from PKR, and seven each from Amanah and DAP.

The Election Commission has set November 14 as polling day for the Melaka state election, with nomination day on October 31 and early voting on November 10.

For the latest news on the 16th Melaka State Election, visit https://election.bernama.com/prn/melaka/2026/. — Bernama

Friday, October 30, 2026

Trump’s foreign policy, from Ukraine to Iran, raised fears of world war three

 


Trump’s foreign policy, from Ukraine to Iran, raised fears of world war three. Americans are about to have their say

Voters who backed the US president in the last election are saying they can’t vote for him today: ‘This is an abomination’

Outside the Ukrainian educational and cultural center in a quiet Pennsylvania suburb of Jenkintown, on the outskirts of Philadelphia, a banner expressed unqualified gratitude: “Thank you USA for supporting Ukraine.”

Inside, however, the sentiment was altogether different. Irene Skulsky, a retired teacher in her late 70s, voiced indignation at Donald Trump’s sudden turn against her ancestral homeland, which she believed had come close to killing her son, Darko, and a desire to punish his fellow Republicans at next week’s midterm elections.

“When we vote, we have to vote with Ukraine in our hearts,” she told her fellow retirees, gathered to hear a presentation by the Daughters of Knyahynya, a women’s group delivering military equipment to Ukrainian special forces on the frontline. “I know many people here are Republicans, but we can’t go according to party lines now. Ukraine needs us. They need our support. We need to shift the balance of power in Congress and in the Senate.”

Days earlier, Skulsky told fellow members at a meeting of the Ukrainian American Senior Citizens Association, Darko had been sitting in traffic en route to work in Kyiv when Russian drone missiles slammed into five cars immediately ahead of him.

There had been no prior alert, allegedly as a result of a decision by Washington to suspend its intelligence-sharing arrangement with Ukraine that has acted as an early warning system against missiles attacks since Russia invaded in February 2022.

In recent weeks, Trump – who pledged during his victorious 2024 presidential election campaign to end the Russia-Ukraine conflict within 24 hours of returning to office – appears to have abandoned Ukraine.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Donald Trump during a meeting on the sidelines of the 81st United Nations general assembly in New York City, on 22 September. Photograph: Brendan Smialowski/AFP/Getty Images

He struck a deal with the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, to buy nearly 5m tonnes of diesel, overriding US sanctions on Moscow. He called on Ukrainians to replace the country’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy. His administration was accused of throttling the Ukrainian military’s access to the Starlink satellite internet service.

And while the Trump administration denied that it had stopped sharing intelligence this month, as relations with Ukraine nose-dived, Zelenskyy has said his country received no advance warning from US intelligence networks of two Russian missile attack waves.

Darko escaped injury, but several people in the vehicles in front were killed in the strikes, according to Skulsky. Her frustration spilled over to include Trump’s fellow Republicans, whom she said were “selling our souls” rather than standing up to the president.

“Republicans are afraid of Trump,” she said. “They’re afraid to lose their position. I think their heart is with Ukraine, but they’s sitting on their hands.”

Many American Ukrainians will express their outrage at the polls on 3 November, according to Eugene Luciw, a retired lawyer and local representative of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, an advocacy group.

“For [American] Ukrainians, I believe foreign policy is unquestionably the No 1 issue,” he said. “But I think even the average American without the added affinity of a homeland in Europe is going to see foreign policy as a very important issue.

“It’s beginning to reach people’s minds and hearts that something very important is brewing in Europe. If Ukraine loses this war, we have the beginnings of world war three.”


The most recent Ukraine development is the latest in a trio of Trump foreign policy decisions with the potential to hurt Republicans when Americans head to the polls next week.

More relevant to voters’ living costs – a key issue in this election, according to polls – has been Trump’s protracted war with Iran, and his determination to impose tariffs on imports from much of the world.

The Iran war, launched with Israel in February, shows no signs of ending despite Trump’s early claims that it would be a short-term “excursion” certain to end in the “unconditional surrender” of Tehran’s Islamic regime.

Instead, Trump has reportedly drawn up plans to launch renewed strikes against Iran after the midterms as he seeks to break Iran’s grip on the strait of Hormuz, an energy choke point that was the conduit for one-fifth of the world’s energy supplies before the Tehran regime closed it in response to being attacked.

Gas and diesel prices at a Chevron gas station on 14 August in Fort Stockton, Texas. Photograph: Brandon Bell/Getty Images

The strait’s closure has resulted in soaring global oil prices, which have been passed on to US consumers in the form of higher prices for petrol and diesel, which is vital for supply chains and US farmers.

Polls have consistently shown voters’ disapproval of Trump’s handling of the war, and his management of the economy and inflation. Roughly 70% are now critical of both, according to a recent AP-Norc survey.

The war’s economic impact has compounded the inflationary effects of Trump’s tariffs, which has affected the prices of consumer goods and increased costs for manufacturers by increasing the costs of imported raw materials such as steel, copper and aluminum.

The tariff regime has also strained Washington’s relations with once-close allies – perhaps most visibly with Canada, the US’s second-biggest trading partner. Ties between the two neighbors plunged to a new low in August following the collapse of bilateral trade talks.

Following the collapse, the Trump administration imposed tariffs on $20bn of Canadian imports – including cars, forestry and dairy produce – triggering a retaliatory tit-for-tat response from Canada’s government, led by the prime minister, Mark Carney. In Michigan, which shares a border with Canada, even Republican Senate candidate Mike Rogers released an ad calling on Trump to end the trade war and declared: “Canada is not our enemy.”

Trump has articulated his vision with characteristic bullishness. After January’s US attack on Venezuela, during which it ousted the country’s president, Nicolás Maduro, he dubbed his strategy the “Donroe doctrine” – a play on the Monroe doctrine, named after the 19th US president, which states that the western hemisphere should be Washington’s exclusive domain.

He bragged about extracting Venezuela’s oil resources and fantasized about making the country “the 51st state” in a speech this week in Corpus Christi, Texas, during which he showed off a tanker he claimed was carrying 1m barrels of oil and repeated a phrase – “to the victors belong the spoils” – that startled foreign leaders when he first uttered it at last month’s gathering of the United Nations general assembly.

There are fears that his neo-imperialist instincts could be applied after the midterms to Cuba, where he has repeatedly pledged to topple the communist regime that has ruled for the past 67 years.

Meanwhile, Trump’s fixation with autocratic leaders has been extended to China’s president, Xi Jinping. Having already met Xi at a summit in Beijing this year before hosting him at the White House, Trump will go to China again next month to meet the Chinese leader.

On a range of issues, he has shown disdain for diplomatic niceties – dispensing with seasoned diplomats to instead rely on Steve Witkoff, a real estate investor and attorney with no background in foreign policy, and Jared Kushner, his businessman son-in-law, as negotiators over matters as intricate as Iran, Gaza and Ukraine.

From left, Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff and Volodymyr Zelenskyy after a joint news conference, amid Russia’s attack on Ukraine, in Kyiv, Ukraine, on 6 September. Photograph: Valentyn Ogirenko/Reuters

Yet Trump’s latest Ukraine turn carries special resonance, not least because it risks a dramatic rupture with Washington’s European Nato allies, who are heavily invested in Kyiv’s protection as a first line of defence.

It has highlighted once again Trump’s complex relationship with Putin, an autocratic leader for whom he has repeatedly voiced admiration. It is also a reminder of Trump’s failure to live up to his frequently expressed vow to swiftly end the Ukraine war during the 2024 presidential election campaign.

Trump has blown hot and cold towards Zelenskyy. At an explosive White House meeting in February 2025, he told the Ukrainian leader “you don’t have the cards” – but with a peace deal on terms acceptable to Russia seeming ever more distant, relations seemed to thaw, with Trump even publicly mooting giving Ukraine a license to build its own Patriot missiles.

In recent weeks, however, Trump appears to have definitively ditched the US’s putative ally and sided with Putin.

Economists argue that the volume of diesel covered by his deal with Moscow is too insignificant to reduce diesel prices, which have been inflated mainly by the effects of the Iran war, rather than by the actions of Ukraine.

Witkoff, Trump’s envoy, caused further consternation by praising Putin as a “humanitarian” after the Russian president agreed to release a 74-year-old US citizen, Stephen Hubbard, whom Russia had imprisoned for several years after falsely accusing him of fighting for Ukraine.

The Russia-friendly moves have stunned Ukrainian Americans, many of whom have pro-Republican sympathies dating back to the cold war, when staunchly anti-communist presidents like Ronald Reagan were seen as champions of self-determination for the constituent, so-called “captive nations” that comprised the Soviet Union, which included Ukraine.

“We are befuddled and upset by what’s going on,” said Andrij Chornodolsky, chair of the senior citizens association, who urged his fellow members to call the White House and leave comments criticizing the recent policy moves. “How can you be doing this to us?”

The US is “helping a country that wants to subjugate Ukraine back into a new empire, the Russian empire”, added Chornodolsky, who was equally angry with Republicans who have failed to criticize Trump over his abandonment of Ukraine.

“What are the comments coming out of Congress?” he said. “Silence speaks very loudly. If you do nothing, you agree with the person making the pronouncements.”


There are about 60,000 people of Ukrainian descent in Philadelphia’s metropolitan area, the second-largest such ethnic population in the US after New York. From 105,000 to 122,000 people are estimated to claim Ukrainian ancestry throughout Pennsylvania.

Peter and Orysia Hewuka, long-term Republicans who had both previously voted for Trump, said they were likely to vote for a local Democrat because of Ukraine, even though it represented a psychological hurdle.

“I am very hesitant to vote Democrat. I’m a lifelong Republican,” said Peter, 88, a retired nuclear physicist. “But I can’t vote for people who support what Trump is doing. The Republican party has left us, we haven’t left the Republican party.

“It’s very difficult for me and for a lot of Ukrainian Americans to vote for the Republican party based on what they’ve been doing in the past months.”

Luciw, of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, said even Trump’s diehard supporters in the Ukrainian community had been alienated by the diesel deal with Putin.

Donald Trump departs a campaign rally at Ohio University Chillicothe on 28 October. Photograph: Mark Schiefelbein/AP

“From my interactions on social media and elsewhere, I would say more than 75% of those who supported him have now abandoned him because it’s now clear where this is headed,” said Luciw, 68, who described himself as a Reagan Republican, but now also intends to vote Democrat.

“Until the last few weeks, there was a hope that Trump’s swinging back-and-forth on Ukraine was a kind of negotiation … that maybe he would come to terms with things because it looked liked Ukraine was going to win and he would support a winner,” he said. “But the diesel deal reversed all that.”

Mykola Hryckowian, director of the Center for US-Ukrainian Relations, said he voted for Trump three times and been active in an ad hoc group called Ukrainian Americans for Trump – but has since severed his last vestiges of support.

“I went to the polling booth in the last election not knowing who to vote for, thinking I might write in Zelenskyy, but in the end voted for Trump, because I couldn’t vote for Kamala Harris,” he recalled. “Today, I could not vote for Trump.

“But a lot of my colleagues [on the committee] were very staunch, holding onto Trump until the very end. But in these last two weeks, they have turned around and said: ‘This is an abomination’.”


Not all Ukrainians are surprised by Trump’s actions. Mark Andryczyk, a Ukrainian studies scholar at Columbia University and board member of the Ukrainian League of Philadelphia – a cultural group that hosts performances by writers and musicians from the country – said the president’s actions were predictable.

“I never thought Trump would be a good idea for Ukraine,” he said. “You just have to look at how happy Russia was each time he was elected.”

“All his information on the war is basically Russian talking points,” added Andryczyk. “I can’t imagine why anybody would think he was pulling for Ukraine. Perhaps people somehow thought that he wouldn’t be doing this. I would think that their eyes are open now.”

A clear-eyed view of Trump’s foreign policy could reap an electoral whirlwind for Trump’s Republican allies on 3 November, with the pocket-book effects of his tariffs and the war on Iran looming large as voters head to the polls.

Yet such an outcome could be a double-edged sword. Should Trump become hemmed in at home by a Democrat-controlled Congress in the final two years of his presidency, where better to assert his power than the rest of the world?